p In conclusion, one can point to the high variety and complexity of the many aspects of the inter-imperialist struggle at the present stage in the development of statemonopoly capitalism. This struggle results from the internal contradictions of imperialism and the effect of the contest between the two world systems, the bitter conflict of the centrifugal tendencies in the capitalist world and the specific national and state interests of individual capitalist countries, the achievements of scientific and technological progress and the limitations imposed on the practical opportunities for using them, the upsurge in the international workers’ and national liberation movements and the restrictions of imperialism’s foreign policy strategy vis-d-vis the young states.

p Analysis of the processes we have reviewed shows that the changes in the economics of modern capitalism, the appearance of new forms of the international division of labour and the increasing internationalisation of productive forces and economic life do not eliminate the contradictions between the capitalist countries, and, in some instances, become the basis for new antagonisms. As in the past, the unevenness of these countries’ economic and political development acts as an important factor in deepening the contradictions between them. The struggle between the two world systems inevitably results in the increased consolidation of imperialism’s forces, which is taking place mainly in the military and 299 political spheres and to a lesser extent in economics. There has been an increase in the significance of economic rivalry in the total system of inter-imperialist contradictions over the past decade. It can be concluded that the struggle between the imperialist powers for the redistribution of spheres of domination and foreign markets is not weakening, is of a highly varied nature, is taking on new features and directions and is increasingly coming to involve the former colonial and dependent countries.

p The disagreements between the Western powers in the developing countries are not temporary, chance episodes. They have definite historical roots. The inter-imperialist contradictions over colonial matters intensified during the war and throughout the postwar years, which brought about the further development of these contradictions in the newly independent countries.

p The collapse of the colonial regimes spurred on the antagonism between the class interests of the monopolist bourgeoisie as a whole and the selfish interests of individual sections of it. Before the downfall of the colonial empires the metropolises exercised undisputed control in the dependent territories and the unevenness of the development and the consequent change in the balance of forces within the imperialist camp did not have any great effect on their position in the colonies. But once the colonial barriers were down, a completely different situation emerged.

p The community of their class aims forces the imperialists into a certain unity of action vis-d-vis the young states. This unity is helped by the policy of neo-colonialism. Yet in today’s conditions neo-colonialism itself has come to be a factor in deepening the inter-imperialist contradictions. In practically all its aspects a policy of neo-colonialism is defending, above all, the interests of a specific imperialist power. For the former metropolises neo-colonialism is a means of preserving their positions in the former colonies; for their imperialist competitors it is an instrument for the redistribution of spheres of influence. The differences between their short-term aims generate contradictions and rivalry.

p Analysis of the policies of the imperialist powers towards the developing countries of Africa leads one to conclude 300 that the tendency towards concerted action is making no further progress. The principle of one’s own benefit is beginning to play a more and more active role. The removal of opportunities for capitalism to rely in the course of its development on the colonial rule of the metropolises, and the gradual loss by the metropolises of the means determining the main directions of the former colonies’ economic and political life are encouraging the centrifugal tendencies in the imperialist camp. This aggravates the inter-imperialist struggle in the liberated countries for the redivision of old spheres of influence and the seizure of new ones.

p An ineradicable antagonism can, thus, be clearly seen in the imperialist powers’ relations in Africa between the common foreign policy strategy that they are trying to employ vis-d-vis the young states and the specific national and state interests that throw the imperialists into disarray.

p One can also conclude from this study that, in addition to the imperialist powers’ economic competition, their rivalry for decisive political and ideological influence in the liberated countries is also on the increase. This is a new development and is brought about by a number of circumstances. Firstly, in modern conditions military methods of struggle with a competitor are giving way to political means. Secondly, the changed situation in many newly independent countries makes the attainment of economic goals directly dependent on political and ideological influence. And, thirdly, imperialism’s gradual loss of opportunities for really preventing the national liberation movement from developing towards socialism gives rise to mutual distrust between the imperialists and a lack of confidence in the effectiveness of an ally’s counter-measures.

