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p Each of the three torrents of the world revolutionary process contributes to the development of the world revolution. On the international level this interaction of the revolutionary torrents and their struggle against the common enemy is also expressed in the foreign policy pursued by the revolutionary contingents standing at the helm of power or still fighting for power.

p The principles of socialist foreign policy formulated by Lenin are an inseparable part of the theory of socialist revolution. For more than half a century the course of events has been more and more fully showing the historic significance of the Leninist foreign policy as a major factor of present-day social development. Even many bourgeois politicians, diplomatists and statesmen now admit that socialist foreign policy, above all the foreign policy of the Soviet Union, is a powerful ferment and factor exercising a growing influence on world development. This, they acknowledge, is precisely the policy that enables the peoples living in the imperialist camp and the developing countries to go over to the road of new social development much more quickly and with the least sacrifice.

p It is not a simple matter to lay bare the objective laws of social development, because in most cases the essence of 332 a social phenomenon or process does not clearly reveal itself at once and is sometimes seen in a distorted light or as a trend. Actually, international relations and foreign policy are mediated by numerous factors, to say nothing of their deliberate distortion by secret diplomacy and bourgeois politicians and ideologists in the capitalist world. Socialist foreign policy draws its strength precisely from the fact that it skilfully brings to light deep-rooted historical factors, unveils the laws of the epoch, correctly determines the situation and combines a world-historic view with an examination of concrete circumstances.

p This scientific approach makes it possible to determine the alignment of all forces correctly. Thanks to it the Communist parties are able to map out the basic line, the fundamental orientation of their policy, which takes the operation of the objective laws of history into account and helps to speed up the historical process and the advance of socialism throughout the world.

p As everybody knows, foreign policy is both a science and an art. To it we can fully apply Lenin’s words that “politics is more like algebra than arithmetic, and still more like higher than elementary mathematics”.  [332•*  The success of the Communist Party’s foreign policy is predetermined by and presupposes qualities such as flexibility, manoeuvrability, and ability to use the situation in the camp of the enemy, in short, to use every possibility for speeding up the advance towards the set goal.

p Lenin was always careful to point out that Communists are by no means indifferent to the way their basic problems are settled. Like the aim, their method and means must be clean in conformity with their teaching and the ultimate objective—communism. The struggle for the triumph of the Communist Party’s foreign policy line therefore presupposes a struggle over foreign policy issues with the opportunists, because it is only by exposing and defeating their hostile and erroneous views that Leninist principles can be consolidated in theory and in practice. This is the only way to untangle the most complicated international problems and find the realistic way to settling them. Realism, initiative and the 333 ability to see the new are the prime features of the Leninist foreign policy of socialism.

p The Leninist foreign policy of the Communist parties calls for resolute support for the struggle of the peoples for independence, freedom and democracy, against monopoly rule. It strengthens the political supremacy of the socialist countries over the capitalist powers and helps to create external international conditions for the victory of socialist revolutions.

p The destiny of the world revolution and of the revolutionary movement in the various countries is closely linked with the foreign policy of the socialist countries. The general revolutionary struggle that leads also to the fulfilment of national tasks, only gains when the -struggle of the Communists in the capitalist countries is combined with the foreign policy actions of the socialist camp to paralyse imperialism’s global strategy aimed against all the progressive forces in the world. This gives expression to the revolutionary dialectics of our time.

p The Leninist foreign policy helps the Communist parties and the peoples to understand their community of basic interests and induces them to act in close unity. This internationalist alliance makes it possible to safeguard the existence of the socialist countries, which have to wage an unremitting economic, political, ideological and foreign policy struggle against powerful imperialist states. This policy is vital to the close economic alliance of the socialist countries, without which it would have been difficult to secure the further advancement of the national economy and of the productive forces, ensure the welfare of the working people, promote cultural and scientific development, and so on.

p The Leninist foreign policy is an instrument of struggle against the national hatreds fanned by imperialism, against national oppression, i.e., against everything that not only internal but also international reaction uses in the most diverse ways to disunite the peoples. Naturally, survivals of the reactionary, nationalistic heritage live on for some time after socialism triumphs in one country or another, but the correct orientation of the Communist parties can do much to uproot them.

