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p The ideas of proletarian
internationalism were first put forward on the theoretical level and substantiated by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. V. I. Lenin, his followers and the fraternal Communist and Workers’ Parties developed and enriched these principles of the brilliant leaders and teachers of the working class. In his theory of the socialist revolution Lenin advanced the ideas of proletarian internationalism, enhanced their influence and significance and showed concretely how to apply these ideas and use them as a guideline in the revolutionary struggle of the non-proletarian masses of backward countries still at pre-capitalist stages of development.

p Bourgeois nationalism is the direct antithesis of proletarian internationalism. Lenin wrote: "Bourgeois nationalism and proletarian internationalism—these are the two irreconcilably hostile slogans that correspond to the two great class camps throughout the capitalist world, and express the two policies (nay, the two world outlooks) in the national question.”  [93•* 

p Nationalism manifests itself in the most diverse ways and springs from historical conditions, national features, the specifics of social development, and so on. The national awareness of oppressed nations rises in the course of the revolutionary struggle. When the struggle is for state independence and freedom, this is a progressive phenomenon. But after political independence is won as a result of the revolutionary struggle and when the democratic revolution deepens and the transition is being effected to the 94 revolutionary remaking of society, nationalism begins to have an increasingly adverse influence and becomes an obstacle to the revolution’s further development, to social progress. This has been most strikingly demonstrated by the so-called "great proletarian cultural revolution" in China.

p The working masses of China led by the working class overthrew the Chiang Kai-shek regime, which had the backing of the US imperialists, and seized state power. This opened the door to the revolutionary transformation of Chinese society. However, the pernicious heritage of bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism became a threat to the advance of the Chinese people’s state to socialism, and the Communist Party of China had time and again made it plain that this threat had to be resolutely combated.

p The problem of eradicating Great-Power chauvinism was raised in the decisions of the Eighth Congress of the CPC, in the statement of the PRC Government of November 1, 1956, and in other official documents. Such was the state of affairs when in a situation marked by a sharp class struggle of the period of transition, Mao Tse-tung and his group flouted the instructions of the Communist Party of China and became the proponents of bourgeois nationalism and petty-bourgeois adventurism and an obstacle to the development of the Chinese revolution. The Maoists have adopted a Great-Power chauvinistic approach also to questions of international relations.

p The Chinese revolution and the present-day national liberation movement owe their successes primarily to the might of the Soviet Union, the world’s first socialist country, to the strengthening of the world socialist system, the further growth of the international communist and working-class movement, and the aggravation of the general crisis of the capitalist system.

p The Soviet Union’s fraternal assistance and support and the defeat of Japanese imperialism’s armed forces by the Soviet Army were key factors contributing to the triumph of the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal revolution in China.

p Thanks to material, technical and cultural assistance from other socialist countries, the People’s Republic of China successfully carried out socio-economic reforms.

p The petty-bourgeois narrowness of Maoism prevented the Maoists from correctly assessing the influence and importance of these factors to the Chinese revolution and to the 95 development of the national liberation movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the role played by them in the collapse of colonialism.

p Mao Tse-tung’s adherents hold that in the world revolutionary process the leading role is played today not by the international proletariat but by the peasant masses of the East. This springs from the Maoist distortion of the Marxist dialectical understanding of fundamental qualitative changes, which are alleged to be mechanical changes, and from the false theory that the working class had simply changed places with the peasants.

p This brought the Maoist group to its claim that Mao Tsetung, the "red sun”, as he is called, is the leader of the international communist, working-class and national liberation movements. Bourgeois nationalism and Great-Power chauvinism, whose roots are to be found in China’s distant feudal past, are the soil nourishing this claim.

p In the course of many centuries the rulers of China believed and sowed belief in the superiority of the Chinese over any other nation and in the exclusiveness of Chinese civilisation, manners and customs. On the other hand, many centuries of oppression and exploitation by the Manchus and by European capitalists and imperialists kindled in the Chinese people hatred of foreign invaders. These two factors became increasingly more pronounced at the beginning of the present century under the influence of the Chinese national bourgeoisie and left a deep imprint on some of the Chinese Communist Party’s leaders, who come from bourgeois or petty-bourgeois families.