p An examination of the evolution of the inter-imperialist contradictions in the liberated African countries allows one to infer that, with all the various combinations of competing forces and the host of bilateral and multilateral disagreements, these contradictions can still, to a certain extent, be reduced to the question of relations between the USA and Western Europe. The sixties showed that the situation that had developed in Europe and the whole world had caused a deepening of the imperialist antagonisms between the USA and the West European states and a fall in US prestige and 301 influence. Moreover, these tendencies were of a long-term kind. In addition, unlike the early postwar period, when American imperialism reigned supreme in the capitalist world, the sixties saw the relatively clear emergence of a number of new imperialist economic and political centres. They were the EEC grouping, France with her system of Franco-African agreements, Britain, still maintaining the Commonwealth of Nations, and Japan. These centres each have very different policies towards Africa, but, to varying extents, they are all in competition with the USA.

p When evaluating the outlook for the inter-imperialist contradictions in Africa, it is necessary to take full account of the effect that the situation in Africa itself has on them. The growth of unity among the African countries, based on their common interests in the struggle with imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism, acts as a factor which limits the inter-imperialist contradictions. However, the antiimperialist tendencies that objectively exist in all African countries, irrespective of the path of social and economic development that they have selected, are as yet developing very slowly. During the seventies the internal and foreignpolicy instability that is inherent in most African countries will probably remain, and this may give the imperialist powers more scope for manoeuvre.

p At the same time, one must not lose sight of another important circumstance—the steady reduction of imperialism’s sphere of influence in Africa. The number of countries with a socialist orientation is growing. Many African governments are taking measures to limit the activities of foreign capital. And, most important of all, the idea of a non- capitalist course of development is finding broad and increasing support in public opinion. In this situation the imperialist powers, while adhering to a single strategy vis-d-vis the young states, are, nevertheless, employing different tactics. They often try to uphold their own interests at the expense of one of their capitalist partners. To varying degrees, this factor influences inter-imperialist relations in Africa and helps to deepen the contradictions.

p It can be safely concluded from the results of this study that the liberated countries of Africa are currently being given a real opportunity to take advantage of the 302 intensifying battle between the imperialist powers for economic positions, investment spheres and political influence in the continent. Imperialism is already making definite economic concessions to these countries. It is being driven to this by the pressure of the national democratic forces, the rivalry of competitors and also the need to give some assistance to the development of the young states’ economies in order to strengthen its own position in them. The use of the interimperialist contradictions by the liberated countries is also made easier by the vital fact that their political, socioeconomic and cultural foundations are being laid within the framework of total world development, in the context of the struggle between the two world systems and the further activation of the anti-imperialist and national liberation movements, and with the help and support of the Soviet Union.

p The Directives of the 24th CPSU Congress for the FiveYear Plan for the USSR’s Economic Development in 1971- 75 state: "Development of stable external economic, scientific and technological ties with developing Asian, African and Latin American countries shall be continued on terms of mutual benefit and in the interest of strengthening their economic independence.”^^1^^

p A number of African states are already taking advantage of the competitive struggle between the imperialist powers, especially as regards the granting of loans, credits or various kinds of “aid”. The fear of being overtaken by a rival often causes capitalist governments and monopolies to make concessions to the young states. The further change in the world’s balance of forces in favour of socialism will create even more varied possibilities in this direction.

p What is the outlook for the further evolution of the interimperialist contradictions in the developing countries of Africa? It is impossible to give a simple answer to this question, just as it is impossible to provide for all the possible combinations of internal and external factors that may affect the development of centripetal and centrifugal tendencies within the imperialist camp. Nevertheless, the study does permit of a few observations.

p There is every indication that the relations between the former metropolises (France, Britain and Belgium) and the 303 main pretenders to their succession (the USA, the FRG and Japan) will continue, in the foreseeable future, to be the principal cluster of inter-imperialist contradictions in the liberated countries of Africa. This contradiction will develop in conjunction with numerous bilateral contradictions—- between Britain and France, the FRG and the USA, and so on. One can clearly expect the bitterest battle to be that between the USA and the Common Market grouping, with the main accent on the contradictions between the USA and France.

p Three groups of countries are most likely to be the centres of particularly fierce rivalry and competition: (1) those possessing reserves of scarce raw materials, (2) those occupying key positions politically and (3) those having strategic importance. In the countries with a socialist orientation, unlike those that have chosen the capitalist path of development, the inter-imperialist struggle will take place in muted and concealed forms.

