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p When Lenin analysed the new phenomena in capitalist society he defined not only the main features of imperialism as the monopoly stage of capitalism, but also the direction of its development. Bourgeois society, he pointed out, was moving "from monopoly to statisation”, that is to say, to state-monopoly capitalism. He precisely defined imperialism’s historical place as the last stage of capitalism, as the "threshold of socialism".

p Imperialism is moving exactly in the direction foreseen by Lenin. The general crisis of capitalism as a world system continues to deepen. Today, more than ever before, imperialism is a world of the omnipotence of colossal monopolies, which continue to grow in size. The main weapon for preserving the class rule of the bourgeoisie today has become the merging of the forces of the monopolies with the power of the state in a single mechanism of struggle against the world of socialism, against the working class and the general democratic movement of the masses. Lenin’s characteristic of the political substance of imperialism, which he expressed in the laconic but meaningful formula of "reaction all along the line”, has also been confirmed.

p The peoples of the world are beginning to see more and more clearly that imperialism, which has already forced two world wars on mankind, is in our days inseparable from such crimes as wars of aggression, flagrant interference in the life of other countries and peoples, and the brutality of racists and colonialists. In different parts of the world it maintains outworn political regimes that are hated by the peoples. Imperialism gave birth to fascism, a monstrous embodiment of obscurantism and reaction. Militarism, which has penetrated all the pores of social life in the bourgeois countries, has attained unparalleled proportions.

p The peoples of the world are seeing with increasing clarity that imperialism has created a vast production machine but that this machine serves only to increase the wealth and power of a tiny handful of capitalist magnates. In the sphere ruled by world capitalism tens and hundreds of millions are suffering from hunger and poverty. Imperialism uses the greatest achievements of technology to intensify the exploitation of millions of working people and to prepare 296 for piratical wars. Mankind pays for the existente of imperialism with hundreds of thousands of lives—the victims of these wars and the victims of ruthless exploitation.

p Lastly, what prospects does this inhuman system hold out for the ordinary man? Only one thing: more blood and sweat, more prisoners in the jails, more maimed and killed, and a still greater menace to the very existence of entire nations. Modern capitalism is a society without ideals, a society without a future. Hence its moral disintegration, spiritual hollowness and stupefying philistinism that is encouraged by a philistine pseudo-culture specially created for this purpose. Hence the monstrous crime wave in the Western countries, the black torrents of drug addiction and pornography, and the sea of perverted feelings and mutilated souls.

p Lenin’s wrathful words unmasking imperialism resound with renewed force today. "On all sides, at every step,” he wrote in 1913, "one comes across problems which man is quite capable of solving immediately, but capitalism is in the way. It has amassed enormous wealth—and has made men the slaves of this wealth. . ..

p “Civilisation, freedom and wealth under capitalism call to mind the rich glutton who is rotting alive but will not let what is young live on."  [296•1  The whole image of modern capitalist society, comrades, serves as the most convincing testimony of the consummate accuracy of this characteristic given by Lenin.

p Naturally, all this does not mean that we can forget or belittle the menace harboured by imperialism. Imperialism will not collapse by itself, automatically. No, it is still strong. Active and determined action by all the revolutionary forces is needed to overthrow it.

p Such forces exist. The front of their struggle is growing steadily broader.

p In line with Lenin’s behests, the Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties put forward an extensive militant programme of struggle against imperialism under presentday conditions. The majority of the working people of the non-socialist world have joined in this struggle. In the front ranks is the revolutionary vanguard of the working 297 class consisting of conscious fighters for socialism. But far from everybody has the same clear understanding of the general meaning and end purpose of the struggle. Millions are rising because they can no longer endure ruthless exploitation. Millions are joining the battle for elementary human rights, for the freedom and independence of their enslaved people. Others, and their numbers are steadily growing in all parts of the world, are demanding with anxiety and anger in their hearts an end to the bloodthirsty adventures of the imperialist aggressors, to their insane policy of building up armaments, the stockpiles of which are already today capable of bringing death to hundreds of millions of people. Imperialism is being dealt increasingly more telling blows in the principal centres of its rule and on its flanks by the peoples it is oppressing and exploiting.

