359
5. COALESCENCE
OF OPPORTUNIST
IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL
TRENDS
AND BOURGEOIS IDEOLOGY
 

p At the turn of the century, Lenin foresaw the inevitable extension of the scale of the struggle by the Communists against revisionism. He wrote: “What we now frequently experience only in the domain of ideology, namely, disputes over theoretical amendments to Marx; what now crops up in practice only over individual side issues of the labour movement, as tactical differences with the revisionists and splits on this basis—is bound to be experienced by the working class on an incomparably larger scale when the proletarian revolution will sharpen all disputed issues, will focus all differences on points which are of the most immediate importance in determining the conduct of the masses.”  [359•2  We are living in this period today.

p On all the key problems of present-day development 360 which are central to political and ideological struggle there is a coalescence of the positions of the revisionists and the main line of the attacks by the bourgeois ideologists. Let us briefly consider these problems once again.

p The working class is the leading force of all the anti-imperialist forces of our day, and the main motive and mobilising contingent of the revolutionary struggle. It alone is capable of ensuring the destruction of the power of capital and securing the triumph of socialism. Bourgeois ideologists quite naturally deny that the working class has this world historic mission, while the reformists echo them by spreading the idea that the class struggle is fading out and the working class is being “deproletarianised”. They join the bourgeoisie in directing their main propaganda attacks against the vanguard of the working class, the Communist Parties. What is the role revisionism on the Right and on the “Left” has to play on this question? Right opportunist revisionism tries to unhinge the parties from inside, and to undermine their combat capacity, while the so-called “Left” revisionists, like those in China, destroy mature Party cadres and supplant the leading role of the working class with a military-bureaucratic machine.

p The socialist system has become the bulwark of the worldwide anti-imperialist revolutionary movement. Imperialism and its ideologists resort to diverse methods in their efforts to weaken and undermine the world socialist community. Reformist and revisionist slanders of socialism objectively serve as an instrument of imperialism in its subversive activity.

p An earnest of success in the fight against imperialism lies in the undeviating practice of the principles of proletarian internationalism: fraternal assistance and mutual support of the national contingents of the working class and socialism. After all, the common feature of the tactical efforts of all the ideological trends hostile to Marxism is their attempt to divide the revolutionary forces, and to isolate the Soviet Union, the first country of triumphant socialism. Nationalism is not the least of the weapons used in these reactionary attempts. L. I. Brezhnev observed: “A frequent feature of both ’Left’ and Right-wing opportunism is concessions to nationalism, and sometimes even an outright switch to nationalistic positions. Lenin showed up this connection a long time ago. He wrote: The ideological and political 361 affinity, connection, and even identity between opportunism and social-nationalism are beyond doubt!’ ”  [361•1 

p Organisation of collective resistance to the acts of the aggressors is a most important form of struggle against the starting of another world war by imperialism. But are these efforts not being undermined by those who equate aggressive blocs of imperialists and the defensive measures taken by the socialist community, a reliable instrument in the defence of socialism and peace? What is there in common between the fundamental interests of the peoples and leaders who regard war as a positive historical phenomenon?

p Socialist orientation by a number of young states in Africa and Asia is an important achievement of the revolutionary forces, and a serious defeat for imperialism. This provides fresh practical confirmation of Lenin’s conclusion that the peoples are able to advance along the way of social progress, bypassing capitalism.

p Bourgeois ideologists and the reformists and Right revisionists echoing them speculate on the difficulties arising from the movement of the emergent countries towards socialism and try to compromise the idea of the non-capitalist way. They are matched by the Leftists attacking “from the Left” Lenin’s proposition concerning the possibility for economically backward countries, with a predominantly peasant population, to bypass the capitalist stage of development with the support of the socialist states. Questioning the Marxist-Leninist proposition on the leading role of the international working class in the liberation of nations, Maoist theorists in fact thereby give support to bourgeois propaganda aimed at undermining the efforts of the socialist states to help the emergent countries in creating the prerequisites for socialist construction.

p The Main Document of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties says: “Recent class battles have struck a blow at the illusions spread by partisans of neocapitalism and reformism, and have given fresh proof of the basic propositions of Marxism-Leninism. In contrast to the Right and ’Left’ opportunists, the Communist and Workers’ Parties do not counterpose the fight for deep-going economic and social demands, and for advanced democracy to the struggle for socialism, but regard it as a part of the struggle 362 for socialism. The radical democratic changes which will be achieved in the struggle against the monopolies and their economic domination and political power will promote among the broad masses awareness of the need for socialism.”  [362•1 

p In these, conditions, both the Right revisionist overestimation of democratic measures and the “Left” revisionist underestimation of broad democratic action merely serve to help the bourgeoisie which seek to ward off the offensive of the revolutionary forces fighting for national liberation and social emancipation of nations, for peace, democracy and socialism.

