342

p The 20th century is an age of the rapid development and sophistication of social life, an age of the scientific and technological revolution, atomic energy and the exploration of outer space, the age of communism.

p On the eve of the Revolution of October 1917 Lenin metaphorically said that socialism was looking at us out of every factory window. Today socialism has become a reality for one-third of the world’s population. Throughout the capitalist world a struggle is raging for revolutionary changes, to bring social relations into line with the development level attained by the productive forces.

p The social basis of revolutionary changes has been greatly enlarged. History has demonstrated that today revolutions can be effected much more quickly and on a broader scale, and that they can occur not only in direct geographical proximity to socialist countries.

p Communists have never regarded history as an automatic process. They fight for their ideals, displaying a clear understanding of their mission and an awareness that their work is leading to society’s socialist reorganisation. The Communist parties are doing everything in their power to utilise the objective and subjective factors of revolution, ensure the victory of the revolution on a world-wide scale and secure the swiftest transition from capitalism to socialism.

p True to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, they are 343 unswervingly and consistently fighting for the happiness of their peoples, for peace, democracy and socialism. In this struggle proletarian internationalism is their most effective weapon. Joint efforts, unity and mutual assistance have been and will be the only factors assuring the Communist parties of success. Conversely, national narrowness and priority for national tasks over international objectives have been and will be prejudicial to the communist movement.

p No problem of the revolutionary movement can be raised and solved today without taking internationalism into account. Internationalism is a major part of the theory of socialist revolution and the building of socialism and is inseparably linked with the ways and means of the struggle for socialism. The author regards it as the key in the approach to all aspects of the subject examined in the preceding pages and has therefore given it prominence by examining it in this concluding chapter.

p The internationalist character of the communist movement is determined by a number of objective and subjective factors.

p The objective foundation of internationalism lies in the fact that capitalist exploitation, which vitally affects the lives of working people, exists \outside the boundaries of individual countries. All working people have a common enemy—imperialism. In the programme adopted at the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP it was stated: “The development of exchange has established such a close link between all the peoples of the civilised world that the great liberation movement of the proletariat had to and has long ago become international.”  [343•* 

p The idea of proletarian internationalism is most closely connected with the very substance of the class struggle, stems from its requirements and expresses the profound significance of the proletariat’s epoch-making liberative mission. With the development of capitalism and the growth of the working-class movement the class struggle becomes increasingly more international. This is accompanied by the heightening of proletarian internationalism’s significance as an important prerequisite for uniting the working class on a global scale.

344

p The subjective foundation of internationalism lies in the fact that in the same way as the imperialists have a common ideology, which determines the substance of the imperialist policy of suppressing and oppressing the working peoples of dependent countries, the proletariat has its own common ideology that expresses its striving to achieve liberation from capitalist tyranny. The imperialists and the working class have fundamentally different aims. The founders of Marxism emphasised that the overthrow of world capitalism is not the national task of the proletariat of some one country but the international, common task of all working people.

p In our epoch internationalism’s role has been greatly enhanced and its further consolidation remains one of the most important tasks. The circumstances determining this are:

p 1. There has been a sharp intensification of the interdependence of the revolutionary movement in the various countries and a massive growth of the scale of this movement. Today the world revolution embraces not only the socialist revolutions in different capitalist countries but also the national liberation revolutions which are opening the road for socialist changes. We are thus witnessing the numerical growth and diversification of the revolutionary movement’s subjects to whom the principle of internationalism applies.

p 2. Internationalism’s social base has expanded substantially and its ideas and practical activity have acquired a deeper content. At the dawn of the working-class movement only foremost workers were internationalists. Today internationalism is the slogan of the entire revolutionary working-class movement of the world.

p 3. Socialism, which is the principal source of diverse international assistance to the revolutionary movement, has greatly increased its economic, political, ideological and military potential. Today every international action has a higher effect and a broader response.

p 4. Imperialism, against which the working class is fighting, has framed a global strategy aimed, as before, chiefly against the Soviet Union and the world socialist system as a whole.

