OF SCIENTIFIC COMMUNISM
p Marxism-Leninism is a great science because it has explained how men make their history in the epoch of great revolutionary change in the transition from capitalism to communism. What is more, MarxistLeninist theory teaches men to make history in this remarkable epoch, to apply most efficiently the laws of social development and make use of their united strength. A key condition for stimulating massive creative activity is a profound understanding of Marxism-Leninism and the party’s policy. The 20th century is one in which mankind has mastered the fabulous power of the atom. But an even more remarkable development in this age is the discovery and expression of the tremendous social energy of the working people transforming the world. The awakening of the revolutionary energy of millions cannot be compared with any other development in its importance for the destiny of mankind. The discovery of fire, steam, electricity and nuclear energy are all great stages in man’s conquest of nature, but without an expression of the great forces latent in the working people themselves and their capacity consciously to change the social organisation of society in accordance with the development of the productive forces it is impossible to make the forces of nature work for the benefit and happiness of mankind, instead of helping man to oppress man.
p It is of vital importance for the working people’s historical activity that they should come to realise the substance of social relations and their nature. This task is being fulfilled through the selfless effort of the Marxist-Leninist parties, creatively developing the doctrine of Marx and Lenin and standing up for it in struggle against the Right- and “Left”-wing opportunists and fostering the communist world outlook among the masses.
p Lenin’s immortal achievement is the discovery of the uniformities of the great historical epoch of transition from capitalism to communism, an essential contribution to the scientific theory of social development. 154 He proved that in the period of imperialism the capitalist countries developed very unevenly, producing a weak link (or links) in the imperialist chain and creating the possibility of rupturing the chain. The revolutionary situation, the national crisis cannot take place simultaneously in all or most countries.
p In August 1915, Lenin wrote: “Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence, the victory of socialism is possible first in several or even in one capitalist country alone." [154•4 That was the key proposition of Lenin’s theory of socialist revolution.
p According to this theory, the course of social development necessarily leads to the victory of the socialist revolution in one or several countries, while the rest of the world remains bourgeois or prebourgeois for a certain period. This opens up a new and most important period of world history, with the world split up into two systems. This is a period in which socialist and bourgeois and also prebourgeois countries coexist. In this period, the contradictions between labour and capital are intensified in the capitalist countries, while the struggle for a fundamental revolutionary transformation of society on socialist lines is invigorated.
p Concerning the precapitalist countries, with the emergence of imperialism there appeared an important factor in the revolutionary process called the anti-imperialist national liberation struggle of the peoples of these countries. Lenin wrote: “World capitalism and the 1905 movement in Russia have finally aroused Asia. Hundreds of millions of the downtrodden and benighted have awakened from medieval stagnation to a new life and are rising to fight for elementary human rights and democracy.
p “The workers of the advanced countries follow with interest and inspiration this powerful growth of the liberation movement, in all its various forms, in every part of the world. The bourgeoisie of Europe, scared by the might of the working-class movement, is embracing reaction, militarism, clericalism and obscurantism. But the proletariat of the European countries and the young democracy of Asia, fully confident of its strength and with abiding faith in the masses, are advancing to take the place of this decadent and moribund bourgeoisie.
p “The awakening of Asia and the beginning of the struggle for power by the advanced proletariat of Europe are a symbol of the new phase in world history that began early this century." [154•5 This was a brilliant analysis of the changes that had taken place in the world revolutionary process since Marx.
