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p The communist movement emphasises, more strongly than ever before, the importance of the national liberation struggle to the world revolutionary process. This is only natural.

p Between 1950 and 1960 the national liberation movement had a period of triumphs that led to the rapid disintegration of the colonial system. At that stage new phenomena had not yet emerged in the national liberation movement and the young states had not determined the ways of their development. The 1960s showed the basic trends of the national liberation movement and saw Asia, Africa and Latin America acquire increasing influence in world politics. Today we are witnessing a further aggravation of the contradictions between imperialism and national capitalism in the liberated countries, and between the reactionary and progressive forces of these countries. “The main thing,” L. I. Brezhnev said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “is that the struggle for national liberation in many countries has in practical terms begun to grow into a struggle against exploitative relations, both feudal and capitalist.”  [312•* 

p All this determines the need for a probing scrutiny of the problems confronting the national liberation movement. The need for a correct scientific analysis becomes all the more pressing because having drawn lessons from the recent events in the zone of the national liberation movement, the imperialists are seeking to gain control of the situation and recover the positions they have lost. With this aim in view they are continuously modifying their tactics, adapting them to the concrete conditions in the various countries. They resort to the most diverse methods —from veiled flirtation with the governments of the young states to reactionary coups and brutal suppression of centres of the liberation movement.

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p An extremely wide range of problems confronts the national liberation movement. These problems are studied at special scientific institutions in socialist countries, discussed in special periodicals, and have been analysed in many monographs. They have been the subject of many international Marxist conferences.

p In this book the author reviews some of these problems, particularly the problem of the influence exercised by the national liberation movement on the world revolutionary process and the approach of the Communist and Workers’ parties of Asia, Africa and Latin America to the problem of the ways of revolutionary development.

p In political and scientific literature all the Asian, African and Latin American countries fighting for national liberation are classified in a single group known as the Third World. This mirrors, above all, the common struggle of these countries against imperialism and their common trend towards anti-imperialist development. At the same time, between the continents of the Third World and between many of the countries in these continents there may be and are considerable differences as regards their economic and social development levels, their political regimes, their foreign policy and so on. The non- differentiated approach adopted towards the Third World in some scientific literature, an approach that ignores the distinctions of these countries, is not accepted by the Communists of these countries, particularly of Latin American countries, whose history and present-day problems differ substantially from the history and problems of Asian and African countries.

p The author believes there are ample grounds for this non-acceptance and feels it would be expedient to study separately the problems of the Afro-Asian group and those of the Latin American group of countries.

p Let us first examine the general features and specifics of the national liberation movement in Asian and African countries.

p The general features include: 

p 1. The continuing anti-imperialist revolution as shown by the relatively recent developments in Libya and other countries. A struggle is being waged against imperialism, for the liberation of countries and peoples still carrying 314 the burden of colonial dependence. Particular importance attaches to the liberation struggle in South Africa. The peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa are fighting for freedom with arms in hand. A prominent role in the struggle against world imperialism is played by the Arab liberation movement.

p 2. The deepening socio-political changes in the liberated countries. Social differentiation is growing more distinct and there is a mounting conflict between the working masses and the democratic forces, including patriotic sections of the petty bourgeoisie, on the one hand, and imperialism, the forces of internal reaction and elements of the national bourgeoisie inclined to come to terms with imperialism, on the other.

p 3. The growing number of factory and other wageworkers in some countries (in the Asian countries there were approximately 120-150 million wage-workers in 1968). The proletariat is rapidly taking shape even in the most backward countries (People’s Republic of South Yemen, Bakhrein, Saudi Arabia and so on). The rate of growth of the working class is approximately three times higher than the general population increment. On the whole, according to UN statistics, the employment index in industry in India, Ceylon, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Egypt and other countries rose 1.5-2-fold in the period from 1956 to 1968. In the Lebanon, which has a population of about 2,500,000, the industrial proletariat already numbers over 65,000: the number of workers engaged in the non-productive sector exceeds 85,000 while the number of agricultural workers is nearing 100,000.  [314•*  A very important factor is that parallel with the numerical growth of wage-workers there is a steady increase of the number of workers employed at factories being built not in traditional industrial centres but in new areas. The sphere of the proletariat’s influence over the peasants and other sections of the population is thus widening.

