p First and foremost, we consider we must inform you in general outline of the struggle we are waging in Italy. This information is necessary particularly because in Italy the situation has entered an extremely important and momentous stage.
p The large-scale social and political battles of 1968 were politically mirrored in the country’s shift to the Left at last year’s elections, which brought our Party 8,600,000 votes, or 27 per cent of the electorate. The Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity—a Unitarian Left party—in its turn received about 1,500,000 votes. Quite a good result was achieved at these elections also by other Left groups aligned with the ICP and the Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity.
p The forces of the Left, working-class opposition, which in Italy are fighting for advanced democracy and socialism, thus won 10 million votes, i.e., they obtained the support of nearly one-third of the electorate. The importance of this result of the elections is that it derives from the dedicated struggle of the workers and large sections of the people, from the broad and uninterrupted mass actions of our Party and its allies and therefore mirrors the organising force and real influence of the Party and of the most consistent democratic and 376 socialist forces among the working class, the popular masses and in the life of the country, to say nothing of the parliament.
p After the elections the working people did not display wait-and-see tendencies, in other words, they did not harbour the illusion that the strengthening of the Left forces in the parliament, important as that was, could by itself lead to a change of the government’s policies. On the contrary, they showed the understanding that the success at the elections created more favourable conditions for the struggle of the working classes and for the political battles of our Party and other Left forces. Indeed, after the elections the struggle of the working people acquired a broad scale and a high level of militancy. In 1968 the number of strike hours exceeded 68 million, the highest in recent years. Yet in the first two months of 1969 more than 44 million strike hours were registered.
p This period witnessed a growing trend towards radicalising the struggle of the working masses and other social strata.
p The heightening of social tension, the extension of the struggle and the very results achieved by the working people in this struggle give rise to contradictory processes among the political forces. On the one hand, the Right-wing forces both within and outside the government coalition are growing more active. Attempts are being made to check and undermine the actions of the working people and students by repressions, which have led to tragic consequences in two southern towns—Avola and Battipaglia. These attempts are accompanied by manoeuvres aimed at securing a shift to the Right in government policy.
p Parallel with the massive pressure being brought to bear by the big capitalist bourgeoisie, the number of typically fascist provocations and acts of violence is growing. Their purpose is to sow confusion and alarm in order to give the supporters of a "strong government" cause for taking steps to counterbalance the wave of actions and strikes. Furthermore, they show there is a trend towards authoritarian coups. Certain forces linked up with NATO agencies and circles are operating in this direction.
p For that reason we do not entertain illusions, being aware of the reactionary aspirations of a certain section of the ruling classes of Italian society and of the threat to democracy from subordination to US imperialism and NATO. We clearly see and openly expose the threat from reaction and call upon the masses to display vigilance and unity in order, as we have thrice succeeded during the past fifteen years, to give a rebuff to authoritarian attempts no matter in what sphere the fight has to be carried on. Furthermore, we call upon the masses to be vigilant, united and active against the threat of war, to come out, if necessary with all means, against any attempt to draw our country into military adventures. At the same time, while displaying political initiative and extending the front of struggle and its unity, we take action to nip in the bud the inclinations and attempts of the rightists and in order, in any case, to be in a position to defeat them in struggle by a militant and united front of working-class and democratic forces.
p The main trend, however, continues to be determined by the upsurge of the social and political struggle of the working people, the growing unity in the trade union struggle and the process of rapprochement between the socialist, democratic and Left Catholic forces.
377p Indeed, our Party works among the masses and leads them in the biggest class clashes and in the anti-imperialist and democratic struggle. Our strength and our initiative are in the centre of the complex political struggle raging in our country.
p All this determines the stratification and contradictions in the government coalition. Within the Socialist Party and within the Christian Democratic Party itself the question is being more and more seriously raised of the crisis of the Centre-Left and, as a result, the problem of finding "new relations" with the ICP.
p The fresh upsurge of the struggle was, furthermore, engendered by the positive results achieved by the unitary national general strikes and actions, particularly for bigger pensions and for a reform of the social insurance system, for the abolition of discriminatory zonal wage distinctions. Despite its limitations and shortcomings, the new pension scheme, won in struggle, is important because it establishes the principle under which a large mass of the Italian people must be guaranteed pensions amounting to 75 per cent, and in five years’ time to 80 per cent, of their wages.