p Subsequently, this hatred of European capitalists turned into hostility for everything foreign, regardless of its class content.

p In The New Democracy, a pamphlet written in January 1940, Mao Tse-tung pointed out, for instance, that the approach to everything foreign had to be extremely cautious and circumspect.

p Blinded by megalomania, Mao Tse-tung and his entourage ceased to reckon with the experience of socialist construction in the USSR and other countries, chiefly on the grounds that China had the most ancient culture and was the greatest country. According to the Maoists, the "greatest country”, the "greatest people”, the "greatest Party" and the "greatest leader" have the mission of shaping history anew, in a 96 manner emphatically distinct from other countries. Relying on bayonets and his minions, Mao Tse-tung compels the Chinese people to deify and extol him as the "coryphaeus of Marxism-Leninism”, as the helmsman and great leader, memorise every word uttered by him as though it were the Bible and repeat it as a prayer, and write music, odes and songs in his honour. In this way Mao Tse-tung seeks to rank himself with the founders of Marxism-Leninism and, if possible, even rise above them. The aim is to make the international working-class and liberation movements accept these arrogations.

p The experience of Parties, in which the peasant element initially predominated, namely the experience of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and a number of other Marxist Parties, shows how vital the friendly internationalist assistance of the world communist movement and of its advanced contingents is to the efforts to surmount the numerous difficulties which arise in the course of the revolutionary solution of social, economic and cultural problems, in the struggle against petty-bourgeois influences. . . .

p Yet the Mao group sharply curtails economic relations with fraternal socialist countries, steers a policy of securing closer rapprochement with the world economic system of capitalism and refrains from wounding the interests of the Chinese bourgeoisie, of the Chinese millionaires. In words it recognises the general laws of social development, but in fact continues to ignore them completely and to accentuate the national specifics of socio-economic development of China and other Eastern countries.

p By lop-sidedly exalting the independence of the national contingents of the international communist movement, the Maoists summarily dismiss the general line adopted jointly by the Communist and Workers’ Parties and the internationalist tasks and duties stemming from it. This narrowminded nationalism of Mao Tse-tung and his group has isolated the Communist Party of China from the international communist movement. He was obviously behind the CPC’s non-participation in the meetings and conferences held by the Communist and Workers’ Parties in the recent period with the purpose of strengthening their unity.

p The divisive policy of the Maoists in some Parties is used by anti-communist forces and imperialist reaction to undermine the international communist and national liberation 97 movements. A feature characterising Maoism is that it takes not a class but a nationalistic, double-faced, hypocritical approach to problems of international politics.

p This approach manifests itself in the total disregard of the specifics of other countries, in the drive to absolutise the Chinese experience and impose it on all countries.

p The attacks of the Mao Tse-tung group are directed not against imperialism but against the Soviet Union and some other socialist countries, against the CPSU and other fraternal Communist Parties. Comrade Y. Tsedenbal, First Secretary of the CC MPRP, noted: "As the main target of its attacks it [the Mao group—Ed.] has chosen not imperialism but the great Soviet Union, homeland of the October Revolution, and proclaimed it enemy No. 1. This is not accidental, because by steadfastly implementing the ideas of Marxism-Leninism and embodying real truth and justice, the first socialist country is a serious obstacle to the adventurist activities of Mao Tse-tung and his group.”  [97•* 

p Mao Tse-tung and his supporters have distorted the Leninist idea of uniting the advanced, revolutionary forces of all countries and continents in the struggle against imperialism, as expressed in the slogan, "Workers of all countries and oppressed peoples, unite!”, and took the line of isolating the peoples of the Eastern countries on a nationalistic basis, whipping up among them nationalistic feelings and sentiments.

p The Maoists have distorted Lenin’s teaching on the alliance of the working class and the peasantry on a world scale, substituting for it the theory that the "rural areas of the world" are pitted against the "cities of the world”, the East against the West, the poor states against the rich countries. They thereby set some countries against others with total disregard for their socio-political system. In effect, this means detachment of the peoples of the East from the international working class, and the setting of countries which have won liberation from colonialism apart from the world socialist system.

