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p Comrades,

p Allow us to begin by conveying heartfelt greetings to all the brother Parties present here on behalf of the Communists and the working class of Portugal. Allow us also to thank for their hospitality the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet people, whose capital was rightfully chosen as the venue of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p Our conference is the culmination of a long period of preparatory work. It owes much to the methods used in that work. We consider that as a result we have gained ample experience which opens up favourable prospects for our conference and the further co-operation of the brother Parties. . The collectively elaborated draft documents correspond in substance to the conference objectives, likewise defined collectively, and take into’ account the diversity of the estimations and situations of the brother Parties. The Portuguese Communist Party approves of the documents as they stand. , We note with satisfaction the presence of the vast majority of the Communist and Workers’ Parties at this conference. However, we must not forget about the working men and women and the peoples not represented here. One of the big Parties not participating in the conference, the glorious Party of Working People of Vietnam, which is particularly dear to all Communists and to which we send warm fraternal greetings from this conference hall, was with us in spirit during the preparatory work, just as it is now.

p We sincerely hope the conference will open a new stage in the consolidation of world communist unity, so that the brother Parties not attending may take part in a future international conference.

p Socialist and proletarian solidarity is prompted by social evolution, by the identity of interests of the working class of all countries and by revolutionary changes in the world of today.

p The reciprocal influence of the activity of the revolutionary forces of the world is an objective fact independent of how it may be judged. In fighting against imperialism, the revolutionary forces of every country, including all the socialist countries without exception, have benefited and benefit from the action of the revolutionary forces of all other countries. The gains of every Communist 394 Party fighting in capitalist conditions are inseparable from the existence, achievements and support of the socialist countries and the international impact of their victories. Among the socialist countries the Soviet Union is the greatest bulwark of the revolutionary forces thanks to its achievements, its experience, its economic and military power, and the effective and varied assistance it renders to the workers and peoples of the world. Its decisive role guarantees the defence of the socialist camp as a whole.

p No Party can. ever claim that it has accomplished a revolution by its own efforts alone. In the present world situation the internal forces of a country where the proletarian revolution triumphed could not by themselves ensure, in the face of imperialism, the consolidation of the victory achieved, any more than the development and defence of socialist society.

p The friendship, co-operation, solidarity and unity of the socialist countries are the best guarantee of their further achievements, their growing influence on the evolution of the international situation and their defence. When imperialist aggression or the activity of counter-revolutionary forces endangers the working people’s power in a socialist country, the sacred duty of the other socialist countries and the entire labour movement of the world is to come out in its defence.

p Realising the significance of the Soviet Union for the world revolutionary movement, the reactionary forces have made anti-Sovietism the main line of their fight against the organised vanguards of the working class. They are helped in this by the political pressure of the Right socialists and the Leftist groups of the radical petty bourgeoisie. We think it would be a tragic mistake for any brother Party to presume that its national tasks or the conclusion of its political alliances would be simplified if it moved away from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or proceeded to systematically criticise it. One has to pay dearly whenever one sacrifices consistent positions of principle to secure a fleeting gain. During the five decades that have passed since the October Revolution the Communists of all countries have been persecuted and slandered, and have had to pay for their friendship and solidarity with the Soviet Union with their lives or with long years of prison. Having gone through these severe trials, the Parties concerned have not weakened but have, on the contrary, won greater prestige, authority and influence. The present situation and the aggressiveness and ideological pressure of imperialism demand that Communists continue to set such examples of physical and ideological courage and that the unity of the communist movement behind the Soviet Union and the socialist system be strengthened.

p Close, sincere, open and explicit co-operation of the Communist Parties of the capitalist countries with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Parties of other socialist countries is the only policy meeting the interests of the communist movement and its every contingent.

p Like other fraternal Parties, we believe that despite natural differences of opinion and, indeed, more or less serious divergences over this or that problem, that which unites the Communist and Workers’ Parties is superior by far to what may at this or that juncture tend to move them apart or to separate them.