p Lenin wrote that the “more the revolution develops, the 345 more the bourgeoisie rally together”.  [345•*  Today we distinctly see that capitalism is rallying its forces in proportion to socialism’s growth and the strengthening of the socialist countries and of the anti-imperialist movements. The imperialists are rallying together ever more closely against the forces of revolution and resorting to increasingly more subtle methods.

p Imperialism seeks to strike at the revolutionary movement in the economic, social, political, military, ideological and cultural spheres. Imperialist strategy must be regarded as an integral, global strategy affecting all spheres of the life of society.

p It is obvious, therefore, that the international working class can nullify the efforts of the imperialists only by countering its strategy with united action, with a common strategy. But this is only one side of the issue. The other circumstance amplifying the importance of the international unity of the revolutionary forces is that without such unity no headway can be made by revolutionary action aimed at achieving society’s socialist reorganisation.

p 5. The content and forms of proletarian internationalism are today determined by the enlarged basis of anti- imperialist and anti-war unity in face of the threat of another world war. The struggle for peace cannot be confined to the boundaries of individual countries. It grows into a broad international movement, whose significance is heightened by the participation in it of the socialist community.

p 6. In the revolutionary process the role of the subjective factor has grown immeasurably due to the deepening of our knowledge of the laws of social development and to the increased ability of the revolutionary forces to direct development in accordance with these laws. Actions by the revolutionary forces have acquired a sharply heightened significance because today they involve enormous material and manpower resources and decide the destiny of peoples and continents. The revolutionary process has become more governable, as it were. In turn, this means that the objective conditions enabling the revolutionary movement to employ a common internationalist strategy are now more favourable. On the other hand, the implication is that history has 346 devolved a greater responsibility on the communist movement.

p We have mentioned only some of the elements which, in our view, favour international co-operation among the working masses. However, this by no means implies that such cooperation can be achieved automatically. The realisation of possibilities depends on the actions of the Communist parties themselves, on how successfully they meet the objective demand of the day, namely, accentuate proletarian internationalism in their practical policy, especially as in the communist movement certain difficulties obstruct the attainment of united action. Facts pointing to manifestations of nationalism and to an underestimation of the threat from imperialism have been brought to light in some parties (both in socialist and capitalist countries). This only leads to disunity in the Communist ranks and to attempts on the part of some theoreticians to “modernise” proletarian internationalism, give it a “national” basis and reconsider some of its propositions.

p The trends towards isolation from the world communist movement and from the socialist countries have nothing in common with national interests and clash with the aims of the anti-imperialist struggle. This was underscored by William Kashtan, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Canada, who said at the 1969 International Meeting: “Any thought of ‘going it alone’ in face of imperialism’s ’bridge building’ and subversion, on the assumption that it would bring some immediate gains-to this or that party, is indeed a shortsighted policy which will help neither the party concerned in the long run, nor the anti-imperialist struggle.”  [346•* 

p What is the explanation for the present divergences in the communist movement, notably on questions of proletarian internationalism?

p A scrutiny of these divergences indicates that they are due to the influence of a number of factors, the most important of which is the development and enlargement of the revolutionary movement itself, the inclusion in it of new groups of working people. In his time Lenin had noted 347 that “one of the most profound causes that periodically give rise to differences over tactics is the very growth of the labour movement. If this movement is not measured by the criterion of some fantastic ideal, but is regarded as the practical movement of ordinary people, it will be clear that the enlistment of larger and larger numbers of new ‘recruits’, the attraction of new sections of the working people must inevitably be accompanied by waverings in the sphere of theory and tactics, by repetitions of old mistakes, by a temporary reversion to antiquated views and antiquated methods, and so forth”.  [347•* 

p Further, differences in the interpretation of proletarian internationalism derive from the objective difficulties involved in the formation of the world socialist system and the need for close co-operation between countries that had no firm links between each other in the past.

p An essential factor is the uneven development of the world revolutionary process. Some parties have traversed a long road of revolutionary struggle and acquired extensive experience that has been tested in class battles. Others have been formed recently, do not yet have the necessary experience, are in some cases still groping their way, as it were, in mapping out their strategy and tactics and have not yet reached a sufficiently high level of political, organisational and ideological development.

