AND MORAL SENTIMENT
p Morality is formed of moral consciousness and moral sentiment; it would be inconceivable without governing the emotional sphere. But in order to govern his feelings, desires and interests, the individual must initially apprehend them. This is not always a simple task, especially if one moves from strictly personal to social and class interests and feelings. The class feeling must develop into the class consciousness [29•1 ; its high level is assured by a certain sum of knowledge achieved by means of education.
p Socialist consciousness was introduced into the workers’ movement by the intelligentsia. Marxist political education revealed to the proletariat its authentic class interests and its historical role in the liberation of society as a whole from all forms of exploitation. Proletarians, in mastering the scientific conclusions concerning the development of society, recognized themselves not only as fighters for their individual interests or the interests of their collective alone, but as fighters for their class interests, for socialism and for a better future for all mankind. This consciousness morally elevated the proletariat to the level of heroic achievements. Thus scientific knowledge became a moral factor..This occurred, no doubt, not independently, but rather because knowledge merged. with moral sentiment and gave the latter form and direction.
30p The effectiveness of one’s intentions depends on his character, on his moral strengths (conscience, will, etc.). If the individual is lacking in these, he, though possessed of the highest principles and the best intentions, will be incapable in difficult situations of acting in an authentically moral fashion. However moral strengths of themselves are not goaloriented—only through focusing them upon moral goals do they become precise and definite.
p If an individual is wholly lacking in conscience (there exist such pathological cases) no appeals to his conscience will have effect. But since conscience in and of itself is only a moral strength or a form of moral consciousness, and since form must also have content, the determining factor is that of the content given to this form, that which the individual considers to be compatible or incompatible with his conscience. "The Republican has a different conscience than that of the Royalist, the rich—than that of the poor, the thinker—than that of he who is incapable of thought.” [30•1 But as soon as we turn to the content of conscience, we are forced to consider not only feelings but also reason. It would seem that the conscience of a patriot would not permit him to hope for the defeat of his homeland. But Leninists in the period of the imperialist war were “defeatists”: their patriotism was socialistic. This was dictated not by feelings alone, but to no less a degree by a scientific understanding of the requirements of the moment: the defeat of Russia in the imperialist war would weaken the position of the autocracy and bring nearer its collapse and the victory of the working class. It follows from a scientific approach to morality that a refusal to comprehend the objective situation in and of itself must be considered unconscionable. Only a scientific approach permits the discovery of authentic truth. And where is conscience left if bereft of a persistent striving towards and uncompromizing respect for the truth?
p Quite the same may be said for the other moral strengths: there can be no morality without simple compassion, honour and will. However one can feel compassion for different people, honour can be understood in many ways, the will can be employed to achieve a wide range of goals.
p Then there is a degree of interaction between feelings and reason: knowledge influences the feelings and moral forces not only in that it gives rational definition to their content. The 31 personality is moulded as a result of the assimilation of experience and consequently of knowledge. His moral strengths are being foi.nulated simultaneously. Thorough knowledge, by engendering decisiveness, consolidates the will. If an individual recognizes the baneful consequences of his action he will perhaps judge himself severely and his conscience will become more penetrating.
p Reliance upon the feelings in disregard of reason, the neglect of knowledge and understanding in asserting faith—these are the typical features of all forms of- irrationalism, which reached its apogee under fascism. The fascist idea of a "superior race" shared no common ground with science. Hitler, providing the foundations for his views, referred not to science out to the "will of Providence”, to the “creator” and so on. The Hitlerian method consisted of the influencing feelings, hypnotizing people and suppressing their ability to take a critical stance towards reality, thus evoking in them "the general will”.
p Some opponents of the connection between science and morality observe that the nazis also employed science, and even call them enlightened people. Indeed, it is difficult to accept as enlightenment the dissemination of fascist theories and the methods employed by Hitler of "evoking the general will”. This is not enlightenment, but rather the most flagrant obscurantism. The example provided by fascism in fact confirms the existing ties between science and morality. Correspondingly it confirms the connection between antiscientific sentiment, irrationalism and immorality.
Appeals to reason, understanding and science stand in opposition to all forms of irrationalism. It was precisely for this purpose that the human being was given a reason, this is what makes him specifically human, namely, that he not succumb to emotions alone, but rather act in accordance with the dictates of his heart and his reason. Science and reason must not be exploited simply as means for the achievement of goals determined independently of them. But general goals and moral principles themselves must be submitted to critical examination in the scientific spirit and must find support in a scientific understanding of social life.
Notes
[29•1] This (class, revolutionary—A. A.) instinct must be transformed into political awareness”, wrote Lenin. (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 24, p. 268.)
[30•1] K. Marx, F. Engels, Werke, Ed. 6, S. 130.