155p The victory of the socialist revolution in one country introduced further changes in the world revolutionary process, in the struggle for power by the proletariat in the advanced capitalist countries and in the incipient awakening in the colonial and dependent countries.
p Once the working class takes over in the country where the revolution has won out, it guides all the other working people in building a new economy and arranging new social relations, doing a great deal to foster men in a spirit of high awareness. At first socialism does not prevail among the other sectors of the economy and the social structure of this society. But because the working class wields the power and shows the other working people in town and country the way to advance, because the Marxist-Leninist Party is guided by the advanced revolutionary theory and has strong bonds with the masses, the socialist sector gradually becomes the dominant one as the economic, political and ideological class struggle advances and then comes to be one that has undivided domination in the country. External conditions are highly important for building the new society, with peace providing the most favourable atmosphere.
p At the Seventh Party Congress in 1918, Lenin said: “Today we have reached only the first stage of transition from capitalism to socialism here in Russia. History has not provided us with that peaceful situation that was theoretically assumed for a certain time, and which is desirable for us, and which would enable us to pass through these stages of transition speedily. We see immediately that the civil war has made many things difficult in Russia, and that the civil war is interwoven with a whole series of wars. Marxists have never forgotten that violence must inevitably accompany the collapse of capitalism in its entirety and the birth of socialist society. That violence will constitute a period of world history, a whole era of various kinds of wars, imperialist wars, civil wars inside countries, the intermingling of the two, national wars liberating the nationalities oppressed by the imperialists and by various combinations of imperialist powers that will inevitably enter into various alliances in the epoch of tremendous state-capitalist and military trusts and syndicates. This epoch, an epoch of gigantic cataclysms, of mass decisions forcibly imposed by war, of crises, has begun—that we can see clearly—and it is only the beginning." [155•6
p History showed that Lenin was right in assessing the period which had then begun. But he did not say that this period of the most diverse wars would never give way to a peaceful situation which was desirable for communist construction. Nor did he say that the peace period would arrive only with the final victory of the revolution on a world scale.
156p In this context, Lenin raised a highly important methodological question about the inevitable growth of socialist influence on the world revolutionary process. Defending the new theory of socialist revolution against those who tried to intimidate the working people by pointing to the strength of capitalism and expressed lack of faith in the strength of the working class, Lenin emphasised in 1918 that “not a single historical change of any importance takes place without there being several instances of a disproportion of forces. Forces grow in the process of the struggle, as the revolution grows." [156•7 This remark has profound sociological meaning and gives a truly philosophical comprehension of the historical process. From this Lenin drew far-reaching theoretical conclusions about the growth of the forces of socialism within the country and in the world arena, and its growing influence on every aspect of world history.
p Lenin’s remarkable characteristic of the prospects for the development of the world revolutionary process is given in his “Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and the Colonial Questions" (1920). Lenin emphasises the importance of the period when ever more urgent importance attaches to “the task of converting the dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e., existing in a single country and incapable of determining world politics) into an international one (i.e.. a dictatorship of the proletariat involving at least several advanced countries, and capable of exercising a decisive influence upon world politics as a whole)". [156•8 Consequently, Lenin’s analysis clearly brings out two stages in the development of the world revolutionary process after the victory of the socialist revolution in one country and points out their qualitative distinctions.
p At the first stage, the socialist state finds itself within a hostile capitalist encirclement. At this stage, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot yet determine world politics. The main task here is to build socialist society in one country with support from the revolutionary forces abroad, above all from the working class in the capitalist countries. In this period, it is necessary to use all foreign-policy instruments to prolong the breathing space and all the domestic-policy instruments to consolidate and develop the socialist system, to industrialise the country, to secure the victory of socialism in the countryside and to carry out a cultural revolution.
p The emergence of the first socialist society had a most important impact on the world revolutionary movement. The rise of the revolutionary spirit in the ranks of the working class was expressed in the establishment of Communist parties. There appeared the possibility of uniting these emergent parties within the Third International. Lenin 157 gave the following assessment of the situation: “The First International laid the foundation of the proletarian, international struggle for socialism.
p “The Second International marked a period in which the soil was prepared for the broad, mass spread of the movement in a number of countries.
p “The Third International has gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, discarded its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to implement the dictatorship of the proletariat." [157•9
p Under Lenin’s leadership, the Comintern worked out the general line of the Communist parties in the new historical conditions taking shape after the Great October Socialist Revolution, helping to clarify the ways of involving the masses of peasants and the oppressed colonial peoples in the struggle against imperialism.