p 4. As they tackle socio-economic problems the peoples of the newly independent countries are increasingly seeing the need for far-reaching revolutionary changes, 315 democratic agrarian reforms in the interests and with the participation of the working peasants, the eradication of antiquated feudal and pre-feudal relations, the expulsion of the foreign monopolies from their positions of predominance, the radical democratisation of socio-political life and the state apparatus, the rejuvenation of national culture and the promotion of its progressive traditions, the strengthening of the revolutionary parties and the establishment of such parties where they do not yet exist. There is growing gravitation towards Marxism-Leninism, which is showing the road of development for the Third World countries as well. Speaking at the 1969 International Meeting of the significance of Marxism-Leninism to the developing countries, Mohammed Harmel, a member of the Tunisian delegation, noted that “the entire course of events is a remarkable confirmation of Marxism-Leninism, which has furnished the only correct explanation of this phenomenon (the revolutions in the Third World countries.— K. Z.), enlightened the Communist parties of Asia and Africa and shown them the way. It has been wielding growing influence on other revolutionary and progressive forces.”  [315•*  “Africa indeed needs this only correct revolutionary theory—Communist thought.. . as dry and thirsty soil needs rain,”  [315•**  wrote The African Communist, organ of the South African Communist Party.

p Co-operation with socialist countries is a vital condition for the advance of the liberated states along the path of social progress. This co-operation helps to promote their national economy and make it independent of imperialist economy. It helps to strengthen the progressive, revolutionary-democratic forces in these states and, thereby, to reinforce the common anti-imperialist front.

p The friendly relations between the socialist and liberated countries cover a wide field. Political co-operation is being fostered on the international level and this makes it possible to foil many of imperialism’s intrigues and resolve important international problems in the interests of the social progress of nations and the consolidation of socialism’s positions in the world. Many of the liberated 316 countries are being helped to build up their defence capability. Active support and assistance of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries of Egypt, Syria and other Arab states plays the key role in the struggle against Israeli aggression, which has been inspired by the imperialist powers against the progressive regimes in these states.

p Cultural, scientific and other links are expanding between the socialist and developing countries. There is steadily widening contact between the Communist parties of the socialist countries and the revolutionary-democratic parties of the liberated countries and this is enhancing the influence of Marxist-Leninist ideology in the revolutionarydemocratic parties.

p The peoples and leaders of the Asian and African countries are seeing for themselves that co-operation with socialist countries is consistent with the vital interests of their own countries, helping them to surmount their socioeconomic backwardness and consolidate their independence.

p The growing links with the socialist countries, the impact of the socialist principles of international relations and knowledge of the experience of the socialist countries help to create conditions for and stimulate the progressive development of Asian and African countries.

p Non-capitalist development, which creates the possibility of building a socialist society in future, is the most promising for Asian and African states.  [316•* 

p When Marx was writing Capital and had defined the basic laws of the development and downfall of capitalism, he pondered over the problem of a road of development for non-capitalist countries which would allow them to bypass capitalism. This problem was studied also by Engels and Lenin. Lenin noted that for backward peoples capitalist development was by no means unavoidable. He wrote: “If the victorious revolutionary proletariat conducts systematic propaganda among them, and the Soviet governments come to their aid with all the means at their disposal —in that event it will be mistaken to assume that the backward peoples must inevitably go through the capitalist stage 317 of development.”  [317•*  And further: ”. . .with the aid of the proletariat of the advanced countries, backward countries can go over to the Soviet system and, through certain stages of development, to communism, without having to pass through the capitalist stage.”  [317•** 

p Lenin pointed out that it was impossible to indicate the ways and means in advance. This, he said, would be prompted by practical experience. Indeed, practical experience has specified the ways and forms of the progress of undeveloped countries towards socialism.

p “Under the impact of the revolutionary conditions of our time,” states the Document of the 1969 International Meeting, “distinctive forms of progressive social development of the newly free countries have appeared, and the role of revolutionary and democratic forces has been enhanced. Some young states have taken the non-capitalist path, a path which opens up the possibility of overcoming the backwardness inherited from the colonial past and creates conditions for transition to socialist development. In these countries the socialist orientation is making headway, overcoming great difficulties and trials. These states are waging a determined struggle against imperialism and neo-colonialism.”  [317•*** 

p There is, undoubtedly, a vast difference between how this process developed in the USSR, when the backward feudal and even semi-feudal Central Asian states united in a single state and achieved socialism without going through the stage of capitalism, and how it proceeds in the concrete conditions obtaining in the developing countries.