p Lastly, the danger of divergences that lead to errors is harboured in the very process of devising new forms of relations between parties. At present when no single centre exists in the communist movement, the sense of responsibility that the Communists have for their parties is growing sharply. Under certain conditions this sense is counterposed to the feeling of internationalism.

p The Communist parties are, of course, independent and equal. Each party determines its policy and the forms of its struggle on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and with account of national conditions. At the same time, proletarian internationalism is a component of the teaching and struggle of every Communist Party. At the 1969 International Meeting Waldeck Rochet stressed that “diversity should not mean division, just as the requisite independence of each party 348 should not lead to isolation or nationalism”.  [348•*  Each party’s independence is manifested, firstly, by the fact that it determines its own political line on the basis of a concrete assessment of the situation in its country, on the basis of the Marxist-Leninist teaching and on the basis of the experience of the communist movement as a whole, and, secondly, by the fact that it bears an historical responsibility for its policy to its own people and to the international working class.

p The main difficulty is in surmounting nationalism, which springs from the objective conditions of the modern revolutionary process. Here the following elements may be indicated.

p The world revolutionary movement is growing chiefly through the involvement of new countries and peoples. Nations and states are the principal subjects of the struggle (political, economic, ideological or military) on the international scene. During the past decade the number of subjects of international relations appearing on the world scene under nationalistic slogans with the demand for a place in the system of existing relations and for a change of these relations has doubled. The national attribute has become the most general, frequent and stable concept of international politics.

p In view of society’s swift development, when all the characteristic elements of human collectives are growing increasingly more pronounced, the national attribute, as the most stable and emotional, is particularly sensitive.

p The development of science, culture and languages and the rise of the literacy level in many of the formerly backward countries are likewise whipping up national feelings.

p In addition to these reasons for the intensification of nationalism, there are local factors in each torrent of the revolutionary movement.

p The growth of national consciousness in socialist countries and the upsurge of national pride, in themselves natural and justified products of the development of socialism, may become the source of nationalistic distortions if no account is taken, in good time, of the international features 349 of the national development of each people and of the importance of a joint struggle by the different contingents of the world revolutionary movement. This is heightened by the fact that most of the socialist states had formerly been oppressed countries and for that reason are extremely cautious in establishing relations with other countries, including socialist countries. Lastly, it must be borne in mind that in most of these countries, by virtue of the convergence and intertwining of two stages of the revolution, the national problem, whose solution is one of the requirements of the bourgeois revolution, was resolved only in the course of socialist transformations.

p In capitalist countries nationalism has its roots in the very nature of social relations. An aggravation of the contradictions between different classes and also between individual capitalist countries impels the ruling classes to propagate unbridled nationalism as an aid in building up their policy. In this they are helped by US imperialism, which endeavours to deprive the bourgeois states of their national independence.

p In the young states nationalism is a fellow-traveller of the struggle for national liberation. It has been fostered by the long, bloody battles with imperialism. On the other hand,, in these countries social differentiation has not gone so far as to enable class feelings and class consciousness to compete with national feelings. Another important point that has to be taken into account is that in the struggle for national liberation nationalism was a vehicle uniting the people against the oppressors and played a progressive role.

p Thus, manifestations of nationalism are today becoming more multiform and complex and are influencing the course of the revolutionary process more than ever before. This makes it imperative for the communist movement to intensify its struggle against nationalism. We are witnessing confirmation of Lenin’s words that “the struggle... against the most deep-rooted petty-bourgeois national prejudices, looms ever larger with the mounting exigency of the task of converting the dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e., existing in a single country and incapable of determining world politics) into an international one (i.e., a dictatorship of the proletariat involving at least several 350 advanced countries, and capable of exercising a decisive influence upon world politics as a whole)”.  [350•* 

p Lenin never rested content with a verbal acknowledgement of internationalism. He regarded genuine internationalism as concrete revolutionary practice, as concrete norms of relations between parties.

p In line with this he stressed that “it is the duty of any party . . . selflessly to help any Soviet republic in its struggle against counter-revolutionary forces”.  [350•** 

p The internationalist support of the working people of the whole world was of great significance to the peoples of the USSR for it reinforced their confidence in the righteousness of their historic mission. Highly valuing manifestations of solidarity with the October Revolution, the peoples of the Soviet Union have always honourably discharged their duty to the international working class. Today the socialist community has become a reliable bastion of the world revolutionary movement.

