p Many parties have given an assessment of developments in the former socialist countries of eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. There is widespread agreement that imperialism’s political, ideological, militaristic and - wherever possible economic offensive against them presented substantial obstacles, took a heavy toll, and should not be underestimated.

p But were the responses of the ruling parties always correct and justified ones?

p Our party believes that the socialist countries were weakened from within, not just by reactionary elements but by the substantial mistakes - and even crimes - committed by the ruling parties and authorities. Serious violations of human and national rights occurred from the 1930s onwards in the Soviet Union and from the late 1940s in Eastern Europe. The clear and necessary distinction between State, party, trade union and other social bodies became blurred, and a privileged - in the end even hereditary - bureaucratic nomenclature usurped power from delegates who should have been genuinely accountable to the working class and its allies.

p Dictatorship of the proletariat turned into dictatorship over the proletariat.

p The highly centralised bureaucratic command system in the economy, combining large-scale public ownership and planning, succeeded until the 1970s in producing higher rates of growth in the socialist countries than in the imperialist ones, but this success occurred in specific historical conditions which changed.

p But our estimation is that these methods of organising the new production relations turned into restrictive fetters, holding back 326 the full development and utilisation of the productive forces. The application of the fruits of the scientific and Technological revolution and the expansion of production and productivity generally, require - under socialism - the initiative, commitment and participation of the masses. In societies based on public ownership and state planning, these necessities have to find their expression in democratic practice in the political as well as the economic sphere.

p This became impossible in societies where initiative, criticism, protest, alternative suggestions and ideas, and “unofficial” aspirations were not only discouraged — they were punished.

p In our view, there are vital lessons here for the policies of Communist and Workers’ Parties — before as well as during socialist construction.

p Comrades, I would like now to turn to the immediate future.

p Many parties here have expressed widescale agreement about the nature, strategies, objectives and consequences of imperialism. Quite rightly, mere has been an emphasis on the Third World, including indeed in my own earlier contribution. But we should not lose sight of the fact that imperialism’s exploitation of the Third World forms only the minor part of its income. This exploitation is enough to enforce mass misery throughout the Third World - but imperialist enslavement, although of a less brutal kind, of the working class in the advanced capitalist countries remains an essential feature for imperialism. That is why, for example, British TNCs have 84% of their investments in other imperialist countries.

p Intensified competition between the TNCs in imperialist markets is a major imperative behind the consolidation of the three imperialist blocs, and the growing economic rivalry between them.

p Parties here have already pointed to the dangerous consequences of this development. Our French and Danish comrades have made magnificent efforts to try and derail the Maastricht bandwagon.

p In fact, elaborating the principle of the uneven development of capitalism and the imperative of inter-imperialist rivalry, Lenin once wrote that "the United States of Europe is either impossible or reactionary under capitalism”. In the same article, he went on to write: "Of course, temporary agreements between capitalists and the capitalist powers are possible. In this sense the United States of 327 Europe is possible....but what for? Only for the purpose of jointly suppressing socialism in Europe, and of jointly protecting colonial booty against Japan and America.” These are turning out to be prophetic words indeed.

p Should 1he Maastricht treaty go through, we will all have to change it Therefore, the Communist Parties of Member states of the European Community may have to consider meeting within a short period of time in order to exchange views and ideas on the European Community and the dangers presented by the construction of a European super-state.

Linked to the general crisis of capitalism, the current periodic crisis and the intensification of imperialist rivalry and exploitation, is the rise of fascist and racist movements in Europe (to which some parties have already referred). Here is the second major item that could be considered for the agenda of a meeting of European Communist and Workers Parties, should it take place.