p It has been a very interesting and constructive seminar which has disclosed many divergent ideas as well as many ideas of common assessments. I would like to comment a bit on the New Economic Policy which was referred to in relation to the early developments in the Soviet Union. Because it was always a temptation to make a virtue out of a necessity. And in the world now, with the changed balance of forces, something that appeared to be so feasible are less likely or less possible. The concept of the noncapitalist road of development foi- instance has obviously been undermined by the change in circumstances over the last few years. This means that most, if not all the remaining socialist countries, incidentally all claim to be developing countries, are looking for ways of attracting capital, ways of incorporating modern productive techniques in their production processes and are seeking to setup joint ventures and sometimes free trade zones with capitalist companies involved. They are seeking to develop new markets and new sources of goods to offset the loss of those from the former socialist countries. For those countries in South-East Asia, China and Vietnam, it is possible. Partly because the crisis of capitalism means that there is masses of capital seeking investment and markets, partly because the crisis is aggravating the inter- imperialist rivalries. Although the US would like a strong line against China and Vietnam other capitalist or imperialist powers are not willing to go to the extent that the US would want in relation to that. But it is wrong to draw the conclusion from this necessary and possible experience that is going on today that it was wrong to bring the New Economic Policy period in the Soviet Union to a close. Collectivisation was successful. The rapidly expanding towns and the 329 growth of the industrial working class and their families were fed. And yes, there was massive and enthusiastic involvement of the people in that revolutionary process that took place in very difficult circumstances. Comrades have referred to the fact that one of the achievements of socialism was that it played a major part in destroying the Nazi war machine. Would that have been impossible without the industrialisation process that had been carried out before the war? I don’t think it would. It needs to be remembered that over 90% of all military equipmemt used by the Soviet armed forces was turned out in Soviet factories. And this was inspite of the tremendous destruction that was wreaked by the Nazi war machine. It also needs to be reminded that Lenin introduced NEP and envisaged it as a temporary measure and the necessary retreat and he stated that as long as Russia remained a small scale producer there would be more economic places for capitalism than for socialism. In any case, the strategy of the different imperialist powers at that time in the 20s and the 30s, did not allow for the same strategy and development for consolidating socialism that exists today. And the changes of circumstances have to be borne in mind. This is the reason why the efforts by the Soviet government in the thirties to take advantage of the inter-imperialist rivalries and establish a pact for collective security met with so little success.

p Socialism is itself a transitionary period between capitalism and communism, where the working class exercises state power and develops a strategy for the building of socialism according to the national economic resources, the political situation and the international circumstances. I agree with those who consider that there are no models, which you can lift of the shelf to suit the circumstances which you find yourself in when you are making your way to socialism. And there is no easy path to revolution and no easy transitionary period to consolidate socialism. The goal has to be however, to develop a full socialist planned economy which does mean the collectivisation of wealth, the collective ownership of production, distribution and exchange on an extending basis; And therefore I would say, whilst it is correct under state powertf go in for joint enterprises and free enterprise zones today/ as being done by China and Vietnam. That too in itself is a temporary experience and has to be seen as such. Because you can’JhlMVf socialism without the base being common ownership. Of course it is temporary, and well could be a long time. We can comprehend 330 why the promotion of joint ventures and free enterprise zones is good at this moment of time forsodalism.ltisalso possible because capitalism sees it as a profitable venture. But it would be naive to imagine that the capitalists won’t have hidden agenda of theirown to endeavour to undermine the socialist state power that exists in these countries. This is something that has to be borne in mind because it does mean not only the continuation of the dass struggle but in some ways its intensification as weU especially from time to time if there are various reasons and difficulties encountered. Therefore, one of the main problems we face is all the more the necessity that working class and other sections of the population and especially the youth must be warned and made conscious of the responsibilities of participation in the conscious effort to develop the state and socialism. If die working class and the youth are not imbued with revolutionary consciousness then there is a build up of trouble.

p In this regard I want to reflect on the positive role of the cooperation of Communists internationally. It is of course extremely good that we come together collectively as well as on a bilateral or multilateral basis to exchange views. The richness of the contributions is of enormous importance to us all.

p This seminar is Very good. A wide range of opinions, much on which we agree but many more on which there is divergence of opinion also. The question is how do we carry the unity forward, in the international communist movement, not only on the basis of what we discuss but on thebasisof what we do. It seems to me that one of the ways we should move forward is to tackle the question of projection of ideas in the battle of ideas. I think Marxist ideas are stronger than many ideas in the world. But if we have to say on the basis of the projection of ideas the bourgeois media has been more influential than ours. And we have lost the services of TASS now that the Soviet Union does not exist like in the past So the imperialists have virtually a monopoly of international news through television and Radio. In China, you get the BBC television on the Chinese television, nine stations, most of it is bourgeois oriented. If you come here, go to the room and turn on the TV it is the BBC projecting its position.

p I know this is not the forum where it is feasible to forward a concrete proposition. But I think we should consider the idea of 331 establishing, as part of the developing of the cooperation and cohesion of the international communist movement, a international news agency. Because this is one area where mere can be cooperation to strengthen and consolidate the bonds of solidarity between us and to serve the interests of the class we are responsible to and to effectively develop our solidarity to those in struggle.

p New technology is an ally to us in this regard. The difficulty seems to me for translating and rewritting news. But this could be done relatively inexpensively, we believe. And we hope mat mis will be consciously considered over a period of time.

We have often said that Marxism is not just a question of theoretical discussion but a mixture of theory and practice. And therefore we think that in the development of the cohesion of the international communist movement there needs to be of course a development of theory, but concrete expression of practical nature as well.