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p It has been the purpose of these two volumes to present, necessarily in brief, the basic processes and principal events that make up the history of the human race from its inception in times immemorial to the present day (ending with 1967, to be precise). Since it was impossible to treat all these processes and events in equal detail, some omissions in our narrative were inevitable. We have tried to write a short history of mankind, in popular form, picturing the main trends of social development.

p This development, covering several millenniums, followed no simple or easy path. Man, in the early dawn of his existence, stood practically helpless, practically unarmed, facing the tremendous forces of nature. The story of mankind has been a story of successive disasters, many retreats and reverses suffered by those who worked and pressed ahead at the hands of those who tried to hold them back. Repeatedly beaten and cruelly tried, mankind nevertheless advanced along the road of progress.

p It is necessary to picture man in the environment of those primitive times before one can do justice to the advance he has made since then. Take man’s immensely increased power, to begin with, covering the whole range from superstitious terror of the forces of nature and realisation of utter helplessness in the face of those forces to cognition of the laws and hidden secrets of nature. The change becomes striking when one compares the cave-dweller, naked or dressed in skins, with a stone for a weapon, and a man of the 1960s flying in a comfortable air-liner at 1,000 kilometres per hour. But that is not the most important achievement of progress. The most important achievement lies in the fact that the many millenniums, during which the various forms of exploitation of man by man followed one another, ended in the victory of the 485 exploited over the exploiters, first in just one country and later over a substantial part of the globe, bringing closer the day when the last parasitical system would finally break up.

p The history of the human race is not so much a record of inventions, such as of various implements and machines, as a record of progressive changes in men’s social relations. Marx and Engels have done mankind an unforgettable service by discovering the laws that govern political events, ideological processes and other aspects of social life in different epochs. We are speaking of the relations entered into by people in the process of producing material benefits. The Marxist method was first to explain numerous hitherto mysterious historical phenomena and interpret the essence of the activities of famous historical personages who had been motivated not by idealistic impulses, as has been accepted all along by historians belonging to the bourgeoisie and nobility and is maintained by most bourgeois scholars today, but by quite definite class interests. That this method works has been proved by many examples dealing with the vicissitudes of political struggle in the classical age, the wars of conquest waged by the medieval potentates of the East, the events of the early bourgeois revolutions, or the acute problems of modern times. Class warfare will inevitably be found to have been at the root of all these events, while the main rallying point of the class warfare have been the liberation movements of the oppressed and exploited masses. That is why we have given in these volumes so much attention to the struggle of these oppressed masses against those who exploited them, the struggle which pointed up so definitely the leading role of these masses in history. History has proved beyond doubt that this role increases in parallel with the development of the human race. The struggle against exploitation had been for centuries of a spontaneous nature, aiming not at putting an end to the system, but rather to “improving” that system, at eliminating the most odious of its proponents. As late as three or four centuries ago this struggle was carried on, of necessity, under a religious guise, wholly adapting itself to the principle of the immutability of monarchic rule.

p As the centuries went by, however, the struggle waged by the masses gained strength and became more overt, and, what is most important, more purposeful. On the threshold of the modern age there occurred, for the first time in history, events of tremendous significance, namely, social revolutions which gave vent to an unparalleled explosion of energy and creative initiative on the part of the masses. These early social revolutions, true enough, did not and could not fulfil the peoples’ longing for social justice. At the time of the bourgeois revolution in England, in the 17th century, and even later, in the 19th century, the situation was not vet ripe 486 and the preconditions absent of a socialist revolution. The revolutionary initiative, high courage and utter disdain of danger shown by the masses helped install the bourgeoisie in a position of power, merely facilitated, that is to say, the replacement of one mode of exploitation by another. At the same time, however, these revolutions gave the masses a good schooling in class warfare, which served them consistently all through the subsequent course of historic development.

p Far from merely proclaiming the advent of the capitalist system, the bourgeois revolutions had social consequences which exercised a decisive influence on the course of history. We are speaking here of the emergence of the working class, the social force that was destined to lead man’s struggle to end oppression through exploitation. Awareness of the historic role it was to play did not simply dawn upon the working class one fine day. This important function was discovered and theoretically substantiated by Marx and Engels, and, in a new historic situation, developed by Lenin, and later brilliantly put into practice. The emergence of a proletariat and its development into an important social force radically altered both the nature and the prospects of the liberation movements the world over. The victory of the October 1917 Revolution in Russia, which opened the era of successful socialist revolutions, meant that the world-wide revolutionary process had entered a new phase in which it would grow in scope as never before, gathering in all the various forces and trends interested in putting an end to exploitation by the bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries.