p These countries are not part of a single developed multi-national state and, a very important point, to this day some of them are compelled to preserve economic and political relations with states that had subjected them to imperialist oppression.

p What concretely characterises the non-capitalist road of development?

p First and foremost, the diminishing influence of the ruling capitalist elements, including the bureaucratic 318 bourgeoisie, and the establishment of a national-democratic regime or some form of national democracy. This was dealt with in detail in the Statement of the 1960 Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties. Indisputable elements of this road of development are the economic restriction and gradual dislodgement of foreign capital and of the big compradore or even of the trade and industrial national bourgeoisie, and the development of the state sector and its conversion into an influential and decisive pillar of economic development.

p Non-capitalist development involves anti-feudal agrarian reforms, which at a definite stage enable the nationaldemocratic regime to rely on the state sector to resolve the peasant problem as a whole and build up a large-scale agriculture as a result of the bourgeoisie being deprived of its monopoly of state power.

p The very concept of non-capitalist development is an expression of the leading role of the working class. Pettybourgeois, national democracy experiences the influence of proletarian leadership in the world socialist revolution and, to a certain extent, takes it into account in spite of the fact that it sometimes puts up a resistance, acquires the features of anti-communism and even persecutes Communists. However, it cannot avoid the influence of proletarian leadership in the world liberation movement.

p Considerable problems face the countries that have taken the road of non-capitalist development. In some of them the economic situation is extremely difficult.  [318•*  Their 319 progressive regimes are looking for a way out of the interlacing of numerous economic, social and political problems.

p These countries constitute the most progressive, advanced contingents of the national liberation movement and their significance as pioneers of a new road is particularly great for the historical destinies of Asia and Africa.

p However, many Asian and African countries are still either looking for a road of development or have linked their destiny up with capitalism. The processes taking place in them are substantially affecting the course of the national liberation movement as a whole.

p In most Asian and African countries the national liberation movement has led to an accelerated development of capitalist relations of production. In some countries (Turkey, Pakistan) the concentration and centralisation of capital have given rise to monopoly-type economic associations, which are, as a rule, closely linked with foreign capital. On the other hand, in countries like Afghanistan and Yemen, despite the relatively swift development of capitalism small-commodity production is still predominant and the national bourgeoisie is still very weak.

p Understandably, the countries that have adopted the capitalist road have been unable to resolve any of the basic problems confronting them. They have not put an end to economic backwardness and have not eradicated acute social diseases. Famine, poverty, illiteracy and unemployment are the constant features of their social life. That is why class battles frequently flare up and there is growing pressure from the masses, who want a progressive solution of the problems facing society.

p Favourable, promising trends of development are thus clearly shaping out at the present stage of the national liberation movement. This creates better conditions for the functioning of the Communist parties.

p Before going over to the strategy and tactics of these parties, a few words must be said about their activities and programme documents.

p The Communist parties of the developing countries formulate their programmes in the course of their struggle with difficulties of a dual kind—revisionist and dogmatic attempts to misrepresent the prospects of the revolutionary struggle. Revisionist attacks are particularly strong in 320 countries ruled by fascist regimes. The difficulties of the struggle give rise to revisionist slogans repudiating revolutionary action and renouncing the struggle for power up to the abolition of Communist parties. Dogmatism manifests itself most strongly in countries with progressive regimes and is expressed by the aspiration to leap over necessary stages of progressive development, by calls for the overthrow of the existing regimes, by accusations to the effect that the Communist parties are inclined towards liberalisation, and so on.

p In drawing up their programmes the Communist parties use as their guideline the fact that the revolutions that have triumphed in their countries are of a nationaldemocratic character. Led by the national bourgeoisie and the national intelligentsia, these revolutions have dealt a blow at the imperialist system, liberated the given countries from colonial bondage and opened the road for anti-feudal, democratic reforms. The Communist parties support the governments of their countries in their democratic actions designed to achieve national rejuvenation, win complete political and economic liberation from colonial oppression, improve the people’s standard of living and avert another world war. At the same time, the Communist parties make no secret of the fact that their objective is to create a popular system headed by the proletariat and build the new, socialist society. To this end they are intensifying their work among the masses, winning more influence, and uniting the working class, the peasants and all democratic strata under the banner of Marxism-Leninism.