p As was pointed out by Janos Kadar, “the leaders of socialist countries cannot separate questions of proletarian internationalism from the state interests of the socialist countries. Should the leaders of any socialist country consider internationalism and the state interests of their country in isolation from each other, they would merely inflict harm both on our common cause and on the interests of their own country.”  [350•*** 

p It is therefore absurd to assert that the socialist countries counterpose their own state interests to those of the communist movement and use them for their own purposes.

p No less mistaken is the point of view that the unity of the socialist community signifies that the countries belonging to that community enjoy only a limited sovereignty. Bourgeois propaganda is trying in vain to convince the world of the existence of a “doctrine of limited sovereignty" of the socialist countries. Its purpose is to discredit the norms governing the relations between the socialist countries and their right and duty jointly to defend socialism. These 351 norms, rights and duties are inalienable from socialist policy as a whole and are recorded in many bi-lateral and multilateral documents.

p In the development of the world revolution today the main thing is to ensure the utmost strengthening of world socialism, of the socialist system. This is the objective of consistent proponents of proletarian internationalism. Those who belittle the world socialist system and disparage its role lapse unwittingly into nationalism.

p Lenin wrote: “Petty-bourgeois nationalism proclaims as internationalism the mere recognition of the equality of nations, and nothing more. Quite apart from the fact that this recognition is purely verbal, petty-bourgeois nationalism preserves national self-interest intact, whereas proletarian internationalism demands, first, that the interests of the proletarian struggle in any one country should be subordinated to the interests of that struggle on a world-wide scale, and, second, that a nation which is achieving victory over the bourgeoisie should be able and willing to make the greatest national sacrifices for the overthrow of international capital.”  [351•* 

p The communist movement seeks to abide by this precept of Lenin’s, fights for genuine internationalism and denounces diehard nationalism.

p The fraternal parties hold that internationalism must be regarded not as a mechanical sum total of the national policies of individual parties but as a single policy which gives each party wide scope for tackling the concrete tasks confronting it. As the French Communist Party puts it, “diversity in unity" must be the principle of internationalism.

p The Communist Party of the Soviet Union steers consistently towards the unity of the communist movement and correctly applies the Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism. It advocates a healthy combination of national features in the activities of a party with its international tasks, and is against any party playing a hegemonic role in the communist movement.

p The CPSU holds the view that the existing divergences between Communists can be surmounted. This view is based on the experience of the world communist movement and 352 on the Leninist principles of the struggle for the unity of that movement.

p Where the unity of Communists was concerned Lenin was relentlessly firm. He insisted that in analysing differences the main issue should be separated from the secondary and that the emphasis should be on questions on which there is unanimity. “Given agreement on the basic issue. .. unity, in my opinion, is possible and necessary,”  [352•*  he wrote in the “Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany Regarding the Split”. Elsewhere he stressed that having agreed on the main issue Communists could and should act in unity. “In my opinion, differences on less important issues can, and unfailingly will, vanish; this will result from the logic of the joint struggle against the really formidable enemy, the bourgeoisie.”  [352•**  He saw that differences could disappear as a result of a thoughtful discussion and exchange of views on an international scale, as a result of an exchange of ideas and the mapping out of common tactics.  [352•*** 

p In concert with other fraternal parties the CPSU is taking concrete steps to cement the unity of the international communist movement. Here an important role was played by the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties that was held in Moscow in 1969. The main objective of that Meeting was to chart a joint strategy of struggle against imperialism. In its Main Document it is stated that “the most important prerequisite for increasing the Communist and Workers’ parties’ contribution to the solution of the problems facing the peoples is to raise the unity of the communist movement to a higher level in conformity with present-day requirements. This demands determined and persistent effort by all the parties. The cohesion of the Communist and Workers’ parties is the most important factor in rallying together all the anti-imperialist forces.”  [352•**** 