p It is not surprising that the attention of the participants in the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties was drawn by the acute and intricate ideological battles which are being fought all along the line in the political class struggle. The participants in the Meeting exposed the danger and harm of revisionism both on the Right and on the “Left”. They also mapped out the ways of working for the cohesion of the Communists on the basis of the prin^ ciples of Marxism-Leninism. In the most general terms, these ways boil down to organising joint practical action by the revolutionary forces in the struggle against imperialism and an extension of international ties and contacts.

p Fundamental importance attaches to the Appeal adopted by the Meeting, “Centenary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin”, which confirms the invariable loyalty of the Communists to Leninism and emphasises its universal international importance. Leninism is the ideological basis for the unity of the international communist movement.

p The coalescence of bourgeois ideologists and opportunists on the basis of their fight against Leninism was well dealt with by Todor Zhivkov in his speech in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses on April 21, 1970. He said: “The old world has mobilised all its strength for the fight against the advance of communist ideas. Together with the avowed apologists of capitalism the opportunists are also fighting against us. ... They seek to prove that Lenin distorted Marx, and undertake to ’defend’ Marxism against Leninism. Others do not refuse Leninism the right to exist as a purely ’Russian’ phenomenon, which may perhaps be good for Russia, but 363 which is unsuitable for other countries. Others still are inclined to allow that Leninism suits the undeveloped countries but can never be applied to the developed capitalist countries. Still others go even farther and say that Leninism was good in its day, but that now times have changed and so Leninism is allegedly in need of being ’modernised’. Another group do not like the dictatorship of the proletariat and the leading role of the Communist Parties, and they demand a ’democratic’ and ’humane’ socialism. Finally, there are those who do not reject socialism but neither do they reject capitalism. They engage in theoretical exercises about a gradual ’convergence of capitalism and socialism’, and discourse on the ’de-ideologisation’ of modern society.”  [363•1 

p A most important conclusion drawn by the Meeting is the need for the utmost scientific effort in in-depth theoretical studies of present-day problems, general laws and specific features of the world revolutionary movement, formulation of the key theoretical problems in the construction of socialism and communism, and the struggle of the world communist and working-class movement against imperialism.

p The work of the Meeting was key-noted by growing attention to questions of ideological struggle in the modern world.

* * *

p This has been no more than a concise outline of the main directions in the ideological struggle along which the hottest and most difficult battles are being fought today.

p The problems dealt with here undoubtedly deserve to be further elaborated, especially in view of the fact that ideological struggle is daily and hourly becoming ever more visibly the sharpest front in the class battles.

p For a successful ideological offensive there is especial need to have a good knowledge of one’s opponent, and consequently of a systematic study of present-day bourgeois ideology, above all its main ideological trends which are hostile to socialism and Marxism-Leninism, of its centres and institutes, and its propaganda machine.

p It is as important today to study bourgeois ideology as it is, for instance, to study the economics of modern capitalism. What should also be borne in mind is that hundreds of 364 research institutes have been specially set up in many countries to study socialist ideas.

p A study of modern bourgeois ideology is necessary for criticism, for instant and resolute rebuffs to all anti-scientific, reactionary, anti-communist, man-hating views and conceptions, which are being spread by the ideological centres of imperialism, by its heralds, by its arms bearers and theorists.

p An offensive against these reactionary ideas is being carried on by the united front of the communist movement, and by workers in Marxist-Leninist science, but there are still very many potentialities and reserves for an even more extensive and more effective conduct of this offensive.

To destroy lies and slanders is just as positive a cause as to discover the truth. Today, every fundamental Marxist-Leninist proposition is being distorted and falsified by its enemies, and this is true no matter how hard they may try to cover up the true nature of their reactionary ideology with a “scientific” aura. All this requires more active use of our critical weapons and further consolidation of all the progressive forces.

* * *
 

Notes

[359•2]   V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 15, p. 39.

[361•1]   International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, p. 156.

[362•1]   Ibid., p. 24.

[363•1]   Pravda, April 22, 1970.