p For the working class and the Communist parties it is vital to resolve a number of urgent problems stemming from the vanguard role of the proletariat in the revolutionary process and linked with the charting of new tactics in order to step up the political activity of the masses and draw them into the drive to complete the socio-economic reforms started by the governments. These are extremely complex tasks because frequently the revolutionary process acquires new, specific forms. The party programmes therefore mirror the specifics of the various countries and the conditions of the struggle.

p Take, for example, the action programme of the Communist Party of India, the largest country in the Third 321 World. At the congress in Bombay held at the close of 1964 the Communist Party of India amended its programme to include a point on non-capitalist development. This point is interpreted in conformity with the concrete conditions obtaining in India, which is drawing close to the medium level of capitalist development. In India today there are 10 million factory proletarians, 20 million home industry proletarians and about 60 million farm and plantation workers, in other words, nearly 100 million wageworkers. The CPI programme presupposes a struggle for the creation of a national-democratic front leading to the formation of a national-democratic government, which, with the support of the progressive section of society, would take steps to remove the monopoly upper crust of big capital, nationalise monopoly property and prevent India from entering the phase of monopoly capitalism. Further, it is intended to use the state sector to scale down the possibilities for capitalist accumulation by the middle bourgeoisie without coming into conflict with it but drawing it into increasingly more progressive and democratic participation in the development of the national economy on the basis of the state sector.

p The experience of recent years shows that this policy of the CPI is yielding fruit. “We are happy to inform you,” R. Rao, General Secretary of the CPI’s National Council, said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “that at the recent parliamentary elections the people of our great country inflicted a crushing defeat on the reactionary alliance of the Right-wing forces backed by the monopolists, former princes and imperialists—- I hope this is not taken for a piece of immodesty, but we should like to state from this lofty rostrum that our Party has played an important role in all these developments.”

p The work of the Communists of Syria, who are an experienced and steeled contingent of Arab Communists, likewise has its own specifics. At its 3rd Congress (May 1969) the Syrian Communist Party characterised the present stage of the country’s development as that of the completion of the anti-colonial and anti-feudal national- democratic revolution and, at the same time, of a struggle to consolidate, enlarge and deepen the economic and social reforms in order to create the prerequisites for progress 322 towards socialism. The party holds that in order to prevent the development of big capital and encourage and support the development of elements of socialism in all spheres, the workers, peasants and all other working people must be granted democratic liberties, that their initiative must be promoted, that control must be established over production and distribution, and that freedom must be granted to the forces and parties devoted to socialism; that there is a pressing need for a progressive national front as an organisation embracing the Left Baathists, the Communists and other Left-wing elements in all progressive national movements; that the authority and influence of the working class, which acts in alliance with the peasants and other working people, must grow and help to determine the country’s policy and the line of the existing regime on the basis of the theory of scientific socialism, on the basis of MarxistLeninist theory.  [322•* 

p For our examples we have taken programme propositions of two Communist parties. Most of the Asian and African parties function under extremely difficult conditions. Some are persecuted by reactionary regimes and compelled to work deep underground.

p In a number of countries ruled by progressive regimes the Communist parties are excluded from social life and subjected to one form of discrimination or another, while the leadership of some of them are forced to live abroad. Despite this, they strive to find ways and means for active participation in social and political life and facilitate the progressive development of their countries. At the 1969 International Meeting the leaders of these parties spoke of the specifics of their tactics and of the forms and methods of the struggle waged by them.

p The South African Communists consider that in a country ruled by a terrorist racist regime, which constantly uses violence against the people and imprisons and destroys fighters for freedom, and where the vast majority of the people is bitterly opposed to enslavement, the only way to achieve liberation is to wage an armed revolutionary struggle. The Communist Party of Turkey accentuates the 323 need for a national-democratic front against imperialism and reaction. In Tunisia the Communists support the positive measures that have been undertaken by the ruling circles in spite of pressure from reactionary elements, and try to find points of contact with progressive elements in the Socialist Constitutional Party. In Iraq the Communists are striving to establish close and sincere co-operation with other national forces, set up a national front, win democratic freedoms for the people and put an end to political oppression.

