p The ideology of Maoism emerged on the basis of “Left” revisionism. In contrast to the Right revisionists, which claim to be critical Marxists, spokesmen for “Left” revisionism usually claim to be the keepers of revolutionary traditions. However, behind their loud revolutionary catchwords there is dogmatism, which ignores the changing situation, and one-sidedness. Now and again, the Leftists switch to extreme Rightist political positions.
p An analysis of such trends in Leftist revolutionism, as Trotskyism, and the Narodnik and S-R. petty-bourgeois 356 socialism, suggests the conclusion that they have a number of common features which are also to some extent proper to Maoism as well.
p Spokesmen for “Left” trends underestimate the constructive principles of the socialist revolution; they fail to understand the objective laws of social development; they overestimate the role of the subjective factor; they display an inability correctly to assess the role and the balance of class forces; they make claims to national exclusiveness; they hold that the less developed, agrarian countries are closer to socialism; they extol petty-bourgeois egalitarianism and levelling; they deny the need for the leading role of the proletariat in the revolutionary movement; they display adventurism and subjectivism.
p Leftist revisionism and nationalism have assumed the most extreme and acute character in China. Pressure of the pettybourgeois element may be regarded as the objective social basis for these phenomena, and the betrayal by the political leadership of China of the principles of proletarian internationalism and Marxism-Leninism as the subjective factor, which far from resisting these pressures, in fact helps to aggravate the situation in the country. By the time the revolution won out in China, the industrial workers constituted less than one per cent of the population, while workers constituted only two per cent of the membership of the CPC. Lenin wrote: “The more backward the country, the stronger is the hold of small-scale agricultural production, patriarchalism and isolation, which inevitably lend particular strength and tenacity to the deepest of petty-bourgeois prejudices, i.e., to national egoism and national narrow-mindedness.” [356•1
p The peasantry is a mighty revolutionary force, but the most reliable way of involving it in the fight against imperialism and in socialist construction is the establishment of a sound alliance between it and the working class under the latter’s leadership, and the closest ties with the world socialist community.
p In a country like China, it is of special importance to pursue a consistent Leninist policy helping to overcome the objective difficulties.
p However, the domestic and foreign policies of the Maoists, 357 who are in power in China, ran in a direction away from Marxism-Leninism and internationalism.
p Maoist ideology now constitutes more than a departure from Marxism. It is increasingly becoming an aggressive, anti-socialist, nationalistic, petty-bourgeois ideology, an eclectic mixture of a number of trends alien and hostile to Marxism. While paying lip service to some Marxist propositions, Maoism has adopted ideas which are akin to Trotskyism (reckless stepping-up of social processes, reliance on artificial whipping-up of history, militarisation of domestic life, unprincipled flirting with the young), Anarchism (apology of violence and destruction, lack of the constructive principle), Narodism (underestimation of the role of the working class and absolutisation of the role of the peasantry in the revolution), Utopian petty-bourgeois socialism (egalitarian theories of universal levelling, the preaching of asceticism), and the old Chinese reactionary philosophy (Asia-centrism, the idea of the racial superiority of the Chinese and the cult of the supreme ruler). This eclectic mixture of ideas hostile to Marxism is being used as a weapon of political struggle.
p In his speech at the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, L. I. Brezhnev dealt mainly with the international aspect of the Chinese leadership’s policy, which testifies that the Chinese leadership only talks about fighting imperialism but is in fact helping it directly or indirectly. Indeed, in practice we find “attack on the Soviet Union all along the line; specious propaganda; slander of the Soviet people, our socialist state, our Communist Party; fanning hatred against the USSR among the people of China and now also resort to arms; intimidation and blackmail in relation to other socialist states and the developing countries; flirting with the big capitalist powers, including the Federal Republic of Germany—such are the guidelines of China’s present foreign policy!” [357•1
p At the same time, L. I. Brezhnev stressed the Soviet people’s friendly feelings for the Chinese people. He said: “Our policy with regard to China is consistent and based on principle. The Central Committee of the CPSU and the Soviet Government chart their policy on the long-term perspective. We are conscious of the fact that the basic 358 interests of the Soviet and Chinese peoples coincide. We have always persevered and will continue to persevere in our efforts to keep alive the friendly feelings which exist among the Soviet people for the fraternal Chinese people, and we are certain that the Chinese people, too, have the same feelings towards the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries. ... We do not identify the declarations and actions of the present Chinese leadership with the aspirations, wishes and true interests of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people. We are deeply convinced that China’s genuine national renascence, and its socialist development, will be best served not by struggle against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, against the whole communist movement, but by alliance and fraternal co-operation with them.” [358•1
p Mao’s policy and ideology were sternly criticised at the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, which gave convincing evidence that the foreign policy line pursued by the present CPC leadership, and its splitting policies are meeting with resolute rebuff from the overwhelming majority of the fraternal parties.
p Todor Zhivkov declared: “Our delegation feels it must share its sense of alarm over the developments in China, and the present line and actions of the Chinese leadership.
p “The 9th Congress of the Communist Party of China essentially set itself the task of legitimising the destructive undertaking of the so-called cultural revolution. The new Rules adopted by it are a complete revision of the MarxistLeninist principles of Party building and activity and officially lay down Mao Tse-tung’s thoughts as the theoretical basis of the Communist Party of China. Under the new Rules, the CPC is virtually eliminated as a class organisation and is transformed into a ’party of the leader’ and his successor, Lin Piao.
p “Ideologically the Party of China is now being built as Maoist-Trotskyite, anti-Leninist; organisationally, centralisation has been carried to a point of absurdity. In methods of leadership it is a para-military organisation; in composition it is petty-bourgeois; in aims and tasks it is nationalistic and chauvinistic, and in foreign policy actions it is adventurist and anti-Soviet.
359p “Having legalised the revision of the Party’s programme and practice, the 9th Congress of the CPC has clearly created a new situation both in China and in the international arena.
p “The present Chinese leaders seek to turn China into a force openly hostile to the socialist community and to the security of nations. The efforts of the present Chinese leadership, who pursue an anti-Soviet policy and, by their actions, inject demoralisation into the international communist movement, objectively blend with the efforts of imperialism in its struggle against socialist countries, against the liberation cause of the peoples.
“All this deeply affects us Communists of the whole world. We cannot remain indifferent to these facts.. . . We have deep faith in the sound, Marxist-Leninist forces in China, who despite the heavy blows inflicted on them and despite the present difficult situation will be able to uphold Marxism-Leninism and preserve the Communist Party of China to help it occupy a worthy place in our Communist family.” [359•1