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p This Meeting cannot solve all the complex problems facing the communist movement. But-we think the line of common action to be determined by it could provide basic conditions for co-operation, making it possible afterwards to overcome the difficulties and divergences still there.

p But to work for unity does not mean merely strengthening the bonds of co-operation between those who wish it. It also means fighting against those who^declare that their object is to divide and destroy the Communist Parties, undermine the socialist community and disintegrate the communist movement. This is why our Party, for its part, considers that its duty to the working class and people of Portugal and to the world communist movement is to take a clear stand on the nationalist, chauvinist, expansionist, anti-Soviet and disruptive conceptions and activities of the Chinese leaders, aggravated still more by the so-called "cultural revolution" and the recent congress in Peking. We would have preferred not to use these words but we know no other words that would express what we mean.

p The unity of the socialist camp and the world communist movement and the alliance with the national liberation movement are defended and strengthened by fighting against disuniting, divisive and disruptive activities and not by keeping silent on them.

p Closer unity of the communist movement is an imperative task arising from the international situation, the identity of goals and the existence of a common ideology. Cohesion and joint action of all the contingents of the communist movement are indispensable in the fight against imperialism.

p Proletarian internationalism and mutual solidarity are the fundamental principles of the relations between Communist Parties, of their friendship, co-operation and unity. These principles accord with the nature, interests and goals of the world communist movement and each of its contingents.

p It should not be forgotten, however, that history leaves Communists a bad heritage. Nationalist tendencies have not been fully defeated even in the labour movement and persist in the minds of the peoples. Hence the need to go on fighting against nationalism, and this requires, as Lenin taught us, great prudence and tact towards survivals of the nationalist prejudices and distrust of the peoples having suffered from national oppression over a long period, and on the other hand, an ideological fight against tendencies disputing the principles of proletarian internationalism.

p From proletarian internationalism there flow other principles commonly accepted in the relations between brother Parties: independence, equality and non-interference in internal affairs.

p These principles are an important factor for the struggle in every country and for the cohesion of the communist movement. The revolutionary process in every country, and every socialist revolution, has its distinguishing and original features. Each Party determines its political and tactical line on the basis of an analysis of reality in its own country and with due regard to the actual historical situation. To do this correctly, it must not disregard the general laws of the revolutionary process, scorn the experience and solidarity of brother Parties nor dissociate itself from the international context and the common problems of the fight against imperialism.

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p A Marxist-Leninist Party does not see independence as a position of national narrow-mindedness, isolation or separatism. It does not consider its interests to be alien or superior to the common interests of the communist movement. It does not discover imaginary elements of incompatibility between the immediate interests of the struggle on the national level and the general interests of the revolutionary movement in which the national struggle inserts itself. The road to socialism in any country is not independent of the international situation, the balance of world forces or the solidarity of other Parties. The independence of every Party must not be seen as a loosening of links with brother Parties or the right to exempt oneself from fighting shoulder to shoulder with them. The independence of every Party is inseparable from its internationalist policy. And the world revolutionary process demands that internationalists be prepared for sacrifice, both for their own people and for the success of the struggle of other peoples.

p The very activity of a Communist Party cannot be regarded as something concerning solely the country in question, for a Party is not an isolated unit and its gains or setbacks increase or reduce the forces of socialism as a whole. The Portuguese Communist Party, being independent and sovereign like the other fraternal Parties and not interfering in the internal matters of other Parties or allowing interference in its own affairs, is always ready to discuss with brother Parties any matter of common interest, including the situation in Portugal and its own activity.

p The Communist Parties are inspired by the principles of proletarian internationalism. These principles have been a source of inspiration throughout the long period of preparations for this Meeting, ’they inspire its deliberations and can assure its success. It is on the principles of proletarian internationalism that the spokesmen of the communist movement assembled at this Meeting are going to define in common "the tasks of the struggle against imperialism at the present stage" and chart the road to "unity of action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all anti-imperialist forces”.