p At the Meeting it was declared that the efficacy of the policy of each Communist Party depended on its successes in its own country, on the successes of other fraternal parties 353 and on the extent of the co-operation between them. “Each Communist Party is responsible for its activity to its own working class and people and, at the same time, to the international working class. The national and international responsibilities of each Communist and Workers’ party are indivisible. Marxists-Leninists are both patriots and internationalists; they reject both national narrow-mindedness and the negation or underestimation of national interests, and the striving for hegemony. At the same time, the Communist parties—the parties of the working class and all working people—are the standard-bearers of genuine national interests unlike the reactionary classes, which betray these interests. The winning of power by the working class and its allies is the greatest contribution which a Communist Party fighting under capitalist conditions can make to the cause of socialism and proletarian internationalism.”  [353•* 

p At the Meeting many of the speakers profoundly analysed the problems of internationalism, showing its unbreakable link with the entire struggle of the communist movement. For example, Gus Hall, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the USA, said that “we do not view internationalism as a burden, a concession or a cross to bear. It is not as if it is a frosting on a cake that you add to improve its taste and appearance. It is a basic ingredient that adds indispensable, revolutionary content to the class struggle.”  [353•** 

p The problem of relations between parties was exhaustively and profoundly discussed at the Meeting, which expressed the confidence that the obstacles to the development of cooperation between Communists would be removed. “ Communists are aware that our movement, while scoring great historical victories in the course of its development, has recently encountered serious difficulties. Communists are convinced, however, that these difficulties will be overcome. This belief is based on the fact that the international working class has common long-term objectives and interests, on the striving of each party to find a solution to existing problems which would meet both national and international interests and the Communists’ revolutionary mission; it is 354 based on the will of Communists for cohesion on an international scale.”  [354•* 

p Life has borne out and continues to bear out the Meeting’s conclusions and assessments. The Communist parties are actively pressing for the cohesion of the entire movement and for the triumph of the principles of proletarian internationalism.

p This is proceeding in three directions. The joint actions of the Communists against imperialism are unfolding on a steadily wider scale; in the communist movement unity and co-operation are naturally enhanced in the course of these actions. The links and contacts between the fraternal parties are being strengthened and used to co-ordinate their actions and work out common views. More is being jointly done to generalise the theoretical contribution of individual parties and to advance Marxist-Leninist theory on that basis; the ways and means of exchanging information and views between parties are being improved. The 24th Congress of the CPSU, which was attended by 102 delegations from Communist, national-democratic and Left Socialist parties, was a striking demonstration of the internationalist solidarity of the world’s revolutionary forces.

p Imperialism is seeking to prolong its existence and halt and reverse the inexorable course of history. To this end it is prepared to use any means, up to a world thermonuclear war. In one way or another all developments in the world are linked with the great struggle between the forces of imperialism and war and the forces of peace and socialism. The struggle of the peoples is headed by Communists who have undertaken a great responsibility before history. They are the only ones who can carry out this task, because they alone are armed with the teaching of Marxism-Leninism that is embodied in a mighty revolutionary movement, and they alone have the invincible weapon of proletarian internationalism.

p Three slogans mirror the irrepressible growth of the communist movement. The movement itself was engendered by the inspiring slogan, “Workers of all countries, unite!" coined by Marx and Engels. Lenin welcomed a new stage 355 of the world revolution with the militant slogan, “Workers of all countries and oppressed peoples, unite!”. Today on the banners of the communist movement is inscribed the new slogan of the epoch formulated at the 1969 International Meeting: “Peoples of the socialist countries, workers, democratic forces in the capitalist countries, newly liberated peoples and those who are oppressed, unite in a common struggle against imperialism, for peace, national liberation, social progress, democracy and socialism!”

p These slogans express the strength and invincibility of socialism and communism. Under the banner of proletarian internationalism the communist movement will achieve further conspicuous success and honourably carry out its historic mission.

p Imperialism is an international force and can only be defeated if the contingents of the world revolution are united.

However difficult and tortuous it may have been as a result of the complexity of historical conditions, of modern objective and subjective factors, the road to communism is the only correct road for mankind. It will inevitably be followed by all peoples. The Marxist-Leninist parties, which constitute the most progressive and advanced force of our epoch, have been and will continue to be in the van of the struggle of the masses.