p During the past few years the struggle of the working masses in the capitalist countries has acquired such a scale and intensity that one can justifiably say that a new political situation is taking shape there. The huge wave of strikes and political battles of millions of working people in France in the summer of 1968, the unparalleled general strike of 20 million workers in Italy last November, and the annual militant marches of millions of Japanese workers are striking indications of the social storm brewing in the world of imperialism. But is that all? In Spain and Argentina, in Chile and Uruguay, in the USA, West Germany and Sweden, in fact, everywhere, the bourgeoisie feels the mounting blows of the working-class movement. Everywhere the trade unions are growing more active and increasing the scale of their activity. An extremely important element is that today this struggle is waged by no means solely under economic slogans. It is increasingly becoming a political struggle of the working class, a struggle for social rights and democratic freedoms, a struggle against the omnipotence of the monopolies.

p These militant actions of tens of millions of proletarians are the best reply to the specious fabrications of the enemies of Leninism, who assert that the working class of the capitalist countries has “lost” its revolutionary spirit. No, the militant spirit of the international proletariat has not faded. (Stormy, prolonged applause] And the bourgeoisie is feeling this in a most tangible manner.

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p The blows being struck at imperialism by the masses are growing increasingly more powerful. This is an indisputable fact. But Communists assess the situation soberly. They know that the bourgeoisie still succeeds in holding a considerable section of the masses, including a section of the working class, captive to reactionary or reformist ideology. However, the consciousness that the present practices can no longer be tolerated is growing not only among the advanced section of the proletariat but also among other strata of the people.

p Lenin taught the Communists that at sharp turns in social development it is exceedingly important to find and correctly determine the proper path or "special turn of events" that can make the masses understand the main thing, which is that a determined revolutionary struggle has to be waged for the overthrow of the capitalist system.

p Of key importance today is Lenin’s conclusion that in the epoch of imperialism the tasks of the struggle for democracy and the struggle for socialism draw ever closer and merge into a common torrent. It is precisely in line with this that today the Communist Parties of the bourgeois countries are putting forward programmes of struggle for democracy on the basis of which the masses can be rallied round the working class and led to the next stage, namely, the struggle for socialism. This strategy fully conforms to the considerations put forward by Lenin. In The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It, written in 1917, he pointed out that the struggle for far-reaching democratic reforms could lead to the creation of a revolutionary-democratic state in which the foundations of the rule of the big capitalists would be radically undermined. This, he wrote, "will still not be socialism, but it will no longer be capitalism. It will be a tremendous step towards socialism".  [298•1 

p But whatever stages of transition the revolutionary masses will have to go through and whatever intermediate programmes and slogans the Communists put forward to rally these masses they always remember that ahead of them is the last and decisive battle, the battle for the overthrow of capitalism, the battle for socialism. (Applause.} Communists are what they are because they subordinate 299 their entire struggle to this main, end goal. For the sake of this goal they rally round the working class more and more contingents of fighters. For the sake of this goal they tirelessly work to unite the working class itself, against all splitters of every hue—from the Right-wing leaders of the Social-Democratic Parties to the exponents of “Left” adventurism.

p It goes without saying that life may introduce its amendments into the plans of struggle drawn up beforehand, into the planned stages of its development. This is all the more true in our days when more and more strata of the population whose actions are sometimes spontaneous, are being drawn into the political struggle. Unexpected turns in the course of events are possible. For that reason Lenin’s appeal that they be prepared for any change in the situation, for the use of any forms of struggle—peaceful and non- peaceful, legal and illegal—is particularly topical for Communists today. Armed with the all-conquering teaching of Marx, Engels and Lenin, the Communists of the capitalist countries bear this in mind. True sons and reliable vanguard of their peoples, they are forming the masses into the army of the revolution. There is no doubt whatever that the coming years will witness further powerful blows by this army at imperialism, a fortress that is still dangerous but doomed by history. (Applause.)