p The PCP agrees to the objectives of common and urgent actions against imperialism listed in the draft Main Document of this Meeting, namely:

p Assistance to the heroic people of Vietnam and support for them, which means campaigning to make the US imperialists withdraw their forces of aggression from Vietnam, stop interfering in the internal affairs of Vietnam and respect the Vietnamese people’s right to solve their own problems.

p Constant and active solidarity with the socialist countries that are targets of imperialist acts of aggression—the Republic of Cuba, the German Democratic Republic, the Korean People’s Democratic Republic.

p Defence of the peoples who are victims of acts of aggression, local wars and armed intervention on the part of imperialism; above all, solidarity with the Arab peoples.

p Abolition of the last seats of colonialism and neo-colomalism, which means supporting and showing solidarity for the peoples of Angola, Guinea, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and South Africa, as well as for all other peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America who are fighting for national independence and sovereignty, for deliverance from imperialist economic and political interference, for an end to their economic and social backwardness.

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p Abolition of fascist and reactionary dictatorships, and determined resistance to neofascist moves, which means supporting and showing solidarity for the peoples of Portugal, Spain, Greece, Indonesia, Haiti, Guatemala, Brazil and other countries who are engaged in a difficult fight for a democratic system, a fight to democratise every aspect of social life.

p Defence of world peace, defined as "the main line of united action by the antiimperialist forces", which means fighting against the war danger, for the peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems, the proliferation of nuclear weapons and for their prohibition, for a reduction of armaments, against military bases on foreign soil, for the liquidation of military blocs, for the dissolution of NATO, for the recognition of the present frontiers in Europe, and against militarism.

p The PCP believes that this platform of unity of action, set out in the draft, corresponds to the more pressing immediate tasks of the struggle against imperialism. It concerns important problems facing the Portuguese people at this historical juncture.

p Portugal is a knot of contradictions. It is a colonialist and yet dependent country dominated by foreign imperialism—US, British and West German imperialism to be specific. It is an economically backward country where capitalist relations of production are highly developed nevertheless, as is evident from the domination of the whole economy by a small number of monopoly groups and from the great numerical superiority of the proletariat. It is a country where farming methods are still primitive and where, nevertheless, capitalism is developing rapidly in the countryside, as is seen in the fact that the rural proletariat makes up two-thirds of the gainfully employed agricultural population. The fascist dictatorship lacks a mass base. There is a deep gulf between the fascist camarilla and the Portuguese people and nation.

p These contradictions are sapping the power of the dominant monopolies, building up a revolutionary potential and creating objective conditions for rapid social change.

p The fight against the fascist dictatorship, for a democratic regime, is at the same time a fight for genuine national independence and is closely linked with the fight of the peoples of the Portuguese colonies for their right to independence.

p Owing to the development of its internal contradictions and as a result of the converging struggle of the Portuguese people and the peoples of Angola, Guinea and Mozambique, who are inspired by mutual solidarity, the fascist regime is in a grave crisis, which was made even worse in September 1968 by the physical incapacity of Salazar, unchallenged fascist leader for almost forty years.

p Ever since the new government was formed the fascists have been suggesting through their propaganda that their policy has changed and that Marcelo Caetano, the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers, is striving to “ liberalise” if not to democratise, political life in Portugal. In reality it is a question of a large-scale demagogic manoeuvre to save the fascist dictatorship in a particularly grave situation.

p The fascists do talk of “liberalisation”. They do that to generate an expectant mood and passivity, to extend the internal base of their regime, increase the 398 number of their foreign allies, curb the popular struggle, prevent a sharp exacerbation of the class struggle, secure the collaboration of the more vacillating elements of opposition and isolate the Communist Party, so as to separate the entire opposition from the only revolutionary party in it.

p Except for minor changes of facade, the government policy has undergone no substantial change. The most elementary freedoms are banned as in the past and the regime of one fascist party and unified fascist trade unions continues to rule. The policy of police terror continues. So does the colonial war and the policy of surrender to imperialism. Salazarism continues without Salazar.