p Under the impact of the October Revolution, the national liberation movement in the colonies and dependent countries was given a fresh impetus. The historical experience of national liberation and social emancipation of the peoples in the Soviet Union gave that movement ideological and political force; Marxist-Leninist groups and parties were set up in some countries of the East. The Comintern gave them substantial assistance in their activity.
p Earlier on, Engels had written this about the First International: “For ten years the International dominated one side of European history—the side on which the future lies—and can look back upon its work with pride." [157•10 The same can be said about the activity of the Third International, with the difference that the aspect of the European history to which the future belonged had become considerably richer. Socialism began to exert its influence not only on European but also on world history.
p At the second stage, the nature of this influence also underwent a fundamental change. Socialism, now a world system, was capable of exerting a decisive influence on world affairs, as Lenin had anticipated, when he expressed his idea of a proletarian dictatorship in several leading countries, at least, an international dictatorship. In that period, the USSR had become a leading country not only in terms of social system, but also in technico-economic terms. The socialist system could not have exerted a decisive influence on world development if it had neglected the tasks of economic construction This idea of Lenin’s is a continuation of his earlier idea about the possibility of socialism initially winning out in one country or in a few countries. These propositions of 158 Lenin’s constitute the most important foundations for the theory of the world revolutionary process.
p The analysis of this new stage in the world revolutionary process is a major achievement of Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist view of modern history has been markedly enriched and deepened after the CPSU and its Central Committee showed the importance for world development of socialism emerging beyond the boundaries of one country and of the formation of the world socialist system. The strengthening of the world socialist system produces a situation in which it is possible to have the struggle between capitalism and socialism in the world arena assume forms other than military clashes and world wars.
p At the second stage, the Communist parties which had gained in stature and matured in struggle, required other ties with each other, than those they had under the Comintern, for leadership of the diverse and vast world communist movement from a single centre had become impossible. New forms of contact and cooperation between the fraternal Marxist-Leninist parties began to develop, notably in the form of various meetings between representatives of the parties. The international communist movement has the greatest support from the world socialist system, which is the most important result of the working-class struggle over the whole preceding period in the development of the revolutionary process.
p The national liberation movement also has a solid mainstay in the socialist system. The socialist countries are in a position to use the instruments of state policy to support in the international arena the people’s struggle for their political and economic independence. The colonial system of imperialism is collapsing.
p At the second stage of the world revolutionary process it is of the utmost importance for the internal development of the world socialist system, for the struggle between labour and capital in the capitalist countries and for the national liberation movement that the Soviet Union has entered a period of full-scale construction of communism. In this period, the competition between socialism and capitalism enters its decisive phase. The advantages of the socialist system are expressed above all in the successes in the economic construction. It is the realisation of the vast advantages of socialism that exerts a revolutionising influence on the hearts and minds of the working people in the capitalist countries. It is not ultrarevolutionary catchwords, but the tireless labour of millions of men and women in material production, which helps to strengthen the common front of socialism and to multiply its strength in the revolutionary struggle of peoples of all countries that helps to lay a sound foundation for the complete victory over capitalism. Lenin stressed: “We are now exercising our main influence on the international revolution through our economic policy.... The struggle in this field has now become global. Once we solve this 159 problem, we shall have certainly and finally won on an international scale.” [159•11
p Soon after his return to Russia in 1917, Lenin wrote the following in his work “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution (Draft Platform for the Proletarian Party)": “From capitalism mankind can pass directly only to socialism, i.e., to the social ownership of the means of production and the distribution of products according to the amount of work performed by each individual. Our Party looks farther ahead: socialism must inevitably evolve gradually into communism, upon the banner of which is inscribed the motto, ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs’." [159•12 In this context, he drew the following conclusion: “We must call ourselves the Communist Party—just as Marx and Engels called themselves." [159•13