p A vast part of the world today consists of former colonies of the imperialist powers whose peoples won state independence during the past few decades as a result of a long and determined heroic struggle. New turbulent processes are taking place in these countries. And the great Leninist teaching gives the only true key to understanding these processes.

p The speech made by Lenin at the Third Congress of the Comintern in 1921 contained the following stirring words: "It is perfectly clear that in the impending decisive battles in the world revolution,” he said, "the movement of the majority of the population of the globe, initially directed towards national liberation, will turn against capitalism and imperialism and will, perhaps, play a much more revolutionary part than we expect."  [299•1 

That is exactly what is happening today.

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p The liquidation of the colonial empires was a most powerful blow at imperialism. However, the imperialists have not laid down their arms. Today they seek to facilitate the development of capitalist orders in the former colonial countries, feeling that by employing more “flexible” and cunning methods it will be easier to rob them in the present conditions. In this lies the purport of neo-colonialism. But it would be wrong to think that the policy of the presentday colonialists has become harmless, and that their hands are any cleaner than they were before. By no means. Where they feel it necessary the imperialists continue to shed the blood of freedom-loving peoples without the least compunction, flagrantly interfering in the internal affairs of the young states, weaving webs of intrigue against progressive leaders, and organising conspiracies and coups in order to remove governments that do not suit them.

p The number of examples of this policy is more than sufficient. The aggression in Southeast Asia, the intrigues in Cyprus, plotting in India and in African countries—- everywhere one sees the bloody tracks of the imperialists and their hostile activity against the peoples.

p This same line can be seen in the Middle East as well. The real goal of the Israeli aggression and of the policy pursued by the US imperialist circles backing it is to abolish the progressive regimes in the UAR, Syria and a number of other Arab countries and to ensure conditions for the unhindered exploitation of the oil and other wealth of the Arab East by foreign monopolies.

p But powerful popular forces are now rising against the conspiracies of the imperialists. The Arab peoples are actively and staunchly defending their just cause. On their side are the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and the communist and democratic movements of the whole world. (Applause.) One can confidently say that the cause of the imperialists is doomed and that the cause of the freedom of peoples is unconquerable! (Applause.)

p Life is thus clearly showing that the further development of the liberated countries along the road of national independence inevitably leads to a clash with the policy of imperialism and can only progress in struggle against imperialist policy.

p Today with the disintegration of the colonial empire of the capitalists in the main completed, the former 301 colonial world has entered a new stage: the struggle no longer solely for national but also—and this is now the main thing—for social liberation is today becoming more and more sharply pronounced. The young countries are looking for ways of development without the capitalists, without exploitation of man by man.

p Lenin charted a clear-cut prospect of possible development of economically backward countries along a noncapitalist road, i.e., in the direction of socialism without passing through the stage of capitalism. This forecast has been borne out. During the past few years quite a large group of liberated countries have started serious and farreaching reforms in all spheres of social life, proclaiming the building of socialism as their end goal. This is, of course, not easy for the young states, whose development had been held up for centuries by the colonialists. For this it is necessary to raise the productive forces to the level required by socialism, establish totally new relations of production, change the psychology of the people and set up a new administrative apparatus relying on the support of the masses. This road of development, as Lenin said, must include a whole series of "gradual preliminary stages”, of "special transitional measures".

p The implementation of all these tasks requires extensive and persevering work by the entire people, by the workers, peasants and intelligentsia led by the vanguard which clearly sees the socialist goals and the road to them. Of particular importance here is the unity of all progressive, democratic forces without exception. The peoples of the countries that have chosen the non-capitalist road of development have enthusiastically embarked on this great work for they know that it is being done for the benefit of all the working people, for the sake of the genuine independence and prosperity of the beloved Homeland. Their task is today made easier by the fact that they can rely on the support of sincere friends—the socialist countries and other progressive, anti-imperialist states, and also the international communist and working-class movement.

p Lenin attached enormous importance to the formation of an alliance between the socialist world and the peoples of colonial countries who have awakened to active political struggle. This alliance has now become a reality.