p And yet the regime’s sharpening crisis, which the regime itself reveals by its demagogic manoeuvres, affords new and real opportunities of furthering the anti-fascist movement and the mass struggle of the people.

p The situation compels us to carry on a stubborn fight against Right-wing opportunism, which expresses itself, among other things, in the illusion that the very same men who want to rescue fascism will put an end to it. We are also fighting against Leftism and sectarianism, which during this period have expressed themselves, specifically, in the idea that "everything goes on as before", in a scornful attitude to legal and semi-legal forms of activity and to the fight for limited immediate goals, whereas both are of decisive importance today. If these tendencies were to gain the upper hand they would result in paralysing the activity of the masses, renouncing all initiative and splitting the democratic forces.

p In exposing the new government’s “liberalising” demagoguery, our Party points to the need to take advantage of the aggravated crisis of the fascist dictatorship to end political immobility, gain ground and make the government keep its demagogic promises, to the need to set political life on a new course, to strengthen the unity and organisation of the democratic forces, to step up the struggle of the masses for specific immediate objectives: against repression; for the right to express one’s ideas; for the right to organise and, in particular, for a democratic leadership of the trade unions, student associations and other mass organisations; for the more pressing economic demands of the working class and other working people; for an immediate end to the colonial war; for the abolition of the foreign military bases on Portuguese territory; for a foreign policy of peace and international coexistence and, in particular, for the establishment of relations with the socialist countries.

p The eight months that have passed since the new government was constituted have borne out the Party’s estimation and orientation. The masses have seen through the “liberalising” manoeuvre. There is an upsurge in the people’s struggle—the most important since 1961 and 1962—and it goes on unabated. The fight is developing on three main fronts. It is the workers’ fight, which in the early months of this year translated itself into a wave of stoppages and strikes involving about 100,000 workers. It is the student movement which involves the three existing university centres and during which strikes, demonstrations and large public meetings alternate, involving two, three, five thousand or more students. It is the democratic struggle in which the intellectuals are particularly active and which found vivid expression in a recent congress attended by 1,500 delegates from every political opposition group.

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p Today our Party is operating deep underground as it has done for the last forty-three years. Repressive measures against Communists are not falling off. But our underground cadres, our organisations linked with the masses and our illegal press, which we have been publishing without breaks for twentyeight years now, play a decisive part in the development of the popular struggle.

p The struggle is expanding. It has registered a number of partial gains. Democratic unity is increasing. We are confident that this year will be a year of great political battles against the fascist dictatorship, which for long decades has been tyrannising the Portuguese people, a year of struggle that will bring the day of the final battle nearer. In the conditions prevailing in our country, we think that battle will take the form of an armed popular rising.

p Comrades, by fighting in our country against fascism and colonialism, we contribute and will go on contributing our share to the attainment of the objectives of unity of action against imperialism defined in the Main Document of this Meeting. Furthermore, the brother Parties may rest assured that we will spare no effort to take part, to the best of our modest ability, in the fight for the more general common goals of our communist movement and the anti- imperialist forces.

p Today we are fighting to sweep fascism off the earth, establish a democratic regime and win genuine independence for our country.. This constitutes the present stage of the revolution in our country. However, we always bear in mind the perspective of a future socialist Portugal, which is our goal.

p It is the struggle for this goal that entitled us to the proud name of a contingent of the world communist movement. As we take part in this Meeting along with brother Parties and discuss the platform of common action against imperialism, we feel that we are linked with every brother Party by the supreme goals of the communist Movement.