p When considering the question of changing the Party’s name in 1918, Lenin stressed that “as we begin socialist reforms we must have a clear conception of the goal towards which these reforms are in the final analysis directed, that is, the creation of a communist society that does not limit itself to the expropriation of factories, the land and the means of production, does not confine itself to strict accounting for, and control of, production and distribution of products, but goes farther towards implementing the principle ‘From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs’." [159•14
p Consequently, Lenin taught the Communists to regard socialist transformations as the ultimate goal and to keep that goal in mind, even when only launching upon them but never to identify the ultimate goal and the immediate changes to be carried out. In many of his writings after the October Revolution, Lenin emphasised the difference between the first phase of communism and the second, and the mistake of trying to leap over to the second phase. It is hard to overrate Lenin’s contribution to the theory of building socialism and communism. Marx had formulated the basic and guiding idea on the question, while Lenin went on to solve the hundreds of theoretical questions in building the new society, its economic development, its political organisation and its culture in close connection with practice. It is no exaggeration to say that Lenin’s writings after the 1917 Revolution add up to an encyclopaedia of socialist construction.
p Lenin raised the question of the distinction between the first phase of communist society and the second, and considered the conditions for the transition from one to the other even before the October Revolution in his work The State and Revolution, where he stressed that socialist 160 society is a society “which is compelled to abolish at first only the ‘injustice’ of the means of production seized by individuals, and which is unable at once to eliminate the other injustice, which consists in the distribution of consumer goods ’according to the amount of labour performed’ (and not according to needs)". [160•15 That is why Lenin brought out as a key distinctive feature of the social organisation of the first phase the fact that “there still remains the need for a state, which, while safeguarding the common ownership of the means of production, would safeguard equality in labour and in the distribution of products". [160•16 But as socialist relations were strengthened and advanced the nature of the state itself tended to change: “All citizens become employees and workers of a single country-wide state ‘syndicate’." [160•17 From this it follows that the development of this syndicate and its transformation into a state of the whole people is a necessary process. The state will wither away only under full communism.
p At the same time, Lenin kept stressing that both phases developed on a single basis. Socialism is incomplete communism, but in its development socialism inevitably leads to communism. Lenin taught the Communists to discern and painstakingly to foster every element of communism that appeared in socialist society, with special emphasis on the working people’s growing consciousness and their high sense of discipline. As “the fragmentation of labour, no confidence in the social economy and the old habits of the petty proprietor" [160•18 disappeared society advanced faster towards its communist future. Evidence of this also came from the emergence of phenomena in social life, like the communist subbotniks, when the working people freely give of their labour to society.
p Socialist change, the development of socialist relations, help to achieve the final goal—communism—“for when all have learned to administer and actually do independently administer social production, independently keep accounts and exercise control over the parasites, the sons of the wealthy, the swindlers and other ’guardians of capitalist traditions’, the escape from this popular accounting and control will inevitably become so incredibly difficult, such a rare exception, and will probably be accompanied by such swift and severe punishment (for the armed workers are practical men and not sentimental intellectuals, and they will scarcely allow anyone to trifle with them), that the necessity of observing the simple, fundamental rules of community will very soon become a habit.
p “Then the door will be thrown wide open for the transition from the first phase of communist society to its higher phase, and with it to the 161 complete withering away of the state." [161•19 These remarkable words also indicate a most important distinction between the first and the second phase and one of the most important conditions for society’s moving into the second phase.
p How is the inevitable development of the first phase into the second ensured? The common basis of both phases of the one communist formation consists in the fact that “the proletariat represents and creates a higher type of social organisation of labour compared with capitalism. That is what is important, this is the source of the strength and the guarantee that the final triumph of communism is inevitable." [161•20 Social progress means above all development of the great productive power of labour; that is the main angle from which to consider the historical process. Without this there would have been no quantitative accumulation or qualitative development either in the material sphere or in the sphere of mankind’s spiritual culture; consequently, society would not be advancing. The growing productive and creative power of human labour calls for a system of organisation in line with the level reached in the development of the productive forces and giving room for their further progress. Socialism creates just such a social organisation of labour which helps to reach the higher phase of communist society and ultimately to defeat capitalism.