p Also worthy of mention is that large sections of working people like miners, railwaymen, seamen and metal-makers, have secured a reduction of working time without a reduction in pay, and also longer paid leaves.
p Naturally, in order to move forward and repulse the manoeuvres of the capitalists, who seek to emasculate and reduce to naught the gains of the working people, every battle must be followed by other battles.
p This concerns a whole range of struggles embracing not only industry but also the countryside, where an important movement of agricultural workers, share-croppers, tenants and small farmers is developing.
p In South Italy unemployment, low wages and backwardness are still rampant in large areas, which has led and continues to lead to mass emigration. All this is giving rise to very high social tension and to an extremely sharp struggle.
p There is unrest also among civil servants, and post and communication, radio and TV employees and among schoolteachers.
p Broad unity, between different trade unions as well, is achieved in the course of this struggle.
p With technological progress the exploitation of workers and other strata of the working people is being intensified.
p The actions of the working class, vanguard of the entire front of the popular masses, is not confined to demands for higher wages. They embrace the entire range of problems concerning the social, human and civic position of the working people in and outside factories and offices. A struggle is being waged for broader bargaining rights of the working people, for new trade union and political rights, for a substantial reduction of working time, for various forms of control over the rhythm of labour, for an improvement of sanitary conditions and for the right to hold meetings at factories and in workshops.
p Essentially, it is a struggle to change the class balance of strength. In all this are manifested broader tendencies towards activating the masses, towards their participation in political life, towards the promotion of democracy.
p These trends are developing also in theicountryside, in schools and 378 universities, among employees of the sphere of services, the state sector, and the radio and TV.
p A new phenomenon for our country as well is that new strata of the population such as students, engineerss technicians and scientists are joining the struggle. This phenomenon is linked, on the one hand, with the advance of the scientific and technological revolution and, on the other, with the backwardness in which, through the fault of the ruling capitalist classes, the schools, universities and research institutions in Italy find themselves.
p The turbulent entry of the students into the struggle has and continues to put complex problems before us. We have encountered and still encounter difficulties in establishing good contact with the student movement, in which various and frequently contradictory trends and impulses operate. Still, we feel that the entry of these new forces into the struggle for the renewal of society is a fresh and very important positive fact and a qualitative advance in the class struggle, in the struggle for democracy and socialism. Hence, in our view, the problem before the revolutionary Party of the working class ranges beyond conducting among these new strata, which have entered the struggle, particularly the students, extensive and effective explanatory and ideological work to inculcate the ideas of socialism and give these strata a correct political perspective. Of course this work is necessary. But, in addition to this task, we are faced with the problem of understanding and including in the Party’s line and policy all the revolutionary motives which induce these masses to rebel and fight. First and foremost, we have the problem of establishing with these movements in their totality broad contacts and an alliance in the struggle to remake society.’
p The straggle of the working people increasingly brings to the fore problems connected with structural changes in the economy and the state system and more and more concretely shows that the working class and other working people must assume the administration of the state and national life. Increasingly larger numbers of working people are coming to realise that in Italy major problems of economic, social and cultural progress and democracy can only be resolved by remaking the very foundations of society, in other words, through socialist revolution.
p Precisely in this context a struggle is being waged for new forms of state intervention and democratic control in some sectors of the economy, for the nationalisation of some industries, for an agrarian reform that would give the land to the peasants who till it, and for a town-planning reform which would free the towns from parasitical rent and profiteering.
p Precisely in this context a struggle is being waged for democratic reforms in the schools, in the juridical apparatus, in the social security system and in family legislation, and also for a reform of the state system, for example, for elective regional councils with broad democratic authority.
p Another demand of a political nature for which the broad Left front is fighting is to forbid the police to use firearms in the maintenance of public order.
p A conflict so far-ranging and acute thus, on the one hand, stimulates resistance from the ruling capitalist forces, and on the other, opens up fresh possibilities for an offensive by the working classes.