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p As regards the Soviet Union and its Communist Party, they faithfully fulfil Lenin’s behest that the utmost support should be rendered to the liberation movement of the peoples. (Applause.)

p The genuinely friendly relations permeated with a spirit of mutual trust and respect that have taken shape between us and many countries of the former colonial world are concrete embodiment of this line of our policy. Allow me, comrades, from this rostrum to address the peoples and leaders of the liberated countries on behalf of the Soviet people and convey to them our warmest and most sincere wishes for success in their difficult but glorious struggle! (Stormy, prolonged applause.)

p An important feature of the present stage of world development is that today the international communist movement plays a vastly enhanced role in the life of the peoples and in the struggle to solve the basic problems worrying the whole of mankind.

p We Communists are proud that the great Lenin stood at the cradle of our movement. In the course of the halfcentury that has elapsed it has become the most influential political force in the world. The successes of the communist movement are unquestionable. But we do not forget that the summits it has achieved today were reached by tremendous effort and unceasing struggle, and at the price of many, many sacrifices. No fighters for the happiness of the working people are more dedicated than the glorious cohort of Marxists-Leninists. (Applause.) From generation to generation their names will be handed down as an example of real heroism, as a symbol of unshakable belief that a bright future lies before mankind. Honour and glory to the heroes of the communist movement, the Prometheans of our epoch! (Stormy applause.)

p Comrades, it is obvious to us that Communists can successfully carry out the tasks confronting them only if they come forward as a united and cemented international force. We always remember the behest of the great Lenin, who taught that a firm international alliance of revolutionaries-internationalists is the guarantee of the victory of the liberation movement of the working class. An important landmark in the struggle to strengthen this alliance was last year’s International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties.

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p Many obstacles still stand in the way of the implementation of the internationalist line of uniting the fraternal Parties.

p “Communists,” Lenin wrote, "are in duty bound not to gloss over shortcomings in their movement, but to criticise them openly so as to remedy them the more speedily and radically."  [303•1  True to this behest of the leader, we have to say today that certain weaknesses and difficulties have manifested themselves in the communist movement over the past few years, disrupting its unity in a number of links and preventing Communists from making full use of the possibilities of the revolutionary struggle. This concerns the policy of the “Left” opportunists, including the Trotskyites, who seek to replace the scientifically substantiated Marxist line of the revolutionary movement by adventurism. This also concerns manifestations of a Right deviation which tries to emasculate Lenin’s teaching of its revolutionary substance. One of the features of the present stage of the revolutionary struggle is that in many cases both Right and “Left” opportunism intertwine with nationalistic trends.

p In the present epoch, when the international class struggle has grown extremely acute, the danger of Right and “Left” deviations and of nationalism in the communist movement has grown more tangible than ever before. The struggle against Right and “Left” opportunism and nationalism cannot, therefore, be conducted as a campaign calculated for only some definite span of time. The denunciation of opportunism of all kinds was and remains an immutable law for all Marxist-Leninist Parties. (Applause.) Lenin emphasised that "the fight against imperialism is a sham and humbug unless it is inseparably bound up with the fight against opportunism".  [303•2 

p Imperialist ideologists and politicians have started intensive subversive activities against the Communists. They are using every possible means and method to weaken the unity of the communist front and drive a wedge where the slightest cracks begin to show. All this requires an intensification of the active offensive struggle of Communists against bourgeois ideology and still more active co-operation among them on a world scale. All this demands the unity of the 304 working-class and national liberation movements with the peoples of the socialist countries building the new society.

p The entire experience accumulated by our movement shows that provided the Communists pursue a correct policy no objective circumstances or reasons will of themselves automatically lead to a disruption of our unity. In this sense a huge and truly historic responsibility devolves on all Marxists-Leninists.