p Lenin resolutely and consistently fought all expressions of pettybourgeois and anarchist spontaneousness. The petty-bourgeois revolutionary gave least thought to creation, to production, to economic construction. A different approach is taken by the consistent proletarian revolutionary, who will never look down on economic activity, on its successes, on the development of the creative and productive power of human labour.
p This idea is at the basis of Lenin’s numerous articles and speeches. In April 1918, Pravda carried his article entitled “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”, which outlined the programme for a great creative effort by the masses. At the time, large-scale tasks of construction faced the new system born in revolutionary struggle. There was need to determine the main line of social development and of the Party’s activity in leading the working people. The theory of social development was becoming a theory of the practical transformation of society. The great revolutionary energy of the masses was becoming a vast creative force that history had never known. Everything depended on the correct view of the prospects for the social process, which determined the mainstream of the mighty tide of the awakened social energy. Lenin’s remarkable writings contain the answer to the 162 fundamental question posed by life concerning the transition from capitalism to socialism.
p As the task of expropriating the expropriators and suppressing their resistance was being solved in the main, Lenin wrote, “there necessarily comes to the forefront the fundamental task of creating a social system superior to capitalism, namely, raising the productivity of labour, and in this connection (and for this purpose) securing better organisation of labour". [162•21 That was the first occasion on which the Party and Soviet society as a whole were set the task of organising labour in such a way that it would produce a higher productivity of labour than that under capitalism. How was this fundamental task to be tackled?
p “The raising of the productivity of labour first of all requires that the material basis of large-scale industry shall be assured, namely, the development of the production of fuel, iron, the engineering and chemical industries." [162•22 Lenin pointed out that the Soviet Union had vast deposits of iron ore, fuel, water resources, raw materials for the chemical industry, in areas like the Urals, Western Siberia, the Caucasus and Turkmenia. He ended with these words: “The development of these natural resources by methods of modern technology will provide the basis for the unprecedented progress of the productive forces." [162•23 In this way Lenin formulated the key task of building the new society. The Soviet people have advanced along this path, building socialism, and fulfilling one five-year national-economic plan after another. That is the way they are still going, fulfilling Lenin’s precepts about electrifying the country, putting forward a great plan for introducing the use of chemicals into industry and agriculture, building the material and technical basis of communism, working its vast resources with new technology and resolutely eliminating all shortcomings.
p The requirement that there should be a material basis for higher labour productivity applies to the construction both of the first and the second phase of the new society. That is the only basis on which it is possible to effect the corresponding changes in the social structure and the whole system of social relations, to eliminate the contradictions and subsequently the essential distinctions between town and countryside, between mental and manual labour, and to bring about the triumph first of socialist and then of communist relations of production. But the creation of the material basis was not the only requirement put forward by Lenin for the construction of the new society.
p Lenin said that the basis for the diverse social ties consisted of the “mutual relations of people arising out of the part they play in social 163 labour". [163•24 No society can exist without sound ties between men in the process of labour, and the extent to which labour and the nature of these ties are developed determines the stage of human history.
p Lenin wrote that after the revolution the working class would build a new and higher social connection, and stressed the importance of massive activity in producing “a new social bond, a new labour discipline, a new organisation of labour, which will combine the last word in science and capitalist technology with the mass association of class-conscious workers creating large-scale socialist industry". [163•25 Lenin stressed the “creative aspect of socialist economic and living conditions" [163•26 and the creative spirit of the “new economic relations in the new society". [163•27 This creative effort developed in the period of socialism and attained vast scope during the full-scale construction of communist society. Throughout the construction of the new society, the working people increase and improve this united force.
