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p PYOTR FEDOSEYEV

p MEMBER OF THE CPSU CENTRAL COMMITTEE AND VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE USSR ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

p Vast and diversified modern revolutionary experience is widely represented at this conference, which has dealt exhaustively with many urgent problems of the world liberation movement against imperialism.

p Our foreign friends have spoken highly of the historic and truly international significance of the Great October Socialist Revolution, and of the building and development of the world’s first socialist society.

p The present epoch, which commenced with the Great October Revolution, is the most revolutionary in human history. It is the epoch of the abolition of exploitation and all oppression of man by man, the epoch of the historic struggle for communism. A salient feature of the present stage of world development is the steady growth of the strength and influence of existing socialism, the fusion of socialist, people’s democratic, and national liberation revolutions and their interaction with the scientific and technological revolution. In close relation with these processes there has unfolded a powerful movement of peoples, of all progressive forces for peace, security, and international co-operation. All this is ultimately directed against imperialism.

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p Small wonder, therefore, that imperialism’s strategists, political leaders, and ideologists are doing their utmost to disunite and sow dissension between these revolutionary processes and social forces, and thereby undermine and paralyse the world liberation movement. The imperialists are past masters at using others to bank up the fire, at setting peoples and social forces against each other wherever possible, using chauvinists and adventurers of all hues for this purpose.

p Bourgeois ideologists and politicians adopt any doctrine and political guideline that can erode the alliance of the revolutionary forces, bring developing nations into conflict with the socialist community, set some socialist countries against others, or kindle disagreement between different contingents of the working-class movement, between different trade unions and other democratic organisations on a national or international scale.

p In the struggle between the two world systems the imperialists pin much of their hopes on the continued arms race and on scientific and technological achievements. But on this road, too, they are moving towards not the settlement, but the further exacerbation of the contradictions of the capitalist system.

p As Marxist-Leninist theory sees it, the social revolutions and the great scientific and technological achievements of our time are not accidental. They coincide in time naturally, for they spring from the growth of the productive forces and the need for their further development. Revolutionary changes are brought to life by the need for abolishing the obsolete capitalist relations of production and evolving new social forms of managing production, the new, socialist type of its development on the basis of public property in the means of production.

p At the imperialist stage of its development, capitalism has become not only a hindrance to social progress, but also a threat to human civilisation as a whole. The First World War of 1914-18 reflected the hyper-aggravation of 181 capitalism’s contradictions and was a symptom of the commencement of its decay and general crisis. The Second World War still further uncovered the perniciousness and catastrophic character of imperialism’s economic and political system.

p Society’s new, ascendant development towards communism, and capitalism’s steady decline, despite the growth of production in individual periods and the technological progress in developed countries, began with the victory of the Great October Revolution.

p By creating a socialist economic system, the Great October Socialist Revolution gave a powerful impetus and continuously operating stimuli to the development of the productive forces and to scientific and technological progress. The socialist system came forward as a challenge to the capitalist world, a challenge to compete in promoting material production and in improving life. The indisputable and increasing successes of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in this sphere compel the ruling classes of the capitalist countries to grasp at every possible means for speeding economic development and, under pressure brought to bear by the working masses, to concede some improvement of the living standard. In order somehow to blunt the conflicts rending the bourgeois social system they place great emphasis on the use of scientific and technological achievements, utilising the developed industrial facilities and skilled personnel available to them, and intensifying the exploitation of labour. But this is a limited, temporary, and contradictory compensation. The efforts of the imperialist circles to shift the burden of capitalism’s crisis to the working masses and the developing nations and increase the profits of the monopolists and their most powerful groups are aggravating the antagonisms and conflicts in the capitalist world system, adding fuel to the class struggle of the working people for their vital interests and human rights, and stiffening the resistance of the liberated countries to imperialism’s neo-colonialist policy.