p The world revolutionary movement owes its unprecedented growth in strength and scope in modern times, and particularly now, to the creation and development of the socialist community of countries. The success achieved by the working class in Soviet Russia was a signal success of the liberation movement as a whole. The Soviet Union became a veritable staging ground for the developing world-wide revolutionary movement, and its rapid strides in the field of socialist construction set an example and inspired the masses in their struggle against capitalist oppression and colonial exploitation. And the drawing power of this trend towards a new life and freedom grew even stronger after a number of other countries of Europe and Asia achieved a transition to socialism. The existence of a socialist community, an achievement of the greatest significance for the universal revolutionary process, is the main factor, in the current situation, that determines the further development of that process.

p The socialist countries comprise 26 per cent of the earth’s surface and account for roughly 35 per cent of the world’s population. During the brief period of its existence the socialist 487 community has achieved outstanding success in all spheres of social life and proved beyond any doubt its superiority over capitalism, especially in the sphere of economic development. In 1970 the socialist community accounted for 39 per cent of the world’s industrial production. The rapid pace of production growth in the Soviet Union and other socialist countries is marked by a steadiness which the capitalist mode of production is incapable of attaining. Socialism ensures unlimited opportunities for the development of personality and the productive forces. Within the framework of the socialist community the rapid economic development of every member state is facilitated by close mutual co-operation based on the principles of equality of rights and fraternal aid. The new pattern of relationships among the states of the socialist community has made possible co-operation, specialisation, and international socialist division of labour.

p It should be stressed that the powerful influence exercised by the socialist countries on the world-wide revolutionary process is due precisely to their achievements in the economic field. This spectacular upsurge of their national economies has led to a steady improvement of living standards in the socialist countries, most of which had previously been classed as backward, while the rapid development of their productive forces has also laid a foundation for the building up of their defences. All this has contributed to a shift in the world power relations in favour of socialism and to the detriment of capitalism.

p The Twenty-Fourth CPSU Congress which met in Moscow at the end of March and the beginning of April 1971 was an event of historic importance. In his report to the Congress, the CC CPSU General Secretary, Leonid Brezhnev, gave a profound analysis of the multifarious constructive activities of the Communist Party and all Soviet people in the years after the Twenty-Third Congress. The Soviet people had successfully fulfilled the eighth five-year economic development plan, making a substantial contribution to the building up of the material and technological base of communism and to improving the well-being of the people. Tremendous work had been carried out to secure peaceful conditions for the construction of communism, to consolidate the positions of the Soviet Union and the fraternal socialist countries on the international scene. A spectacular achievement of this policy was the signing in August 1970 of the Treaty between the USSR and the FRG, which confirmed the latter’s recognition of the post-war frontiers in Europe and paved the way toward an essential improvement of the relations between the two countries. The quadripartite accord on West Berlin reached by the USSR, the USA, Britain and France in September 1971 was a long step toward stronger peace in Europe.

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p The normalisation of relations between the USSR and the USA, which began with the high-level talks in Moscow in May 1972 and was further stimulated by the visit of Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CC CPSU, to the USA in June 1973, was an event of great international significance.

p The essence of this normalisation lies in the transition from cold war to genuinely peaceful coexistence. This means detente, normalisation of political relations, solution of problems by negotiation and development of mutually beneficial co-operation in many spheres. The agreements concluded between the USSR and the USA in 1972-73 such as the Fundamentals of Mutual Relations between the USSR and the USA, the agreements on the prevention of nuclear war, strategic arms limitation and the basic principles for further negotiations in this sphere were designed to serve these very aims.

p The improvement of relations between the USSR and the USA will also be facilitated by the growing co-operation between them in the field of economy and trade.

p The consistent fulfilment by the USSR and the USA of their commitments in this area is a prerequisite for making Soviet-American relations a permanent factor in guaranteeing world peace and the irreversibility of the developing processes of detente and intensification of peaceful, mutually advantageous co-operation between states with differing social systems.