p In a few Asian countries the Communist parties have been unable to find the correct road of struggle. In Thailand, Burma and Malaysia, for instance, they are guided by Left-wing extremists. This frequently leads to sectarianism, perniciously affects the actions of these parties and threatens their very existence.

p In the Asian and African countries the communist movement is only beginning its long struggle for genuine revolutionary changes. Nonetheless, it has registered some success. Indicative of this success is that while at the initial stage of development the ruling circles in many of the countries that were fighting for national independence ignored the Communists and even excluded them from public life and persecuted them, today the facts show that efforts are being made to establish contact and co-operate with the Communists. In particular, this applies to the situation in a number of Arab countries. This is a natural development. On the one hand, it reflects the objective changes that are taking place in these countries and, on the other, is further evidence that the Communists are the most consistent patriots and champions of the people.

p Reactionary elements use every possibility in an attempt to reverse the course of history. This is demonstrated by the reactionary coups in Asian countries and by the overthrow of the progressive regimes in Ghana and Mali. In this situation the Communists have to be vigilant and tirelessly mobilise the masses to combat the intrigues of the reactionaries and secure a happier future for their countries.

p This general conclusion, drawn from an analysis of the position and struggle of the Communists in Asia and Africa, fully applies to the third continent in the zone of the national liberation movement, namely, Latin America.

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p The development of the revolutionary movement in Latin American countries, the specifics of its present phase and the concrete tasks of the Communist parties are questions that have long been attracting widespread attention in that continent and are being discussed in other countries. Interest in these questions soared after the first socialist revolution in Latin America had taken place in Cuba.

p The central question of the discussion is about the nature of the Latin American revolution. The theories that have been suggested may be classified in two main groups. Some claim that the continent has matured for the immediate accomplishment of the socialist revolution, others hold that it has to be preceded by anti-feudal, agrarian reforms. Most of the Latin American Communist parties are inclined to the conclusion that developments must inevitably pass through the phase of the maturing of the socialist revolution.

p At the present stage it seems to us that in Latin America there are some indisputably common features of development which differ from the common features of development in Asia and Africa and unquestionably affect the course of the revolutionary process. What are these features?

p 1. Most of the Latin American countries achieved state independence at the beginning of the 19th century and have had a long period of independent development and struggle against attempts to deprive them of independence; they have traversed a long road of capitalist development.

p 2. The peoples of Latin America are fighting a common oppressor and exploiter—US imperialism. In the Latin American countries the struggle for national sovereignty and economic independence intertwines very closely with the struggle against foreign monopolies and Yankee latifundistas. A question acquiring increasing urgency at the present stage is that of the continent’s economic integration as a means promoting independent development.

p 3. The Latin American countries have a large urban and rural proletariat that has gone through the school of a long class struggle. The numerical strength of the working class is growing steadily. In Colombia, for instance, the ratio between the rural and urban population in 1938 325 was 71 and 29 per cent respectively; in 1951 it was 61 and 39 per cent; while in 1964 it was approximately equal. Nearly 6 million people live in only 10 of the largest cities. According to the 1964 census there were 3 million factory and office workers, making up 58 per cent of the total economically active population.

p 4. The revolutionary movement in the Latin American continent develops under the impact of the victorious Cuban revolution, which led to the creation of the first socialist state in the Western Hemisphere. It stimulates the development of militant democratic and anti-imperialist movements that will open the road to socialism.

p Today Latin America is not only a continent over which the wind of revolution is blowing but an active bridgehead of the world revolutionary process, a bridgehead that is making a growing contribution to the development of that process. Latin America is increasingly turning from an outskirt of the revolution into one of its epicentres.

p “The events in Chile, Peru and Bolivia are evidence of the fundamental change in the balance of forces,” Rodney Arismendi, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Uruguay, said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU. “Although the nature and social level of these victorious movements are different and the degree of working-class participation in the leadership of the struggle differs, it is obvious that we are witnessing a turning point in the onward development of the Latin American revolution.”

p The features of development in Latin America make their imprint on the strategy and tactics of the Communist parties and on the forms and methods of their activities.