p One of the fundamental changes in social relations produced by the socialist revolution is that the political superstructure becomes totally different, with a fundamentally new role in organising social labour. The proletarian dictatorship and then the state of the whole people are of tremendous importance in uniting the creative efforts of the working people. In the recently published chapters of the original version of the article “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”, Lenin wrote: “The task of administering the state, which now confronts the Soviet government, has this special feature, that, probably for the first time in the modern history of civilised nations, it deals pre-eminently with economics rather than with politics. Usually the word ‘administration’ is associated chiefly, if not solely, with political activity. However, the very basis and essence of Soviet power, like that of the transition itself from capitalist to socialist society, lie in the fact that political tasks occupy a subordinate position to economic tasks." [163•28 The subsequent change in the political organisation of society for the purpose of tackling economic tasks in the first place is a characteristic feature of Soviet development.
p In the course of communist construction, the Party boldly tackles important problems in the management of industry, construction and agriculture. The Marxist theory of social development has demonstrated, contrary to the “theories” produced by confused men, that the transition to communism would not at all involve a disintegration of society into separate and unconnected cells. On the contrary, in the 164 course of this transition social ties and all the combined production activity of men are further developed and improved.
p The progress of the productive power of human labour requires an ever higher level of consciousness and association of the working people equipped with the most advanced technology. This is a most important uniformity underlying the development of the new society. Lenin constantly underlined this fact: “Another condition for raising the productivity of labour is, firstly, the raising of the educational and cultural level of the mass of the population. This is now taking place extremely rapidly, a fact which those who are blinded by bourgeois routine are unable to see; they are unable to understand what an urge towards enlightenment and initiative is now developing among the ‘lower ranks’ of the people thanks to the Soviet form of organisation." [164•29
p Lenin used to say that the initiatives which have their beginning at the grass roots are an important condition for higher labour productivity. The Soviet system and the Communist Party have generated a remarkable creative quest among masses of people. The growth of these initiatives in which everyone takes a hand is a law governing the development of socialist society. This is expressed in the rise of scientific theoretical thinking and in the day-to-day performance by the millions of people, above all the leading workers in industry and agriculture. The Soviet people, led by the Communist Party, tackle and solve the most important state problems in every sector of communist construction.
p Lenin also put forward another requirement for the final victory of the new system over capitalism. He stressed: “Secondly, a condition for economic revival is the raising of the working people’s discipline, their skill, the effectiveness, the intensity of labour and its better organisation." [164•30 When Lenin wrote his article “The Immediate Tasks of the Soviet Government”, the great struggle for the triumph “of proletarian conscious discipline over spontaneous petty-bourgeois anarchy" had just begun, the struggle to apply “a number of the greatest scientific achievements in the field of analysing mechanical motions during work, the elimination of superfluous and awkward motions, the elaboration of correct methods of work, the introduction of the best system of accounting and control, etc." [164•31 Lenin initiated the struggle for a high level of organisation and harmonious operations in all kinds of work, above all in production, and insisted that the whole of social labour should be organised on strict scientific principles, with an effective system of control involving the greatest possible number of people. The 165 development of the scientific organisation of the whole of social labour is an important feature of the advance by socialist society to communism.
p Lenin constantly stressed the importance of accounting and control under socialism and the vast potentialities of this control when it relied on the working people’s initiative. No human society can live or develop without its inherent form of social control required for the observance of laws and rules in this society. Let us note that bourgeois sociologists have written a great deal about social control, but they have always forgotten to say that at every stage in the history of antagonistic formations control has always been exercised over masses of people. The socialist system alone has carried out a most important change by transferring control over the fulfilment of the laws and rules in society into the hands of the people themselves. That is what makes the socialist system so powerful as it develops on its way to communism. Its realisation means a further enhancement of the role of consciousness in social development.