p With its aim of preserving peace and supporting the 334 forces of revolution, the Leninist foreign policy is a powerful ideological and political means enabling the Marxist-Leninist parties to organise new relations between peoples and nations not only in countries where they have won power and are building a new society but also in countries where they are still engaged in a struggle to begin building socialism.

p The very concept of Leninist foreign policy implies much more than merely the establishment of correct interstate relations between countries where the capitalist system still reings. In this respect, the Leninist foreign policy is closely linked with the Leninist understanding of proletarian internationalism as a new way of co-ordinating common interests and specific national interests on the basis of a common policy.

p It goes without saying that the Communists were confronted with foreign policy tasks not only after the emergence of the first socialist state. The Communist Party had a clearly formulated foreign policy programme long before it seized power. The Bolsheviks had always given their own assessment of the foreign policy pursued by the tsarist government and fought to create favourable external political conditions for the revolution, for the victory of the oppressed peoples. Foreign policy action has been and remains part of the general struggle of the other Communist parties, and it is indivisibly linked with their home policy. In foreign policy the efforts of the Communists are directed first and foremost at furthering the revolution in their own country and promoting the world revolutionary process.

p One of the key principles of socialist foreign policy is the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems. It is with this principle that the determination of the main issues of the strategy and tactics of the communist movement is linked. The various forms of transition to socialism, as charted by revolutionaries, are likewise linked in many ways with the prospect for peaceful coexistence. That is why an examination of the fundamental aspects of this principle of socialist foreign policy forms an important element of the subject treated in this book.

p The concepts of revolution and peace, of struggle and coexistence frequently have been and are counterposed and regarded as incompatible. But this is a superficial 335 contra-position. Our epoch and the practice of the revolutionary movement show the inter-relation between these social phenomena.

p In questions concerning peaceful coexistence there has been a great deal of confusion and vagueness.

p The principle of peaceful coexistence as a whole and the concrete forms in which it is manifested have often been wrongly interpreted. This is widely used by the enemies of socialism and made the most of by the Right and “Left” opportunists. They deliberately misconstrue the conditions for the development of the world revolutionary process, put a false construction on the relations between capitalist and socialist countries and flagrantly distort the dialectical nature of the principle of peaceful coexistence.

p In working out the problems of peaceful coexistence, the Communist parties have the possibility of utilising the entire wealth of Lenin’s propositions. His approach logically stemmed from the teaching that socialism can triumph initially in one country. The fact that some time would pass before socialism became a world force meant that this would necessarily be a period running in parallel with the existence of socialist and capitalist countries. Lenin stressed that peaceful co-operation between states with different socioeconomic systems was inevitable. As early as 1920 he noted that the Soviet state wanted peaceful coexistence with all peoples and an alliance with all countries. The only obstacle to peaceful international co-operation was the policy of the imperialist powers.  [335•*  Lenin ridiculed those who held that the interests of the world revolution ruled out any sort of peace with the imperialists. “A socialist republic surrounded by imperialist powers could not, from this point of view, conclude any economic treaties and could not exist at all, without flying to the moon.”  [335•** 

p Lenin considered that peaceful coexistence of different countries must embrace many areas, notably economic. He regarded peaceful coexistence as a way to strengthen socialism under conditions where it had not yet triumphed on a world-wide scale, and a way to further the revolutionary movement.

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p The international communist movement has made a large contribution towards the elaboration of the problem of peaceful coexistence. Touching on questions of the period of transition from capitalism to communism, the Comintern Programme noted that this was “a period in which capitalist and socialist economic and social systems exist side by side in ‘peaceful’ relationships as well as in armed conflict”.  [336•*  During the years when there was only one socialist state in the world the balance of strength between it and imperialism excluded any possibility of averting war and eliminating it from the life of society.

p After the Second World War, when the forces of socialism had gained considerable strength, it became possible to set the task of averting another world war. This gave a new context to the question of peaceful coexistence. In the Programme of the CPSU it is stated: “Peaceful coexistence implies renunciation of war as a means of settling international disputes, and their solution by negotiation; equality, mutual understanding and trust between countries; consideration for each other’s interests; non-interference in internal affairs; recognition of the right of every people to solve all the problems of their country by themselves; strict respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all countries; promotion of economic and cultural co-operation on the basis of complete equality and mutual benefit.”  [336•** 

p The entire course of world developments has borne out Lenin’s ideas on peaceful coexistence. After beating off the onslaught of the world counter-revolution the Soviet state was able to ensure a fairly long period of peaceful coexistence with the capitalist countries. Since the Second World War, thanks to the increased might of socialism, it has been possible to avert another world war and thereby create favourable conditions for the development of the world revolution.