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p In addition to the basic antagonism between labour and capital, there is now a sharp conflict between the predatory interests of the monopolies and the human environment, between the development of capitalist industry and nature, between the vital requirements of people and the unbridled growth of the means of destruction that are imperilling the very existence of the human race and all other life on the planet. The economic and energy crisis, the massive growth of unemployment, the unchecked inflation and monetary convulsions, and the escalation of crime and drug addiction are obvious signs of capitalism’s senility.

p For the socialist world system the scientific and technological revolution is the natural continuation and development of the fundamental social transformations started by the Great October Socialist Revolution. The socialist world is consciously and systematically harnessing the scientific and technological revolution to the service of social progress. It is socialism’s mission to ensure the unrestricted growth of the productive forces, to give the fullest possible scope to the scientific and technological revolution, and use its achievements for peaceful purposes, for the good of mankind.

p The dialectics of the modern epoch is also seen in the fact that in many countries the socialist revolution preceded the scientific and technological revolution, thereby providing it with basic social conditions. In turn, in these countries the scientific and technological revolution is the means for fostering and multiplying the achievements of the social revolution. In the Soviet Union and other socialist countries every effort is made to combine scientific and technological achievements with the advantages of socialism. In capitalist countries the revolution in science and technology anticipates the social revolution, preparing the material preconditions for it and deepening capitalism’s basic contradiction. The distinction in the sequence of the scientific-technological and social revolutions in 183 different countries vividly confirms the law, discovered by Lenin, of the unevenness of economic and political development. However, under both variants of social development, the scientific and technological revolution is in the long run an organic element creating the material preconditions of communist society. The revolution in the productive forces builds up the new material and technical basis of the communist mode of production. In this lies the integrity of the historical process of our time.

p From the standpoint of the results of and prospects for world development, it is of fundamental and, one might say, international importance to assess the experience and significance of the Great October Revolution and the achievements of the existing socialism.

p As a result of revolutionary changes, the Soviet Union, which inherited a relatively backward and war-dislocated economy, became the cradle of the new system, of the new society. The Soviet people’s achievements in building socialism eloquently show the world the historic fact that in alliance with all working people delivered from exploiter oppression the working class is able to develop economy, culture, science and technology faster and more successfully than capitalism.

p Socialism’s development has given shape to a new type of democracy that assures the actual participation of the entire people in the charting and implementation of domestic and foreign policy, in the administration of affairs of state, and in resolving problems affecting the life of society. We can remind the hypocritical “champions” of human rights that the October Revolution triumphed in the struggle against the arbitrary rule and privileges of the exploiting classes and the denial of rights to working people. Since then the tangible rights and freedoms of citizens have been steadily widened on the basis of successful economic and cultural development, in a situation witnessing society’s increasingly close-knit social and ideological unity.

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p Bourgeois critics of socialism allege that collectivism suppresses and restricts the individual. But creative initiative and individuality receive scope precisely in society, in human association, in collective work. Essentially speaking, socialism rejects individualism, the pretensions of individuals who set themselves above society and lay claim to all sorts of privileges, to a special position. In a socialist society man is, to quote Marx, "a true individuality" and not an individualist. Individuality means an individual with a high level of intellectual maturity characterised by originality and a profound sense of civic duty. In a socialist society an inalienable feature of the individual is not hardened egoism, but the striving to serve society to the best of one’s ability and talents. Socialist society lives by the motto: "Everything for the sake of man, for the benefit of man.”

p The great achievements of the Soviet people, the rights and freedoms of citizens and the norms of human association in a developed socialist society are detailed in the new Constitution of the USSR. Concern of all for the good of each and concern of each for the good of all is a law of Soviet society.

p Bourgeois ideologists and politicians cannot comprehend the source of the unity, organisation, and unanimity of the Soviet people. They contend that they are the result of state pressure and lack of democracy. They are astonished that in a socialist society there is neither contention nor conflict between social groups, nations, and generations. But this great achievement and advantage of the new society is due to public ownership having replaced private ownership, to the abolition of exploiting classes, the steady convergence and unbreakable alliance between the working class, the collective farm peasantry, and the people’s intelligentsia, and the consolidation of fraternal friendship among the peoples of the USSR. This is tangible proof and a foretoken of the fact that under communism all class distinctions will disappear, that there will be complete 185 social homogeneity in society and that social self-administration will be firmly established.