379p Naturally it is not easy to direct such vast and frequently sharp actions.
p It is necessary to prevent other forces, including those of the Right wing, from seizing, through demagogy, the leadership of individual even if not the main sectors of movements. The development, on the initiative of extremist groups or through spontaneous aggravation, of forms of struggle isolating the vanguard from the broad masses must be avoided.
p We are therefore taking action to make sure that the radicalisation of the struggle should combine with the growth of its mass and Unitarian basis.
p The crisis of the present Centre-Left government has grown deeper. Deeprooted contradictions are shaking the Christian Democratic Party.
p The struggle between the two wings of the United Socialist Party—the traditional Socialist wing and the Social-Democratic wing—has again become extremely acute. The fusion achieved three years ago has proved to be a political failure. This is due to the preservation and growth among the lower echelons and the leadership of the Socialist Party, particularly as a result of the growing struggle of the masses, of forces which reject the policy of class co-operation and of rupturing of proletarian unity.
p At the risk of finding itself in the minority the Social-Democratic Right wing is trying to block any positive development of the ISP’s policy, blackmailing the party with the threat of a new split.
p Naturally, the inner contradictions of the CDP mirror also the struggle of the different trends for power; however, behind these phenomena are class and political contradictions, whose effect is preconditioned by the struggle of the masses, and our policy and. our initiative.
p The problem coming into the foreground, a problem which is openly raised by considerable groups within the government parties, is one of new relations with the ICP, one of establishing contact with the social forces for whom we speak and whose struggle we organise. In effect, it is recognised that the ICP is a force which has historically established itself in the life of the nation, a force that must be reckoned with.
p We do not lose sight of the ambiguity and calculation in many positions of this kind. We state clearly that the problem of “drawing” the ICP into the government and the Centre-Left system of power does not exist because we are fighting precisely for the abolition of the Centre-Left; and that the problem of relations with our Party is indeed a problem of relations with the broad working-class and popular masses, with their needs and aspirations, with their will to take part in the leadership of all aspects of the country’s social and political life.
p It is on precisely this foundation, even while remaining in the opposition (which in parliament can count on the votes of more than 250 Communist deputies and senators), that we want to promote all possible and even partial agreement and co-operation with other Left and democratic forces in order to give a rebuff to the authoritarian threats and conservative designs, in order to resolve the most pressing problerrs by influencing the very decisions of the government itself. We thereby intend to help achieve a swing to the Left in the parties of the majority themselves and win greater influence over the masses and over national policy.
380p In these years, while co-operating with other Left and democratic forces, our Party has waged a struggle to the utmost of its energy and not without result against the aggressive policy of imperialism, against subordination of the Italian governments, including the Centre-Left governments, to the Atlantic Alliance and the USA.
p In particular, we inspired militant actions with the participation of broad masses for solidarity with the peoples fighting for independence: with Algeria, with socialist Cuba, with the people of the Congo and other African peoples, with Arab countries and with the anti-fascists of Spain, Greece and Portugal. In recent years the movement for political as well as material solidarity with the Vietnamese people has assumed an unprecedented scale. Millions of Italians have taken part in this movement, which must now be continued.
p At present we are increasingly concentrating our efforts on the struggle to deliver Italy from the bonds and dangers of the Atlantic policy, for her withdrawal from NATO and for the removal of US bases from our country. The anti-imperialist battles of the most recent times have been joined by new forces, which differ from us ideologically—Socialists and Catholics—and which have joined in this struggle from their own positions. These forces.feel that Italy should re-examine her relations with the United States and, at the same time, with socialist countries, and they are looking for clear-cut guarantees of the country’s sovereignty and security. We are working to prevent Italy from participating in any military or political blocs, to secure her withdrawal from NATO and the removal of NATO bases from Italy; we are fighting for the status of neutrality, for the recognition of the German Democratic Republic and of the frontiers established as a result of the world war, for Italy’s contribution to European security, to disarmament, to the policy of liquidating opposing military blocs and to the conversion of the Mediterranean into a sea of peace. In this direction we have established fruitful and firm contacts with progressive movements in the Arab countries. Moreover, we are working to promote our country’s relations with socialist countries.