p There is a Communist Party in every Latin American country. Some of these parties are growing numerically and winning wider influence. For instance, the membership of the Communist Party of Chile doubled in the period between the two latest congresses, i.e., in the period from 1965 to 1969. Almost one-third of its members are women. This party has consolidated its positions in the countryside. At its 14th Congress the First Secretary of the Central Committee Luis Corvalan noted that “the majority of the working people regard the Communist Party as their own 326 party which champions their interests”.  [326•*  In recent years the Communist Party of Uruguay has grown 14-fold. With 78 per cent of its membership consisting of workers, this party has increased its influence among students, believers and in democratic circles.

p Most of the Latin American parties function in a very difficult situation. Where the regime is openly dictatorial the Communist parties are banned and the Communists are brutally persecuted.

p Despite many common features in the development of the Latin American countries, each is influenced by factors predicating distinctions in the course of the revolutionary struggle. Uneven capitalist development, which in some cases stands out in very strong relief, the differences in the level of economic and social development and in the form and scale of dependence on imperialism, the specifics of the political structure and the alignment of class forces determine the form of the democratic and revolutionary struggle in each concrete situation and in each concrete country. The Latin American Communist parties take the general laws of social development into account and also the specifics of their own countries when they map out their programmes of struggle.

p As an example, let us take the programme adopted by the Communist Party of Chile at its 12th Congress in 1962 and enlarged at its 14th Congress in 1969. This programme did not set the task of a direct struggle for socialism. The immediate objectives were far-reaching democratic, antiimperialist and anti-feudal reforms, and the formation of a democratic government of national liberation. It was stressed that these objectives could be achieved through the united action of all men and women, parties, classes and social strata whose interests were infringed upon or menaced by US imperialism and the ruling oligarchy. The programme, therefore, called for the creation of a broad united anti-imperialist and anti-feudal front as the only force capable of establishing a people’s democratic system and delivering Chile from US domination.

p The programme envisaged the formation of a new type of government with the working class undertaking the 327 leading role in the country’s administration. Other social forces were to be represented in the government, in other words, the “government had to be formed by a bloc of people’s parties interested in the fulfilment of a common programme”.  [327•* 

p As stated in the programme, the principal aims of the democratic, anti-imperialist and anti-feudal reforms are: the creation of a democratic republic where state power would be exercised through a single chamber of deputies elected by direct and secret ballot on the basis of universal suffrage regardless of sex, status or education; the confiscation of all enterprises and capital belonging to North American monopolies and their transfer to the state; the promotion of broad foreign trade on the basis of mutual benefit, complete equality and respect for national sovereignty; industrialisation and an agrarian reform; improvement of the people’s living conditions, promotion of education and national culture; the democratisation of the Central Bank and the removal from its management of representatives of the pro-imperialist oligarchy; a foreign policy committed to uphold Chile’s sovereignty and interests, friendship and solidarity with all the fraternal peoples of Latin America and the preservation of world peace.

p The Chilean Communists, who are a large contingent of the working-class movement, use all forms of struggle. They work in the trade unions, in the countryside, among young workers and students, writers, actors, and teachers at institutions of higher learning.

p A new political situation took shape in Chile in November 1970 following the Popular Front victory at the elections. “There, for the first time in the history of the continent,” L. I. Brezhnev noted at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “the people have secured, by constitutional means, the installation of a government they want and trust.” The Communists are an important force in this government, which is resolutely pursuing an anti-oligarchy and anti-imperialist policy. “Today,” Luis Corvalan said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “the task is to consolidate the victory and move to the conquest of new positions, 328 see to it that our revolutionary process is irreversible and make socialism our destination.”

p Revolutionary changes are taking place in Peru and Bolivia as result of the powerful national liberation struggle.

p The Peruvian Communist Party considers that socioeconomic reforms of a revolutionary nature were put into effect in Peru as a result of the measures following the military coup in October 1968. “The increasingly sharper clash with imperialism and with the oligarchy,” Jorge del Prado, General Secretary of the Peruvian Communist Party, said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “is intensifying the class struggle and deepening the transformative processes. The proletariat and other large sections of the people are playing a steadily bigger political role and taking a more organised part in the revolutionary struggle. This has found expression in signal triumphs like the official recognition of the General Confederation of the Working People of Peru, the release from prison of people jailed for participation in the partisan movement in 1965, and the adoption of a more independent and democratic line in foreign policy. Participation in all these moves in a constructive and critical spirit is tempering and strengthening our Party.”