p An important hallmark of present world development is the steady growth of the might and unity of the countries belonging to the socialist community, and the continuous enhancement of their political prestige on the international scene. Within a short period these countries, including those that had an undeveloped economy in the past, built up a modern industry and substantially raised the living and cultural standard of their people. As the socialist nations progress and consolidate their sovereignty, the inter-relation between their policy, economy, and social life grows closer, their development gradually levels up and the process of socialist economic integration broadens.

p Thus, in the competition between the two world systems the correlation of forces changes steadily in favour of socialism, to the detriment of imperialism. In addition to becoming more violent in their attacks on the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, the imperialists are stepping up subversion against these countries.

p It is also apparent that imperialism has not reconciled itself to the loss of its supremacy in the former colonies and semi-colonies. It hopes to continue exploiting the peoples of these countries with the help of neo-colonialism. In their confrontation with imperialism the newly independent nations are upholding their political and economic rights with mounting vigour, striving to consolidate their independence and raise their level of social, economic, and cultural development. The imperialist powers and the reactionary forces in the developing countries are endeavouring to use the innumerable difficulties and economic backwardness inherited by these nations from the recent colonial past.

p Imperialist military bases, sinister advance posts of direct military, political, and psychological pressure on the national liberation movement, continue to be 186 maintained on the territory of many developing countries. To torpedo the easing of international tension, the neo-colonialists kindle local conflicts and wars in the developing countries that are, in many cases, accompanied by direct imperialist aggression. The imperialist bosses engineer counter-revolutionary putsches, organise acts of terrorism against progressive personalities, support anti-people’s military dictatorships, incite discord between nations and tribes, encourage right-nationalist and separatist movements, and intensify the preaching of anti-communism, racism, and chauvinism.

p Nevertheless, despite the West’s immense financial, material, and technical resources and huge propaganda machine, colonialism is suffering one setback after another in individual countries and in entire regions. The course of historical development shows that neo-colonialist strategy is doomed to eventual inescapable failure. This is convincingly borne out by the following internationally significant factors.

p First, the continued deepening and aggravation of the chronic crisis of the very structure of the division of labour in the capitalist world, in which the former colonies and dependent countries are accorded the role of auxiliary, dependent, and exploited links of the capitalist world system.

p Second, the shattering of the entire political system of neo-colonialist relations seen in the annulment or virtual abrogation of many unequal and discriminatory international agreements between the former metropolies and colonies that had substantially restricted the political sovereignty of peoples.

p Third, the stinging defeats suffered by neo-colonialism’s military strategy. Neither the specially trained punitive troops nor the special military equipment have allowed the imperialist neo-colonialists to win a single significant victory over the revolutionary liberation movements in any region.

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p Fourth, the increasingly obvious failure of the social strategy employed by neo-colonialism, which is compelled to rely on the ultra-reactionary, anti-national forces in the newly independent countries. With the anti-imperialist movement gathering momentum, more contingents of working people, the middle social strata and, in particular, the progressive national intelligentsia are opposing neocolonialist expansion with growing vigour and determination.

p In the newly independent countries the working class is becoming an increasingly important factor of progressive development.

p Fifth, and last, the most serious setbacks have been suffered in recent years by neo-colonialist ideological expansion founded on the massive preaching of anti-communist and reactionary nationalist ideas. It is more and more obvious for the broadest segments of the political and social forces in the developing nations that neo-colonialism uses the screen of sonorous verbiage provided by the false “fighters” for human rights, who pose as champions of "national identity”, to lay on the peoples new chains of exploitation, to restore the most reactionary social practices.

p In this situation it is of paramount importance to ensure the closer cohesion of all anti-imperialist forces, of all the forces of progress, against all manifestations of imperialism’s neo-colonialist policy, and to repulse its attempts at imposing upon the newly independent nations camouflaged political and economic control.

p Different revolutionary torrents and movements in different countries are headed by different class groups and political parties. One of the most difficult problems of the liberation movement is that of achieving co-ordination and co-operation among the different social and political forces in the struggle against imperialism. Interaction of the different streams can and frequently does take shape spontaneously, when imperialism is attacked by scattered 188 contingents at different times and from different directions. Needless to say, final success in the struggle against imperialism can be ensured when all the liberation movements unite more closely and act in concert.