In order to put their designs into effect the Maoists do not shrink from racialist theory, utilising racialism in an effort to engineer a conflict between the peoples of the 98 yellow and black races and the peoples of the white race. The end purpose of all this is to tear the national liberation movement away from the world socialist system and the international communist movement and subordinate the great forces of national liberation to the dictates of the Mao Tse-tung group.

p The Maoists pursue a chauvinistic line in internal national policy. They pay high tribute to and glorify the bloodthirsty conquerors of the past—of both Chinese and non-Chinese origin. More than that, they regard their conquests as great services in the formation of an integral multi-national China, which annexed vast territories. The Maoists thereby demonstrate their total rupture with Marxism-Leninism, which requires a class approach to and a class evaluation of history.

p For instance, the conquest and forcible annexation by China of Sinkiang and Dungaria in the mid-18th century, and of Tibet, Burma, Vietnam, Nepal and other countries at the close of the 18th century, are justified in A Short History of China. Some Chinese historians try to prove that the piratical wars of the Manchu emperors, who seized and annexed non-Chinese peoples, played a useful role in history. A reference book on the history of China contains the following: "The policy of unification pursued by the State of China made it possible to bring many nationalities closer together economically and culturally.”

p In analysing the wars of Genghis Khan and his successors, some Chinese historians maintain that they helped to form the great Chinese Empire. Despite the reservations and allegories accompanying the revelations of Chinese historians, it is not hard to see that they regard and assess the wars of the past from a chauvinistic standpoint.

p The chauvinistic views of the Maoists are embodied in their state policy in the national question after the formation of the People’s Republic of China.

p The manner in which this problem was approached in China after the revolution differs fundamentally in both form and substance from the solution that was arrived at in the multi-national Soviet Union after the Great October Socialist Revolution.

p Resolving the nationalities question on the basis of 99 Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the Soviet state granted independence to Poland and Finland. The peoples of former tsarist Russia received the right to selfdetermination and the formation, on a voluntary basis, of a federation of equal Union and autonomous republics.

p In China there are more than 50 non-Chinese nationalities totalling 43 million people. Some numerically large nationalities, numbering up to 2-3 millions, have been granted so-called autonomous status. But this status is extremely limited, being confined to the framework of autonomous regions. Others, for example the Manchurian people, numbering 2-4 millions, ceased to exist as national units after the PRC was proclaimed. More than that, Manchuria has been renamed Tungpei or Northeast China.

p The Tibetans, Inner Mongolians and other relatively large nationalities have been granted the rights only of autonomous regions. These so-called autonomous regions do not fully ensure the national unity of the nationalities concerned nor their territorial, economic and cultural unification and integrity. In Tibet, for example, the administrative mechanism of autonomy still remains to be completed.

p In 1955, on the pretext of uniting all the lands inhabited by Mongolians, half of the territories of Suiyuan, Jehol and Ningsia with a predominantly Chinese population were included in the autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. As a result the population of Inner Mongolia rose to 12 million, of whom Inner Mongolians are an insignificant minority.

p The Chinese language is ousting the languages of the indigenous nationalities of the autonomous regions; in those regions national festivals, traditions and songs have been banned, and instead it is demanded that the people sing only about the "red sun"—Mao Tse-tung.

p In the non-Chinese autonomous regions all the leading posts in the Party and state apparatus are occupied by Great Hans, by the henchmen of Mao Tse-tung. On the pretext of combating "nationalistic and Right views”, all national cadres have been relieved of their posts, and the least discontent with the chauvinistic policy of the Chinese leadership in the autonomous regions is suppressed by force of arms.

p The "cultural revolution" deprived the non-Chinese regions of the last vestiges of their rights to autonomy. In Inner Mongolia, for example, the Army has disbanded 100 Emacs-File-stamp: "/home/ysverdlov/leninist.biz/en/1970/MTEC326/20080521/199.tx" Party, state and other organs of power and replaced them with so-called "revolutionary committees”, which protect the interests of the Maoists, who have thus expunged democracy and flagrantly violated the country’s Constitution.