p The Twenty-Fourth CPSU Congress adopted a scientifically grounded programme of communist construction in the coming period to meet the Soviet people’s major requirements. The central target of the Directives approved by the Congress for the Ninth Five-Year Economic Development Plan for 1971-75 is a considerable rise in the material and cultural standards of life of the people. This can be attained only on the basis of high development rates of socialist production, an organic combination of the achievements of the revolution in science and technology with the advantages of the socialist economic system. The Congress decisions provide for a still more active enlistment of the mass of the people in the fulfilment of the tasks facing society and government. The Congress outlined various measures to secure all-round development of public education and science, further advancement of literature and the arts.

p The Congress gave prominence to international problems and opposed the aggressive policy of imperialism by a programme of struggle for the freedom and independence of peoples, for stable international security—a programme of active work in defence of peace. This policy called upon to contribute to the growth of the anti-imperialist movement of the working people of the world enjoys universal approval. The continuing development of the world 489 socialist community is the greatest guarantee that the world revolutionary process will be accelerated. Doctrinaires and sectarians are to be found within the international communist movement who attempt to dispute this important proposition and contrapose the anti-colonial national liberation movement to all the rest factors of the international revolutionary process. There is nothing to support this point of view: both the record of history and a Marxist analysis of the current revolutionary process prove beyond any doubt that the determining factor of that process is the world socialist system. This in no way detracts from the importance of the national liberation struggle waged by peoples living under the imperialist yoke or those who have but recently gained their freedom. On the contrary, the struggle they carry on is an important element of the world revolutionary process, inasmuch as it draws into that process millions of people in the lands of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

p Right now the states that have thrown off imperialist political domination are waging a strenuous battle against the still continuing imperialist economic domination, against neo-colonialism. This battle they are waging is undermining the imperialist system and dealing telling blows against the remainders of colonialism. They are aided in their efforts by the policy of non-adherence to the various imperialist blocs, followed by most of the new sovereign states. No less important for the world revolutionary process are the radical social reforms that are being currently carried out in some of these countries and that are starting them on a noncapitalist road of development. Such countries can fully rely on the socialist community for support.

p Another element of the current world revolutionary process is the workers’ movement in the capitalist countries. There the proletariat is having to carry on the fight against heavy odds, against an experienced foe that uses a wide variety of political, economic and ideological weapons in order to steer the workers’ movement into a reformist channel. The situation is further aggravated by a split within the proletariat, the existence within it of various parties, trade union organisations, etc. There is another reason why the revolutionary struggle does not expand as rapidly as it otherwise might: the high economic level reached by the advanced capitalist countries enables their monopolies to pay many workers higher wages, inasmuch as productivity of labour in such countries has been greatly increased as a result of important scientific and technological progress. Entirely wrong, however, is the assertion made by bourgeois ideologists and echoed by various doctrinaires and sectarians that the working class in the capitalist countries is willing to "let well enough alone" and has given up the struggle against the bourgeois system. The strike movement has expanded 490 impressively in the post-war era, and a remarkable feature has been the close co-ordination between the political struggle and that in the economic sphere.

p The workers’ fight for peace, and against the threat of nuclear war is gaining ground. Although the struggle for peace cannot be characterised as a socialist enterprise, it does advance, like the other democratic movements, the purpose of social reform. "The struggle for democracy," says the Programme of the CPSU, "is a component of the struggle for socialism."  [490•1  The immediate aim of the Communist Parties is to build up broad anti-monopoly alliances.

This epoch of ours is marked by the final transition of mankind from the capitalist system, which has outlived its usefulness, to socialism and communism. Now, more than ever, we see constant proof of the truth of the principle that it is the masses who are the true makers of history. The centuries-long exploitation of those who work by a numerically small propertied class is coming to an end, and so is the system under which “civilised” colonisers have been plundering the millions of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The path of historical progress is not a smooth one, of course; it has its ruts and pot-holes, The experience of history teaches us that the peoples of the world must work hard if they are to overcome the resistance of the forces of reaction; but that very same experience convinces us that we are travelling the right road. The principles of communism which now hold sway over an area comprising more than a third of the world’s population are penetrating far and wide and attracting more and more followers. However stubborn the resistance that capitalism and its ideologists may put up, the world continues to advance along the road of progress. And progress—nowadays—is synonymous with communism.

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