p Dear Comrades,

p The delegation of the Brazilian Communist Party Central Committee is proud to share in the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties and is convinced that it will adopt correct decisions.

p Beginning with 1965, our Party leadership has supported the idea of convening such a meeting and endorses the initiative of the CPSU, the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ and other Parties. We followed the preparations for this Meeting with keen interest, and to the best of our modest opportunities we tried to facilitate the success of this important undertaking, in which we see— and here I quote the resolution of our Party’s 6th Congress—"the best way, in the present circumstances, of rallying and strengthening the unity of the international communist movement as a necessary precondition for effective struggle for world peace and against imperialist aggression and provocation”.

p We welcome the results of the Preparatory Committee’s work and declare our full agreement with the amended Main Document now submitted to this great forum. We also agree with the statements of solidarity with Vietnam and in defence of world peace. The document on the 100th anniversary of the birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin ought to be fully approved. We take pleasure in announcing that our Party’s Central Committee has drawn up a plan for the celebration of this great centenary, which will be made the occasion for more extensive study of Lenin’s ideas by Party members, and their dissemination among the people.

p We want to emphasise that the preparations for this Meeting have had one more important result. They helped to improve the situation that existed before February 1968 and did much to strengthen the unity and solidity of the Parties by drawing a large number of fraternal Parties into the preparatory work. This has to be emphasised also because it furnishes fresh proof that fraternal and democratic discussion of all issues on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism is the correct path to promoting communist unity.

p The facts thus show that it would have been wrong passively to wait for the opportune (so far unrealistic) moment when all the Communist and Workers’ 370 Parties would agree to hold an international meeting, since participation in it must, of course, be on an absolutely voluntary basis. It was not a matter of denying that there are differences within the communist movement—their existence is openly admitted in the draft of the Main Document—nor of expelling any Communist Party. We were able to find common ground, and despite differing viewpoints on individual issues, we formulated a policy of united action against imperialism based on Marxism-Leninism, and worked out a strategy and tactics to counter imperialism’s global strategy. And as this policy is tested and corroborated by practice, it will act as a powerful factor of attraction for fraternal Parties not represented here and for the revolutionary and progressive forces the world over.

p Comrades, we can take justified pride in the results achieved. The attention of millions is centred on Moscow. Both our friends and enemies are fully aware of the importance of the work we are doing here.

p It has to be said that some differences still persist, and no one intends to conceal them. But it should be perfectly clear that, though serious, the differences are not many. On the other hand, we agree on many more issues than on which we differ. For the spirit of unity, cohesion and common interests in our common struggle predominates. The most important thing in the present period is to find common ground.

p The presence at this Meeting of representatives of 75 revolutionary detachments of the world communist movement is in itself of vast importance. But the Meeting is especially important because the overwhelming majority, if not all of its participants, have drawn up and agreed on a programme of struggle against imperialism, and have indicated the basis for united action by the Communist and Workers’ Parties. At this juncture in history, the very fact that the anti-imperialist struggle is being extended is of immense importance.

p The Document presented for our examination scientifically analyses the cardinal problems of our age and shows how they can be solved in conformity with the interests of nations and the whole of mankind.

p Taking as its premise the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and by collective analysis, the Document gives us a correct definition of the present epoch: it shows the forces that determine the direction of mankind’s progress; analyses the alignment of forces in the world arena; elaborates anti-imperialist tactics and examines the problems involved in united action of the Communist Parties and all the forces battling for progress, freedom and independence. That is why we are convinced that the draft we are now discussing is rich in ideological content and gives the Communist and Workers’ Parties a powerful political weapon in coping with the momentous tasks history has posed by placing them at the head of their peoples.

p We would like to emphasise the proposition formulated in the draft .that the socialist world system is the decisive force of the anti-imperialist struggle, in which the Soviet Union plays the leading role. We in Brazil know from our own experience all the evils of imperialist monopoly exploitation. Our people therefore fully appreciate the policy of the socialist camp, particularly of the Soviet Union, and their assistance in combating the oppression mechanism imperialism and internal reaction have built in Brazil.