p Plans, which the Manchu emperors and Chinese landowners and capitalists had once nurtured in regard to Mongolia, are strikingly embodied in the Great-Power chauvinism of Mao Tse-tung. From the very first day of their existence the MPRP and the Government of the MPR have pursued a policy calling for support of the national liberation struggle of the friendly Chinese people and for the establishment of good-neighbourly relations with China on the basis of proletarian internationalism and equality.

p In the report of the CC MPRP to the 15th Party Congress it was pointed out: "The steadfast strengthening and development of inviolable friendship and close co-operation with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, the safeguarding and consolidation of the unity of the countries of the socialist community and the cohesion of the international communist and working-class movement have been and remain the cornerstones of the foreign policy of our Party and our Government.”  [100•* 

p Thanks to the sound and wise policy pursued by the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party, the MPR’s international relations are developing successfully, its international position is becoming stronger and its prestige is growing in the world. Today the MPR has diplomatic relations with almost 40 countries and trades with more than 20 countries.

p Our country occupies a firm position in the system of international relations and pursues an active foreign policy in support of peace and equal co-operation among states.

p Yet as early as 1935 Mao Tse-tung told the American author Edgar P. Snow that when the people’s revolution triumphed in China, it might happen that the Republic of Outer Mongolia would mechanically become part of the Chinese federation. Eight years later he again declared that the Government of China must recognise Outer Mongolia as a national region (province—Ed.) enjoying the right of self- administration. Another ten years went by and Mao Tse-tung 101 began to style himself as the "great leader of the CPC”, "a true Marxist”, but even after the Chinese revolution and the establishment of diplomatic relations with the MPR he and his associates, speaking behind the back of the Mongolian people, declared time and again that the MPR should be part of China.

p Their claims, naturally, evoked the surprise and indignation of all Marxists-Leninists, Chinese Marxists among them. In an interview given to a group of Japanese specialists in July 1964 Mao Tse-tung went so far as to allege that Mongolia had fallen under the “domination” of the Soviet Union and feigned concern over Mongolia’s destiny. This was the kind of slander to which the Kuomintang had recourse, and in any case Mao Tse-tung repeated the words said by Tang Yang-wu of the Kuomintang back in 1934.  [101•* 

p The policy of the Maoists towards a neighbouring independent socialist country, the Mongolian People’s Republic, thus somehow poorly squares with their assurances of their un changing respect for the state independence of other countries.

p In this connection it does not seem to be superfluous to recall some facts characterising the attitude of Mao Tse-tung and his supporters to the MPR’s membership in the UN.

p The long procrastination over the question of the MPR’s admission to the UN was due to the opposition of Chiang Kai-shek and his representative in the United Nations Organisation: supported by reactionary circles in the USA they blocked the MPR’s admission to the UN on the illegal grounds that it is allegedly part of China. However, the MPR’s right to membership in the UN was so obvious that the member states adopted a positive approach to this issue. Time and again the governments of countries of the socialist community officially demanded the MPR’s admission to the UN. This demand was supported by the Communist and Workers’ Parties of many countries and by world public opinion.

p It is therefore utterly astonishing that the Government of the People’s Republic of China did not at any time officially state its attitude to the question of the MPR’s admission to the UN. Yet the Government of the Mongolian People’s Republic continues, as it has always done, to support the 102 demand for the restoration of the PRC’s rights in that organisation.

p Inasmuch as the MPR had a legitimate right to UN membership and inasmuch as that right was supported by world public opinion, our country was admitted to the United Nations in 1961. Already then attention was drawn by the fact that while the Chiang Kai-shek regime on Taiwan grieved over this development, Mao Tse-tung and his group were maintaining a sullen silence.

p The existence and consolidation of the independent and sovereign Mongolian People’s Republic and the growth of its prestige in the world do not conform to the ambitions of Mao Tse-tung and his associates, who seek to subordinate Mongolia to Chinese rule.

p In the course of the past two years the Maoists have rejected every initiative by the MPR to improve trade and economic relations between our two countries. Moreover, the Maoists sought to make the very possibility of normalising relations directly dependent on our approval and recognition of their anti-Marxist activities and theories. After finding that pressure was bringing no result they organised the most flagrant provocations against our embassy in Peking.