p Lenin held that the Communist Party, embodying the highly conscious proletarian discipline, must be the leading force in the struggle for the new society. Its establishment was the first clear expression of the organisational effort of which the working class is capable. For its part, the Communist Party started large-scale organisational activity in the midst of masses of the working people, rallying them to the banner of Leninism, showing them the prospects for social development and indicating the way to transform these prospects into historic reality. Lenin said that a centralised and disciplined political party of the proletariat is required so that “the organisational role of the proletariat (and that is its principal role) may be exercised correctly, successfully and victoriously". [165•32
p Lenin stressed that in Soviet society the power of example is able to influence the people for the first time. [165•33 Today, the Party’s whole effort is pivoted on the spread not only of the most advanced view of life but also of the most advanced practical experience. Because of this effort, the individual initiatives displayed by Soviet working people become available to the masses, generating fresh initiatives, which, for their part, become massive, etc. This process of the creative assimilation of advanced experience and its multiplication has a tremendous role to play in the advance towards communism, and could not have developed but for the tremendous organisational and educational effort of the Party.
p The high ideological level fostered by the Communists among the 166 people is not only a quality of the human mind, but it also helps to forge the human character and produces a special kind of mental and moral makeup in the individual. Lenin stressed the importance of the fight against features, still to be found among some Soviet people, like “relapses into petty-bourgeois spinelessness, disunity, individualism, and alternating moods of exaltation and dejection". [166•34 The high level of communist consciousness, which is displayed in the day-to-day activity of the Soviet people, prevents the re-emergence of these traits. Lenin put a high value on qualities of character and mentality like “perseverance, persistence, willingness, determination and ability to test things a hundred times, to correct them a hundred times, but to achieve one’s goal". [166•35 He stressed the great importance of the communist attitude to work. These remarkable qualities, which the builder of communism needs, are being fostered by the Party as it tests and tempers men in labour for a common good.
The success of the communist cause depends on a clear understanding by everyone, by every collective and the whole people of the tasks put forward by historical reality, on the consideration and utmost use of the opportunities opened up by the socialist system for the working people’s activity, on the knowledge of the ways leading to a solution of these problems, and on the correct organisation of the masses. That is one of Lenin’s most important ideas about building the new society. It is the Communist Party that gives the masses a clear historical prospect and organises them for their historical activity to bring about the victory of communism.
Notes
[154•4] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 21, p. 342.
[154•5] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 19, p. 86.
[155•6] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 27, p. 130.
[156•7] Ibid., p. 413.
[156•8] Ibid.. Vol. 31. p. 148.
[157•9] Ibid.. Vol. 29, p. 307.
[157•10] K. Marx and F. Engels, Selected Correspondence, p. 351.
[159•11] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 32, p. 437.
[159•12] Ibid.. Vol. 24, pp. 84-85.
[159•13] Ibid., p. 84.
[159•14] Ibid., Vol. 27, p. 127.
[160•15] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 25. p. 466
[160•16] Ibid., p. 467.
[160•17] Ibid., p. 473.
[160•18] Ibid.. Vol. 30. p. 284.
[161•19] Ibid., Vol. 25, p. 474.
[161•20] Ibid., Vol. 29. p. 419.
[162•21] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 27, p. 257.
[162•22] Ibid.
[162•23] Ibid.
[163•24] Ibid., Vol. 6. p. 265.
[163•25] Ibid., Vol. 29, p. 423.
[163•26] Ibid., p. 424.
[163•27] Ibid., p. 419.
[163•28] Ibid., Vol. 42, p. 71.
[164•29] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 27, pp. 257-58.
[164•30] Ibid.
[164•31] Ibid., p. 258.
[165•32] Ibid., Vol. 31, p. 44.
[165•33] Ibid., Vol. 27, p. 261.
[166•34] V. I. Lenin, Collected Works. Vol. 31, p. 44.
[166•35] Ibid., Vol. 30, p. 518.