p Joint action to solve the urgent problems of the anti-imperialist struggle does not restrict but rather paves a sure way for the co-operation and unity of the communist movement in the struggle for its highest objectives. The relations of co-operation between the Communist and Workers’ Parties are not the same as the relations between the anti-imperialist forces. The bonds of the communist movement cannot be dissolved in the vast system of alliances with diverse social and political forces fighting against imperialism. To reduce the aims of communist unity of action to the platform stated in Section Three of the draft Main Document of the Meeting, which is rightly believed to be acceptable to large sectors of the anti-imperialist front, would mean reducing the relations between the revolutionary Parties of the working class to the level of relations between parties of different classes and social strata.

p In analysing the present situation and the current tasks of the struggle against imperialism, the Communist and Workers’ Parties proceed from trie ideals of the ^working class, the ideals of scientific socialism. It was proper, correct and necessary, therefore, to hold this Communist Meeting according to the agenda we have adopted rather than convening a conference of the anti-imperialist forces. True, we think the idea of such a conference, which could be held after this Meeting, deserves to be carefully examined. It could constitute an important 400 step towards the actual implementation of the decisions of this Meeting. The communist movement is the axis and vanguard of the anti-imperialist struggle. Dissolving the Communist Parties in the anti-imperialist movement would mark the end of the communist movement as such, as an independent movement of the working class and other working people, and would thus rob the revolutionary process of its decisive force.

p The Communist Parties want not only to accomplish the immediate and urgent tasks of the anti-imperialist struggle but to transform the world, to end imperialism for ever and lead the working people to the conquest of socialism and communism. This is the actual raison d’etre of the communist movement and the purpose of the revolutionary fight which every Communist Party is carrying on.

p The communist movement possesses a science enabling it to know the general laws of social evolution, a method enabling every Party to decide correctly on its policy on the basis of an analysis of reality, and a theory which puts revolutionary practice on scientific foundations.

p The ideologues of imperialism are conducting an intense anti-labour and anti-communist campaign disputing the validity of the teachings of Marx and Lenin and questioning the prospects of every Communist Party and the labour movement as a whole. The ideologues of the radical petty bourgeoisie, too, call into doubt the revolutionary role of the working class and its class Party in the anti-imperialist fight, the socialist revolution and even in building socialism.

p History gives the lie to the ideologues of the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie day after day, proving Marxist-Leninist theory to be correct.

p Marxism-Leninism maintains and revolutionary experience shows that the proletariat is the only consistently revolutionary class. "The chief thing in the doctrine of Marx", wrote Lenin, "is that it brings oflt the historic role of the proletariat as the builder of socialist society" (Collected Works, Engl. ed., Vol. 18, p. 582). Marx revealed this historic and universal role. A hundred years of revolutionary struggle havfc fully proved him right.

p Marxism-Leninism maintains and revolutionary experience shows the vanguard and leading role of the working class and its Party in the socialist revolution, in the successful building of socialism, in defending socialism against threats from imperialism and the counter-revolutionary forces.

p Marxism-Leninism maintains and revolutionary experience shows that the dictatorship of the proletariat, always a thousand times more democratic than the most democratic of bourgeois dictatorships, is not only indispensable for the struggle to consolidate the victorious socialist revolution and build socialism but is an inevitable stage of social evolution. It was Marx who pointed out that the fundamental aspect of his doctrine is the proof that "the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat" and that "this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society" (Marx’s letter to Joseph Weydemeyer, March 5, 1852).

p The immediate and urgent common struggle against imperialism which the present international situation necessitates is a phase of the Communists’ struggle to ensure that the working people win power in all countries, to end 401 the exploitation of man by man, abolish classes and build socialism and communism.

p It is the struggle for these goals that makes the communist movement the motive force of the historic changes of our epoch, the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism.

p Comrades, we are confident that this Meeting will not disappoint the millions throughout the world who hope and trust that the communist movement will again prove equal to its great responsibility.

p We are confident that this Meeting will make a decisive contribution to the unity of the anti-imperialist forces and to a more active fight against imperialism.

We are confident that this Meeting will strengthen the friendship, fraternal co-operation and unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties against imperialism and colonialism, against war and aggression, for the freedom of. peoples and nations, for peace, socialism and communism.