p Before we examine the motive forces of the national liberation revolution we should recall that colonial and dependent countries had different levels of economic and political development. Some of them were agrarian-industrial, others were backward agrarian countries without any industry worth mentioning, while the majority were extremely backward agrariaft countries where the survivals of feudal and at times even pre-feudal (patriarchal) relations were still strong.

p The social composition of the population of the developing countries is most diverse. All of them have a working class, peasantry, national bourgeoisie and urban petty bourgeoisie, national intelligentsia (civilian and military, and students), feudal lords and a pro-imperialist (compradore) bourgeoisie. With the exception of the pro-imperialist bourgeoisie and the feudal elite all these classes and social forces are oppressed by foreign monopolies and therefore participate in one form or another in the national liberation revolution. Needless to say each class and social group has its own understanding of the tasks of the revolution, and in addition to the national objectives pursues its own social aims.

p One of the main motive forces of the revolution is the steadily growing working class. It should be borne in mind, however, that its size, unity and level of consciousness vary from country to country. Hence its role and significance in the national liberation revolutions also differ. There are countries where the proletariat has not only developed into a class and achieved organisational and ideological unity, 338 but, guided by Marxist parties, plays the leading role in national liberation revolutions and has ensured their development into socialist revolutions (socialist countries in Asia). In other countries the proletariat is an important motive force of the revolution rallying all the progressive sections of the nation, the peasantry in the first place. There are countries where the proletariat has emerged as a class but so far does not play the leading role in society and has not rallied the nation’s progressive forces round itself. Finally, there is another group of countries, mainly African, where the proletariat is only solidifying and organising into a class. Being small in size and weak both organisationally and ideologically, it is as yet unable to decisively influence the course and results of the national liberation struggle.

p But in all countries without exception the proletariat, owing to its objective position in society, is the most revolutionary social force which more than any other is concerned with bringing the national liberation revolution to a victorious conclusion. The reason is clear: deliverance from oppression by foreign monopolies and the democratisation of all social and state activity create favourable conditions for the proletariat to attain its historic objective—socialism.

p In the course of the national liberation struggle the working class swells its ranks, becomes organised and acquires political experience. Its class awareness enhances and its alliance with the non-proletarian sections develops and strengthens. It forms and consolidates its trade union, youth and other organisations. The national liberation revolutions are a splendid school which prepares the proletariat for its coming social battles for socialism.

p The peasantry is numerically the biggest and in some countries the main motive force of national liberation revolutions.

p In the colonies and dependencies the peasants were in a terrible, truly desperate plight. Since they had no land they had to lease it from the fabulously wealthy feudal lords and to pay them from 40 to 80 per cent of the harvest.

p Moreover, the peasants were harnessed to the yoke of foreign monopolists who owned great tracts of land and, together with the local feudal lords, plundered and ruined die peasants amassing enormous profits from their exploitation. Peasants who fell into poverty and ruin were deprived 339 of their tiny plots and steadily swelled the already huge army of rural paupers.

p The agrarian question is the most crucial social problem in the colonies and dependencies. Their peasants are vitally concerned with abolishing the ownership of the monopolies, local feudal lords and the tribal nobility in land, and with being able to till that land and benefit from the results of their own labour. Naturally, the peasantry is an antiimperialist and anti-feudal force which is interested in eliminating the political and economic domination of foreign capital and the rule of the feudal-landowner class and the tribal nobility, and in the introduction of radical agrarian reforms.

p The status of the bourgeoisie in these countries is very contradictory.

p It is common knowledge that foreign monopolies and the local feudal lords inhibited the development of the national economy in them. That is why the part of the bourgeoisie which is interested in promoting economic development and is active in the national liberation revolution, particularly in the struggle for political independence, has been named the national bourgeoisie, as distinct from the pro-imperialist, anti-national or compradore bourgeoisie which has close ties with foreign monopolies and betrays national interests.

p By participating in the national liberation revolution for the sake of its class interests and above all to develop the national capitalist economy and to secure its political domination of society, the national bourgeoisie at the same time expresses certain general national interests inasmuch as it can attain its own class objectives only after liberation from the rule of foreign imperialism and local feudalism. The anti-imperialist, anti-feudal aspirations of the national bourgeoisie result in the coincidence of some of its interests with those of the whole nation and the bulk of the people.

p Here it is necessary to take into account the contradictory, dual nature of the national bourgeoisie. Insofar as it is interested in fighting foreign imperialism and internal proimperialist forces, the feudal and tribal nobility in the first place, the national bourgeoisie goes along with the people, the working masses, relies on them and uses their revolutionary energy to achieve its own aims. At the same time, 340 however, it fears the revolutionary working class and the peasantry regarding them as a threat to its exploitatory ambitions and, consequently, endeavours to confine the revolution to its own narrow interests, hold up its development and guide it along the capitalist road.

p Self-employed craftsmen, artisans, petty, chiefly retail, tradesmen, and other so-called intermediate (petty-bourgeois) strata are very numerous and influential in the colonies and dependencies.

p In view of the lag in economic development these strata occupy a fairly prominent place in the economy by producing a considerable quantity of consumer goods at their small enterprises, and controlling most of the service industry, retail trade and so forth; and their role in political affairs is equally great. Hence, to a certain extent the future of the national liberation revolution depends on the stand adopted by the intermediate strata, i. e., whether they side with progressive or reactionary forces.

An important, and sometimes the leading role in the national liberation revolution is played by the national democratic intelligentsia—men of arts and science, a part of the officialdom, progressive army officers, students, office workers and others. It plays a particularly great role in countries where the working class has not yet consolidated into an independent force and where the national bourgeoisie is either weak or pursues a pro-imperialist policy, as is the case in a number of African countries. Under these conditions representatives of the intelligentsia not infrequently become leaders 6f the revolution and the state, ogressive officers stand at the head of the revolution in Ethiopia, and accomplished revolutions in Egypt, Mali, Guinea and some other countries.