p Moreover, in its attempts to bring ideological pressure to bear on the MPR, the Mao group has recourse to manoeuvres, to the falsification of history beginning from the most remote times. True, this is not new, but it has been stripped of its former disguise.

p Chinese historians who glorify Great-Han aspirations accentuate the racial kinship and religious community of the Manchu emperors and the Mongolian khans.

p In a paper entitled On Genghis Khan the historian Han Ju-lin writes that the campaigns of Genghis Khan and his successors did much to bring the subjugated peoples together.

p Marxist scholars, on the other hand, regard the wars of Genghis Khan and his successors as predatory, piratical and reactionary. Any attempt to revise the Marxist assessment of the wars of conquest by invaders and enslavers—khans and noyens (feudal nobility—B.S.)—is a complete retreat from the basic principles of historical materialism and brings grist to the mill of aggressors, imperialists, revanchists and chauvinists, of all the forces eager to seize foreign territory.

p The Great-Power, anti-Marxist policy of the Mao 103 Tsetung group in the international arena and its chauvinistic designs on our country are directed first and foremost against the lasting friendship, unity and solidarity between the Soviet and Mongolian peoples. The Maoists are slandering Soviet-Mongolian friendship because the revolutionising example of the experience of the non-capitalist road of transition to socialism, effected thanks to the heroic struggle of the Mongolian people and the selfless assistance of the Soviet socialist state, is a serious obstacle to the attempts of the Maoists to occupy the leading position and establish their hegemony in the liberation movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

p The materials fabricated by the insidious propaganda of the Mao Tse-tung group glaringly contradict the statements made formerly by some leading members of that group.

p For example, in a speech at a meeting in the central square of Ulan-Bator in June 1960, Premier of the State Council of the PRC Chou En-lai said: "In the course of this visit we have seen with pride and rejoicing the rich fruits of the magnificent work of the Mongolian people.

p “In the broad expanses of your country the number of new industrial enterprises is growing uninterruptedly, agricultural production is increasing, and the co-operation of the small individual economies of the herdsmen has been swiftly completed.

p “The face of the MPR has changed fundamentally with the advance of socialist construction and the victory of socialism. From a country engaged solely in animal-breeding you have become an agrarian-industrial country, where both agriculture and industry are developing evenly.”  [103•* 

p Our country’s fine achievements in all spheres of the economy are the result chiefly of the dedicated work of the Mongolian people, who are moving from success to success in the building of socialism, the result of the correct and wise policy of our Marxist-Leninist Party, the result of the MPR being a member of the great family of countries of the socialist community. Moreover, they must be put down to the credit of our true friend and ally, the heroic Soviet people, who rendered our country disinterested assistance in the building of socialism. That was why at the 15th Congress of the MPRP it was specially emphasised: "The 104 further all-sided consolidation of the unseverable ties of fraternity and friendship between the MPR and the Soviet Union remains, as formerly, the prime concern of our Party.”  [104•* 

p Mongolia’s achievements over the past 47 years in the building of socialism under the leadership of the MPRP and with the all-sided assistance of the USSR are an embodiment of the words spoken by Lenin in 1916 that the working class of Russia would help the Mongolian, Egyptian and other peoples to go over to the use of machines and lighter labour, to democracy and socialism.

The peoples of the socialist countries and the Communist and Workers’ Parties of almost the whole world follow the achievements of the Mongolian people with admiration and delight.

p Like the fraternal Communist Parties and peoples of other socialist countries, the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and the people of the Mongolian People’s Republic firmly believe that sooner or later the correct MarxistLeninist political line will triumph in the policies of the Communist Party of China, that the harmful consequences of the profoundly erroneous philosophical and political tenets of Maoism, which mirror the adventurism of the petty bourgeoisie, will be eradicated, and that the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people will occupy a worthy place in the international revolutionary movement, in the common struggle against imperialism, and confidently lead China along the road to socialism.

With other fraternal Communist Parties, the MPRP firmly upholds the unity and solidarity of the international communist movement, wages a struggle against imperialism, for democracy and peace, resolutely combats dogmatism, revisionism and other manifestations of opportunism, and safeguards the purity of the Marxist-Leninist teaching.