p The draft of the Main Document says—and we fully agree with this-^that the confrontation between socialism and capitalism is the central characteristic of our epoch. This should remind Communists throughout the world of their duty to concentrate all their practical activity on enhancing solidarity with, support and assistance for, and defence of the socialist camp, notably the Soviet Union, the main target of malicious imperialist attacks and slander. There can be no wavering or indecision on this question. The enemies of the peoples and of the whole of mankind are exerting every eifort to sow discord, doubt, confusion and division in an attempt to deprive the proletariat and peoples fighting for independence and progress of their staunehest ally, friend and defender. We wish to emphasise the indestructible unity between the anti-imperialist struggle, the proletarian struggle for social emancipation, and proletarian internationalism. More, we are firmly persuaded that as long as imperialism exists, it is the prime duty of every Communist actively and determinedly to defend the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries.

p That has always been the position of the Brazilian Communist Party, and •that is why, like other Communist Parties, it has been the object of attacks and libellous accusations. Ours is a truly national Party. We are consistent patriots because we are internationalists. In fighting for the interests of our people, we are never oblivious of the common interests of the world revolutionary workers’ movement.

p We accept the analysis of the position in Latin America as set out in the draft submitted for our examination. It would be premature, we think, to give a more detailed analysis in a working document meant for a definite historical period. The position in Latin America is a very complicated one, and the picture differs substantially from country to country. The deepening structural crisis which, we think, extends to the whole of Latin America, defines the rapid, at times wholly unexpected, changes in the alignment of political forces. Opportunities for democratic progress suddenly arise in countries which only yesterday were under reactionary regimes, with reverse processes in other countries.

p Imperialism and the ruling classes are modifying their tactics in order more effectively to safeguard their interests. They resort now to one, now to another method which, as Lenin taught us, succeed one another or are employed in different combinations. Besides, though in Latin America we are faced with one and the same enemy, and though most Latin American peoples are passing through the same stage of revolution, differences in the development of the revolutionary process in various countries increase from day to day. This is due to uneven capitalist economic development, which is also becoming more pronounced. And it is precisely this uneven economic and social development (which sometimes assumes extreme forms), that makes for such a diversity of forms of democratic and revolutionary struggle in each country and at each stage.

p As for relations between fraternal Parties, the Brazilian Party has always maintained that they must rest on mutual respect and recognition of each Party’s independence in shaping the tactics of the national forces to suit the specifics of the revolutionary process. In our understanding, communist solidarity implies, first and foremost, support of the revolutionary struggle each Par-ty is waging 372 in its own country, and effective assistance in operating its policy, thus helping it attain its national aims. Bilateral or multilateral meetings can help resolve differences. That is the only correct way of encouraging criticism that does not lead to factionalism. We therefore accept the Main Document’s formulation on adherence to proletarian internationalism, on mutual assistance and support, on the equality and sovereignty of the Parties and non-interference in their internal affairs.

p We stress these principles governing relations between Parties because ours was one of the first Parties to feel the consequences of the factional activity which representatives of the Mao Tse-tung group started and openly supported. To safeguard the unity of our own Party, and after fraternal but ineffectual appeals to reason, we were obliged openly to come out against the Maoists’ anti-proletarian and anti-Marxist attitude. Our 6th Congress pronounced against the erroneous theses disseminated by the Mao Tse-tung group and its unsubstantiated charges against the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which, more recently, have developed into bloody provocations and flagrant violations of Soviet frontiers. It should be perfectly obvious that by acting in this way, the Mao Tse-tung group is retreating from Marxism-Leninism and is severing its ties with the international, communist movement, a prime duty of which, as we have already pointed out, is defence of the Soviet Union.

p For us Brazilian Communists, international communist unity against the common foe is a central factor and an earnest of victory. The reactionary military coup of April 1964 was a heavy defeat for our working class, nationaldemocratic movement and, particularly, our Party. Its 6th Congress declared: "Brazil is now oppressed by a dictatorial military, pro-imperialist, antidemocratic and anti-labour regime." Government policy is now oriented on abolishing national sovereignty and suppressing the democratic and progressive aspirations of the people. The course imposed on Brazil makes it more dependent on US imperialism. The new regime draws its support from the most reactionary forces. Having established tight control of the armed forces, it is using them not to defend the country against external attack, but to keep the people in a state of submission. It stints no effort in converting the country into a pliant weapon of armed aggression against fraternal Latin-American peoples.

p Ours is the only political party with a nation-wide organisation, for all other parties have been dissolved and the dictatorship depends mainly on the armed forces. Yet, the working class and other sections of the population are resisting arid righting the dictatorship.