p What is the significance of peaceful coexistence to the world revolutionary process?

p For the socialist countries peaceful coexistence makes it possible to further the development of socialism. Every year 337 of peace helps to change the balance of forces in the world in favour of socialism, to promote the growth of its productive forces, achieve a higher cultural level and living standard, and enhance the international prestige of socialism.

p For the working class of the capitalist countries peaceful coexistence brings the possibility of changing the balance of strength between the capitalists and the working people in favour of the latter and fosters the unfolding of the class struggle. It prevents the capitalist state from using the most reactionary methods, and fetters its huge military machine that has been created for conquest and for the suppression of other peoples. The struggle for peaceful coexistence shows that all the forces of democracy should fight reaction and militarism.

p Under peaceful coexistence there is mounting resistance to all attempts at settling international disputes by force. The “gunboat policy" arouses widespread indignation in all countries. The attempts to circumvent peaceful coexistence by “local wars" are likewise strongly resisted by the forces of democracy and peace. An example of this is the war waged by US imperialism in Indochina. It has sparked a huge protest movement throughout the world and has greatly undermined the prestige of the USA and of capitalism, generally, especially among the peoples of the young states.

p As international tension relaxes under peaceful coexistence, the peoples are seeing more clearly the parasitical nature, senselessness and undemocratic character of the institutions of the bourgeois state and the class nature of the policy pursued by the ruling circles.

p Peaceful coexistence is of supreme importance to the national liberation movement as well. The countries of this zone can promote their economic development and strengthen their national independence only in a situation marked by peace and comprehensive international co- operation. Peaceful coexistence is the sole condition allowing for the development of progressive regimes and making it possible to neutralise the attempts of the imperialists to stop the national liberation struggle.

p Peaceful coexistence is thus a profoundly revolutionary factor and a key prerequisite of the success of the struggle to abolish capitalism and build a socialist society. On the 338 other hand, every advance of the revolution helps to strengthen the foundations of peaceful coexistence. To play off peaceful coexistence against the struggle for the national and social emancipation of the peoples is to commit a gross theoretical and practical error.

p At the 1969 International Meeting William Kashtan, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Canada, noted: “There is a direct relationship between the struggle against imperialism and the struggle for peaceful coexistence. Some see the struggle for peaceful coexistence as a rejection of the struggle against imperialism; others see the struggle against imperialism as a rejection of the struggle for peaceful coexistence. In reality, there can be no such contradiction.”  [338•*  To ensure peaceful coexistence and a relaxation of tension the policy of imperialist aggression has to be throttled. The struggle against imperialism, for peaceful coexistence, opens the possibility for strengthening the unity of the Communist and Workers’ parties and all other revolutionary forces. This struggle mirrors the objective internationalist character of the revolutionary process.

p Peaceful coexistence cannot, of course, change the nature of socialism or the substance of capitalism. These opposing systems coexist and, in some measure, even co-operate in the economic, scientific and cultural fields, but they cannot achieve a semblance to each other or, much less, mutually penetrate or grow into each other.

p While declaring their approval and support of the principle of peaceful coexistence, the Right opportunists crudely distort it. They argue that the imperative need for peaceful relations with capitalist countries demands a revision of the basic questions of the communist movement’s strategy, above all a line aimed at the gradual evolution of capitalism into socialism and the renunciation of militant revolutionary methods that might “provoke” capitalism and induce it to start a war.

p This argument has nothing in common with the MarxistLeninist concept of peaceful coexistence. On the contrary, it grossly contravenes it inasmuch as it presupposes the 339 renunciation of the very idea of the struggle for peace, against militarism and violence. The aggressive nature of imperialism and its methods of suppressing the revolutionary struggle are accepted as something that cannot be changed, as something against which no effective methods of struggle exist, and, as a result, peaceful coexistence is interpreted as reconciliation with imperialism.