The world revolutionary process is developing inexorably. The stronger and more influential the Marxist-Leninist Parties become, the greater will be the achievements of this process. The deeper the great ideas of Marxism-Leninism sink into the minds of the masses, the sooner will the revolution achieve new victories. (Applause.) Under the banner of Leninism we shall secure the complete triumph of our just cause. (Stormy applause.)

p Comrades, today when the entire course of social development inexorably hastens the downfall of capitalism, Lenin’s words that Marxism raises questions "not only in the sense of explaining the past but also in the sense of a bold forecast of the future and of bold practical action for its achievements"  [304•1  resound with particular force. While being occupied with the present and working on contemporary day-to-day problems, we compare our actions with our ideals, with immediate and distant prospects of social development. We think of and build the future.

p Our ideas of the future stem from the scientific principles of Marxism-Leninism. Our knowledge of these principles and unbounded faith in the revolutionary, creative possibilities of the working people fill us with optimism.

p Naturally, nobody can foretell in detail the course of events at any moment of future development. But if we approach the problem not from the standpoint of details or fortuities, which are always possible, if, as Lenin put it, "the matter is taken on a broad scale, then particular and trifling details recede into the background and the chief motive forces of world history become apparent".  [304•2  And since 305 the main motive forces of world history are known and since the principal trends of historical development have been brought to light, it becomes obvious that the struggle between the two world systems will ultimately end with the triumph of communism on a global scale. (Applause.)

p While showing the peoples of the world the majestic prospect of a communist future, the only real prospect that conforms to the basic interests of all peoples, MarxistsLeninists are not inclined to simplify the tasks involved. The road to communism is a road of long and persevering struggle. The peoples will have to surmount the fierce resistance of the old, outworn world.

p But the matter does not end there. To build communism means to reconstruct the whole life of society on a foundation that differs fundamentally from capitalism. This means uprooting the habits and traditions formed in the course of the millennia of exploiting society—private-ownership psychology and morals, and distrust between peoples of different nations and races.

p Our confidence that all these difficult tasks will be successfully carried out is not solely the result of a theoretical analysis. It is founded on the irrefutable facts of 20th-century history, in the course of which more than one-third of mankind has won liberation from the yoke of capitalism. It is founded on the experience of the truly grandiose changes that have taken place and continue to take place in the socialist countries. It is founded on our own experience—the experience of the country that was the first in the world to start the practical building of communism. In carrying out the programme charted by the Party, Soviet people are by their tireless work and heroic efforts blazing the path which will sooner or later be followed by the working people of all countries. (Applause.) Every success and every victory won by us bring nearer the hour when all mankind will break the social and moral chains of the past and enter a new world, the world of communism. (Prolonged applause.)

p But no matter to what summits mankind ascends it will always remember that the gigantic figure of Lenin, thinker and revolutionary, stood at the sources of communist civilisation. (Prolonged applause.) Nothing is more sacred to a Communist, to a Leninist, than to devote all his strength, intelligence and will to bring nearer the future for which Lenin fought.

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p Comrades, I should like to end my speech with the wise words of Lenin: "The whole point is not to rest content with the skill we have acquired by previous experience, but under all circumstances to go on, under all circumstances to strive for something bigger, under all circumstances to proceed from simpler to more difficult tasks. Otherwise,” Lenin taught us, "no progress whatever is possible and in particular no progress is possible in socialist construction."  [306•1  We Communists shall go farther. (Applause.) We shall strive for something bigger. (Applause.) And no matter how difficult the tasks that confront and will confront us may be, we shall carry them out. (Applause.) The world Lenin dreamed of shall be built! (Stormy, prolonged applause.)

p Long live the Soviet people, builders of communism! (Stormy applause)

p Long live the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Party of Lenin! (Stormy applause.)

p May the world revolutionary movement grow broader and advance from victory to victory! (Stormy applause.)

p Long live the all-conquering strength of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism! (Stormy applause)

Lenin lived, he lives, he will go on living! (Stormy, prolonged applause. All rise)