p This struggle is assuming wider dimensions, the regime is retaliating by curtailing the people’s rights, using more brutal methods, and implanting fascism. Government decrees abolishing the people’s democratic rights and gains are promulgated one after another. Last December, there was another coup which placed the country under a semi-fascist military-police dictatorship. This was the answer to the mounting struggle for the demands of the workers and peasants, to the anti-regime demonstrations, particularly the 100,000 strong demonstrations in Rio de Janeiro.

p The press and all other mass information media are subjected to stringent censorship. Parliament has been dissolved and more than one hundred Deputies 373 and Senators have been unseated. The Ministry of Justice which, under mass pressure, had begun to release political prisoners, is no longer a sovereign body, and habeas corpus has been revoked throughout the country. The people live in what can only be described unmitigated terror and constant threats. Political prisoners are tortured, many are murdered.

p Trade union leaders are arbitrarily dismissed; student leaders are imprisoned and prosecuted; hundreds of students have been expelled from the universities and forbidden to continue their studies for three years; progressive-minded professors, many of world renown, are dismissed for refusing to support the dictatorship. However, the December coup and the subsequent repressive measures have not solved any of the government’s problems. If anything, they have produced new and even more troublesome problems, which have further aggravated the contradictions among the forces supporting the dictatorship.

p Following the 1964 defeat, the Party had to solve serious ideological problems and combat factional activity. Yet, we managed to preserve our organisation, and despite all repression, the Party continues to expand its contacts with the people and is working for a broad front of all the anti-regime forces to isolate and overthrow the dictatorship and replace it by a government of anti-dictatorial forces capable of assuring genuine democracy and developing the mass struggle for freedom and progress.

p In combating the opportunism of those who shy away from the struggle on the pretext that it is impossible to fight the dictatorship, our Party clearly states that we must build up our forces, utilise every available form of struggle dictated by concrete circumstances and avoid unnecessary losses. Our Party is fully aware that we must not confuse militancy and revolutionary boldness with adventurism.

p The events in Brazil show with what ferocity US imperialism is trying to contain the democratic and revolutionary movement and suppress the revolutionary forces, notably their proletarian vanguard, before a revolutionary situation matures that will enable the Brazilian people to follow the path now being hewed for the whole of Latin America by the people of Cuba. US imperialism is using the rash actions of some ultra-Left elements to step up police repression in an attempt to crush the revolutionary vanguard. At the same time, it is doing everything in its power to sow anti-communism and anti-Sovietism, and ideologically influence some sections of the population. But since the conditions of the masses are steadily deteriorating and the dictatorship cannot solve any of our national problems, it is finding itself increasingly isolated. Public discontent is mounting, and so is public hatred of the US oppressors.

p This terse description of how things stand in Brazil is an illustration of the correctness of the Main Document’s emphasis on the aggressiveness of imperialism, which is still able to have its way in various areas. Unity of the international communist movement and of the world’s progressive forces in the battle against imperialism will help the Brazilian people accelerate the process of complete liberation from foreign oppression.

p Comrades, this Meeting completes an important and long stage marked by outstanding achievements. We shall adopt decisions on all the questions under discussion. But that does not mean that we will have accomplished everything we 374 set out to accomplish. Consistent revolutionaries, we must go forward to still greater unity, raise our unity to a higher level, thereby strengthening and making more articulate our will for victory over the common enemy.

p The Brazilian Communist Party is fully alive to its internationalist duty and undertakes to do everything it can to carry out the decisions arrived at here. Foremost among these is support of the Vietnamese people. We repeat: despite the fact that our Party has to operate in such severe conditions, it will do everything for a bigger Brazilian contribution to the defeat of the American aggressor. We see the final victory of the Vietnamese patriots as of decisive importance for strengthening the position of all peoples fighting imperialist domination and terror.

p We welcome the presence of a delegation from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba. For us in Brazil, and for all Latin American revolutionaries and progressives, the Cuban revolution and the systematic building of socialism in Cuba, is the greatest achievement of the Latin American working class and people. Our Party renews its assurance of vigorous support, by every available means, of the struggle being waged’by the courageous fraternal people of Cuba.

p In conclusion, we convey fraternal greetings to the representatives of all fraternal Parties represented here, and express our gratitude to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for its cordial hospitality and for the excellent conditions it has provided for our work.

p Let us unite in the struggle against imperialism, for world-wide peace, for consistent defence of socialist gains!

Let us unite in a joint struggle for national liberation, social progress and socialism!