p A further distortion of the principle of peaceful coexistence is that it is regarded as a transient phenomenon, as a tactical move with another world war ultimately inevitable. The thesis that another world war is inevitable is barren theoretically and fruitless politically. Acceptance of the prospect of a world war under present-day conditions would be, in effect, an expression of want of faith in the strength of the socialist system and the strength of the international working-class and national liberation movements, and an exaggeration of the potentialities of imperialism. This theory clashes with the hopes and aspirations of the broad masses.

p Peaceful coexistence represents a broad offensive on capitalism and a sharp economic, political and ideological struggle. This is the only context in which it is understood by Communists.

p Marxists-Leninists consider that peaceful coexistence in no way signifies a limitation of the means of struggle of the peoples oppressed by imperialism. It is the right of all oppressed peoples to decide for themselves the question of whether to use armed force for their liberation and any form of the class struggle for the overthrow of the monopolies. At the 1969 Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties it was stated that the policy of peaceful coexistence was incompatible with support for reactionary regimes. Far from ruling out, this policy presupposes massive action by the people against imperialism. “This policy does not imply either the preservation of the socio-political status quo or a weakening of the ideological struggle. It helps to promote the class struggle against imperialism on a national and a world-wide scale.”  [339•* 

p Marxists-Leninists reject the view that there can be peaceful coexistence without a sharp class struggle. They 340 clearly delineate the framework of the class struggle under peaceful coexistence. While fighting for peace and peaceful coexistence, the Communists by no means reject the possibility of revolutionary wars. On the contrary, they always support such wars if their objective is to liberate the peoples from imperialist oppression.

p Peaceful coexistence between states does not mean the renunciation of the ideological struggle, in the same way as ideological struggle does not mean that war is necessary between states. History knows of a host of examples where peaceful relations were maintained for a long time between states with different ideologies. There is, therefore, no foundation for the attempts of the revisionists, who absolutise peaceful coexistence, to declare ideological peace as a condition for coexistence between states.

p Peaceful coexistence benefits the revolutionary forces and is, therefore, disadvantageous to the imperialists. Why, in that case, do we hear them declaring their support for peaceful coexistence? Declarations of this kind do not reflect the substance of imperialist policy. They are dictated solely by a desire to conceal the failure of the imperialist strategy of settling political issues by force, by war. Circumstances have compelled the imperialists to recognise the principle of peaceful coexistence; in other words, they have been compelled to accept this principle by the forces of socialism and peace, having no alternative to offer in opposition to the policy of peaceful coexistence.

p The Soviet Union and other socialist countries have not only proclaimed the principle of peaceful coexistence but are vigorously putting it into effect.

p They are doing their utmost to curb the imperialist aggressors while helping the latter’s victims. They are using their best endeavours to halt the imperialist aggressions in various parts of the world and remove the flashpoints of tension. In their joint actions on the international scene and in their own special foreign policy tasks they are guided by the principle of peaceful coexistence. The socialist countries use their economic and political might and their considerable international prestige to promote peaceful relations and co-operation with other states. They are aware that peaceful coexistence and the other aims of socialist foreign policy can be achieved only if they act in concert. 341 Any isolation from the co-ordinated foreign policy of socialism and any attempt to regard it solely as the sum of the foreign policy lines of individual socialist countries diminish its effectiveness and contravene the interests of the socialist system as a whole and of the individual countries in that system.

p In the capitalist countries a large contribution is being made to the struggle for peaceful coexistence by the progressive forces, notably by the Communists, who are pressing for the establishment of equal, mutually beneficial relations with the socialist countries and the renunciation of the policy of military blocs and blockades of countries belonging to the socialist community. They are organising mass protest against reactionary tendencies in the foreign policy of the ruling circles. The powerful peace movement, which today embraces the whole world, was brought into being through the efforts of the Communists.

The foreign policy of socialism and its key principle— peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems— are thus a major means and condition for the development of the revolutionary movement. Peace and peaceful coexistence are the desire of all the forces of revolution and progress and the object of the joint struggle of the broadest strata in society. The further growth and intensification of this struggle can cement the unity of the democratic forces and prepare them for the struggle against capitalism, for society’s revolutionary reorganisation, for the building of socialism and communism throughout the world.