p In the seventies economic problems will continue to dominate the total complex of competition and rivalry between the imperialist powers. There will be more energetic attempts to redistribute Africa economically.

p Among the means for economic expansion, the export of private capital will play a sharply increased role. This conclusion is supported by the importance of its new functions and also by the fact that the main imperialist powers intend to step up investment in Africa during the seventies and are now taking organisational measures accordingly. The importance of imperialist “aid” among the means of inter-imperialist struggle will clearly diminish. This arises from the monetary troubles of the “donors”, as well as from their disillusionment with the results achieved so far. The contradictions over trade in Africa will probably intensify during the seventies, since the sales problem is growing progressively worse in the imperialist states and the African market, albeit somewhat limited, will retain its importance for capitalist exporters.

p Nor will the imperialist powers’ struggle for African sources of raw materials slacken throughout the seventies. A number of factors will see to that. Although the relative reduction in the consumption of natural raw materials will continue, the demand for them in absolute terms will 304 increase as a result of the expansion of production and the energy crisis. This applies particularly to those countries which have no raw material deposits or whose deposits are exhausted. There will undoubtedly be a further and, clearly, even more rapid growth in the new industries— the atomic industry, the aerospace industry, electronics, the petrochemical industry and so on. This will raise the demand for raw materials from Africa—rare-earth and nonferrous metals, oil, etc. Further measures by African governments to limit the activities of foreign capital will help to intensify the monopolies’ struggle over raw material sources. The ousting of capitalist monopolies will increase their competition on shrinking ground.

p One of the principal objects of the inter-imperialist contradictions in Africa during the seventies will, as might be expected, be the cluster of problems connected with the processes of economic integration. Determined as they are by the world capitalist economy and the world economy as a whole, these processes will continue to develop in Africa. The principle of integration will remain a bone of contention. Clearly, the former metropolises will continue to champion the idea of regional co-operation merely within the bounds of their former colonial possessions. Their competitors will not reject the possibility of sub-regional or mixed groupings in which Britain and France would be deprived of decisive influence.

p The outlook for the imperialist powers’ rivalry over political influence in the liberated countries of Africa depends on many factors—the evolution of the relations between these powers, the level of the African peoples’ antiimperialist struggle and the nature of the development of the main contradiction of the times, that between the two world systems. Consequently, it is only possible to assess those tendencies whose long-term nature has been basically established.

p In the seventies we can expect a further intensification in the rivalry in the countries of French-speaking Africa between the USA and France. The catalyst will be the USA’s growing interest in these countries on the economic and trade level, which is also inevitably bound up with the struggle for political influence. There will, on the whole, be 305 no weakening in the rivalry between the imperialist powers for supremacy in control over the training of national personnel and over the army, the trade union movement and the mass media.

p Examination of the tendencies, practical measures and long-term plans for the main imperialist powers’ ideological expansion in Africa leads one to conclude that in the seventies their relations in this respect will be feeling the growing effect of the ideological struggle between the two world systems.

p As the Marxist-Leninist ideology makes ever greater headway in the developing countries—an irreversible process—and bourgeois ideology is forced to retreat, the imperialist powers will be faced by the increasingly acute problem of whether to defend their shrinking ideological preserves jointly or in isolation. It is impossible to say that the tendency towards joint action will unquestionably triumph. Therefore, one can also expect individual Western states to take independent steps in the ideological sphere and seek compromises with the new social forces. This, in turn, will generate new forms of inter-imperialist rivalry. In fact, the common foreign policy strategy of imperialism and individual imperialist states and groupings vis-d-vis the young states is already stretched to the limit in Africa.

Examination of the various aspects, evolution and prospects of the inter-imperialist struggle in the developing countries ultimately shows that this struggle too is a manifestation of imperialism’s wish to adapt to modern circumstances and to prolong its existence. This is why the forms of conflict are constantly changing and the competing forces are always regrouping. Bitter disagreements and political and diplomatic clashes alternate with the imperialist powers’ unity of action against the peoples of the liberated countries. However, imperialism is powerless to regain the historical initiative that it has lost, just as it is unable to rid itself of the internal and external contradictions that are inherent in capitalist society. They will disappear only with the death of capitalism itself.