p The Communist Party of Bolivia attaches decisive significance to the struggle against imperialism and to the attainment of organisational and political unity by the masses, its guideline being that with its important place in social production and militant and revolutionary traditions the working class is the main force in this struggle. Allied with the working class in the anti-imperialist movement are peasants who have been freed from bourgeois influence, politically conscious students, intellectuals and other exploited middle strata. At the 1969 International Meeting Jorge Kolle, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bolivia, said that the party was striving “for unity of action with all the forces prominent in’the anti-imperialist, popular and democratic movement, irrespective of their ideology”.  [328•*  At the 24th Congress of the 329 CPSU he said: “In the struggle for a popular anti- imperialist government the policy of the Communist Party of Bolivia is oriented on broad popular unity under the leadership of the working class and revolutionary political forces.”

p New and important propositions are to be found also in the programme documents of other Latin American Communist parties. In Uruguay, for example, the Communist Party presses for a democratic solution of vital problems of social life, which witnesses, above all, a sharp struggle by the working class and other sections of the working people against US imperialism and the ruling classes. The CPU is sparing no effort to strengthen the alliance of the workers with other anti-imperialist sections of the population and form a broad front of popular forces.

p The Communist parties functioning underground in countries ruled by dictatorships likewise consider that democratic reforms are an indispensable condition for a mass struggle. In a resolution passed by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Brazil in September 1968 it is stated: “The events confirm the correctness of our tactics, which is to ensure that the struggle of the masses should be based on defence of their specific demands, their rights and concrete interests. Only in this way is it possible to achieve unity of action by the masses and draw various strata into the struggle, which is growing in scope and intensity. .. . The struggle for concrete demands tends to develop into a struggle against the policy of the government and against the regime.”  [329•* 

p The Brazilian Communists acknowledge that they had been wrong in setting their sights exclusively on the peaceful development of the revolutionary struggle. Luis Carlos Prestes, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Brazilian Communist Party, noted that “we inaccurately assessed the possibilities of the peaceful path, seeing revolution as an idyllic process, free of clashes and conflicts.”  [329•** 

p In Argentina the Communists are pursuing a line formulated at their 13th Congress in 1969. The party is fighting to abolish the fascist-type military dictatorship and create a national-democratic front that will open the prospect of 330 forming a provisional government on the basis of a broad democratic coalition and advancing towards socialism.

p In Colombia the Communists consider that it is necessary to wage the struggle for national and social liberation in the most diverse forms. At its 10th Congress in 1968 the Communist Party of Colombia declared that in Colombia the revolution would not be peaceful. Armed guerrilla actions are unfolding in the country in reply to the punitive actions of the authorities against the peasant movement. Various sections of the population are campaigning for economic reforms. In order to have the possibility of working in the state apparatus, the Communists participate in the elections held on the basis of a non-democratic system. “In Colombia it is possible to combine all forms of struggle because the armed struggle is not something foreign and, besides, our Party has never regarded this form as immutable.”  [330•* 

p “Under these conditions,” Jilberto Vieira, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Colombian Communist Party, said at the 24th Congress of the CPSU, “our Party is working unremittingly to form a broad popular, patriotic front headed by the working class. Its foundation may be the presently shaping opposition coalition, which is an expression of an understanding between the broad antioligarchal and anti-imperialist forces.”

p The programme documents of the Latin American Communist parties show that the Communists have creatively applied the Marxist-Leninist teaching on the forms of the revolutionary struggle to map out a concrete plan of action aimed at unfolding a broad movement of the masses for genuine national liberation, a movement that is steadily intertwining with the struggle for social reforms, for a transition to the stage of the maturing and consummation of the socialist revolution.

p Thus, the national liberation movement plays a notable role in the world revolutionary process, developing in breadth and depth, embracing more and more countries and social strata and acquiring an increasingly more clear-cut anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist character. In a number 331 of countries it is steadily shifting towards an orientation on socialist ideals and accepting Marxist-Leninist theory as its guide.

All this makes the national liberation movement a formidable adversary of capitalism and is the guarantee of the further intensification of the blows struck at imperialism in that zone of revolutionary storms. Facts are piling up to show that there is mounting resistance to US domination, that wide support is being rendered to the heroic peoples of Vietnam and Cuba and to the struggle of the Arab peoples against Israeli aggression, and that the struggle of the working people for an extension of their rights has acquired a massive scale. These facts confirm the enormous revolutionary potentialities of the developing countries.