p Experience, particularly present-day world development, incontrovertibly confirms the proposition advanced by Marx and Engels and enlarged upon by Lenin, that the international working class and its foremost contingent, the world communist movement, are the uniting and leading force that can counter the intrigues of imperialism. Its main weapon is international solidarity.

p The working class as the motor and leader in society’s revolutionary transformation, in the building of socialism and communism, is the central point of the ideology and policy of the communist movement. Any deviation from the Marxist-Leninist understanding of this question prejudices the cause of the working class, the interests of the working people, and the ideals of communism. In every country the working class and its revolutionary party act independently in keeping with the traditions and conditions of the revolutionary struggle. But by virtue of objective conditions the working class cannot isolate itself within the national framework and achieve victory without international solidarity.

p With the emergence of a world market and a world economy the international character of historical processes has become increasingly clear. In the epoch of imperialism the motive forces and conditions of the revolutionary struggle have grown more diversified and complex with the more pronounced unevenness of economic and political development and the involvement of new hundreds of millions of people in the liberation struggle in different parts of the world. Today, hundreds of millions of people belonging to the most diverse strata of the population have joined the liberation movement, and this makes it imperative for the Communists to take the features of the situation in each country into account.

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p But the dialectics of history is such that the objective and subjective prerequisites of the revolution have also evened out with increasing momentum. At the turn of the century no real possibilities existed for the oppressed peoples of backward Asian and African countries to overthrow the colonialists, proclaim a programme of socialist orientation, and move gradually towards socialism without passing through the stage of capitalist development. Today, it is becoming more and more evident that the objective prerequisites for a fundamental revolutionary renewal have matured or are maturing in all the countries of the world.

p Thus, despite the diversity of conditions in different countries, the sphere of operation of the general laws of the revolutionary process is becoming broader instead of narrowing; far from diminishing, the impact of these laws steadily increases on the world scene and in each individual country. To deny the existence of general laws of society’s socialist transformation is to be blind to these objective processes, or fail to understand them, and break with the Marxist-Leninist teaching.

p International solidarity has been and remains a powerful, tested weapon of the world liberation movement. Proletarian internationalism is a key principle of the theory and practice of communism, the source of the working people’s strength and invincibility in their struggle for a bright future for all nations.

p Led by the CPSU, the Soviet Union consistently and steadfastly abides by the principles of international solidarity. At the anniversary meeting in the Kremlin on 2 November 1977 Leonid Brezhnev said: "Today, as we mark the 60th anniversary of our revolution, we Communists of the Soviet Union declare once again that we will always be loyal to the great brotherhood of the Communists of the world!"  [189•* 

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p Relations of fraternal friendship and mutual assistance with the countries of the socialist community, assistance to the world working-class and national liberation movements, and aid to the general democratic struggle for peace tangibly demonstrate the Soviet Union’s internationalist essence and embody and exemplify the new relations that socialism brings to all nations.

p For their part. Soviet people are profoundly grateful for the internationalist support of the world working class and all friends of the Soviet Union for the historic cause of the Great October Revolution. Citizens of the USSR appreciate and admire the heroic deeds and achievements of the peoples of fraternal socialist countries in building the new society, the courageous efforts and role of the working class and all working people of capitalist countries, and all participants in national liberation movements righting against imperialism, for social progress, democracy, national independence, and peace among nations.

p In conclusion, allow me, on behalf of the Presidium of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the Institute of MarxismLeninism, the Academy of Social Sciences, the Higher Party School of the CPSU Central Committee and, I think, of everybody in this hall, to express heartfelt gratitude to all the comrades who spoke at this scientific conference. We are deeply grateful to our foreign friends who have participated in this international meeting to mark the 60th anniversary of the Great October Revolution.

No general resolutions or mandatory documents are required of a scientific conference. But it will be true to say that with their Marxist-Leninist conclusions on many pressing problems the materials of this conference are our common property and serve to promote the cause and interests of progressive world opinion.