p A trend towards modifying the foreign policy, particularly Italy’s Atlantic policy, is noted within the government parties as well. This concerns recognition of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and People’s China, recognition of the existence of two German states, the creation of a system of collective security in Europe and the guaranteeing of peace in the Mediterranean, and the policy of disarmament, particularly nuclear disarmament. Although the proposal that is now being moved for re-examining the Atlantic pact (some limitation on military integration, the exclusion of Greece and Portugal from NATO), partial and inadequate as it is, is nonetheless an expression of the currently developing united movement for an Italian foreign policy of peace, national independence and active neutrality. Any real step in this direction conforms to the most vital interests of the Italian people and is, in our opinion, an important part of the contribution which the working people of our country are making to the cause of peace and co-operation among nations, towards the common cause of the international working-class and anti-imperialist movement. The < stand we adopted on the Czechoslovak crisis, which rests on our idea of principles which 381 must underlie relations between socialist countries and Communist Parties, just as all our other stands on questions of socialism and internationalism, have enabled us to fight Atlantic extremism in our country more successfully. Even after the Czechoslovak events, conservative and anti-communist forces were unable to halt and throw back the new trends we have mentioned.
p Taking into account the strength which our Party has acquired in Italy as a result of almost 50 years of struggle, we cannot confine ourselves to purely propaganda activities. Our aim—the implementation of socialist transformations in Italy—demands the elaboration of our independent road of struggle and that the broad masses should clearly see our concept of Italy’s advance to socialism and those specific features which the building of socialist society must acquire in Italy.
p We reject the thesis that a single model of socialist society suitable for all situations can exist. This is a matter not only of national features which must be added to the common laws governing the development of the socialist revolution and the building of socialist society. As it happens, the general laws of social development, the fundamental and common features of the socialist revolution never exist in pure form but always and only in historically-shaped and inimitable concrete reality. To counterpose these two aspects means to slide into schematicism and scholasticism, it means to reject the very essence of Marxism.
p From this concept of ours, which is Marxist and Leninist, it follows that we have never claimed and by no means claim to offer or dictate our model to others. Every country has its own history; every Party functions in historicallyshaped definite reality. Therefore, even when we discuss problems of the development of socialist democracy in socialist countries—development in the process of renewal, which was begun and the need for which was so forcefully underscored at the 20th Congress of the CPSU—we do not by any means think of an abstract and mechanical transfer to the real situation of other countries of our demands and criteria that derive from the real situation in our country or in countries with analogous features.
p As regards our country, we are working for an advance towards socialism along a democratic road, which is the road of class and mass battles, including very sharp ones, and we consider that it is possible and necessary not only to advance towards socialism but also build socialist society with the assistance of other political forces, organisations and parties; we consider that in the conditions obtaining in our country the hegemony of the working class must be realised within a militant front, a bloc of ruling forces, in a pluralist and democratic political system. That is why the model, if one can say so, of socialism for which we call upon the Italian working class and working people to struggle differs from all other existing models.
p All this is directly and profoundly mirrored also by the present political struggle in our country. Any action by us and any position we adopt, including on fundamental problems concerning socialism and the international communist novement, have a direct impact on the working masses, on the most diverse social strata and on other political forces, and lead to positive or negative consequences in national policy itself. We are confident that from this viewpoint as 382 well, our Party’s strength and influence lie chiefly in the unbreakable bond between its internationalism and its national role.
p We carry weight in Italy both because we are part of the international communist and working-class movement and because at the same time we are a national force which does not confine itself to propagating the socialist achievements of other countries but charts and wages a completely independent struggle for socialist revolution in Italy.
p It is on this foundation that our Party has established firm unity and ties with the Italian working class which have stood all tests and which nothing can weaken.
p We have invariably rejected and disappointed all those who sought to induce us to forget or relax our internationalism, our affiliation to the socialist camp and our solidarity with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries.
p Our internationalism, which constantly intertwines with efforts to strengthen our roots in national reality, is to be seen clearly throughout the history of our revolutionary, democratic Party, the party of the Italian people. Those of the most consistent Left and democratic forces which at present set themselves the problem of new relations with the ICP are aware that our Party makes no concessions and has no intention of making them in the sphere of internationalism.
Of desisive significance—also for the development of our struggle for democracy and socialism—is not the question of our affiliation to the international communist movement—there can be no discussion about that—but the question of how we participate in it.
Notes