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p Comrades,

p Before proceeding to the items on the agenda, we wish to convey heartfelt greetings from our Central Committee and all Guatemalan Communists to the delegations of all the brother Parties represented here. We also wish to thank the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for their effort in preparing and holding this Meeting, as well as for their cordial, fraternal hospitality.

p We would like, first of all, to set out our estimation of the course of preparations and the Meeting itself. We think that it has fully confirmed the need and possibility of holding it. This is particularly important if account is taken of the following factors: the differences existing in the world communist movement, the serious ’split in the socialist camp, the diversity of opinions about the nature of the Meeting, and the events of international significance that have taken place during the preparations for it.

p It seems to us that one of the most important merits of the Meeting is the wide discussion and confrontation of different points of view without concealing divergences or special views. The discussion itself has enabled each of us the better to know the various positions, specify on what we disagree, and create—as has already been pointed out—conditions for a comradely discussion of the differences and for overcoming them in future. •

p The Main Document contains the principal theses, on which there is a consensus. It contains points which could become the basis for our unity or should become the object of a wide and profound discussion to bring about closer ideological unity on the basis of a fuller and more concrete knowledge of reality, which Marxism-Leninism alone can sum up.

p As it is impossible to examine and analyse some important matters claiming the attention of the whole international communist movement, the Central Committee of our Party has expressed the opinion that the Meeting agenda should be restricted to elaborating a platform for unity of action against imperialism and to an analysis of the balance of international forces. Nevertheless₃ we must now admit that other sections of the Main Document likewise give correct 639 formulations of considerable importance for the progress of the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle on a world scale. The position of our Central Committee did not imply that we were against an open and frank discussion of these problems. We would like such a discussion to take place.

p On the other hand, the fact that during the preparations for the Meeting representatives of individual Parties avoided direct criticism has led to the restoration of mutual trust and to a greater number of Parties attending the Meeting, which constitutes its other merit. However, despite the use of this correct method, we must not forget about the differences existing between us. On the contrary, we think it is necessary to acknowledge their existence for the sake of the prestige of our Parties, for still more important is the fact that despite the differences we Communists reaffirm our desire for unity in joint action against imperialism and for joining efforts even more to achieve the common goal. We therefore support the Spanish comrades’ proposal for incorporating this statement in the Main Document.

p The various preparatory meetings avoided discussing the most controversial issues either for political reasons or because the conditions for a deep study of them had not matured. In this connection we must admit that the analysis of the international situation is incomplete, for important events have occurred that are not even mentioned. On the other hand, we would like it to be stated in estimating the relations between the socialist countries, in addition to what the Document says about the possibility of the emergence of differences, that there are contradictions which Marxism-Leninism is capable of disclosing and resolving. This is not to say that we disargee in any way with the paragraphs about the achievements of the socialist countries and about their immense potentialities in every sphere of human endeavour.

p The unanimity and enthusiasm shown in approving the appeal " Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!" is yet another great merit of the Meeting. It shows beyond doubt that firm support for the heroic and inspiring struggle of the Vietnamese people is the most important matter on which all the participants in the Meeting are at one. More, we think the struggle of the Vietnamese people against the US aggressors is now a factor in promoting the unity of action of all Communist Parties, both those represented at this Meeting and those that are not, in the struggle against imperialism, a factor in rallying all the anti-imperialist and peace-loving forces of the world. We think this enhances the historic significance of the successes of the Vietnamese people.

p On the other hand, Vietnam’s liberation war against the American imperialists confronts us with a peculiar contradiction. Being a result of the main weakness of the world communist movement, that is, of its division, it is at the same time the pivot of the united action of our movement against imperialism. It is evidently a fact that the direct aggression against a socialist country, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, was made easier by the division in our ranks, by the split between the Communist Party of China and a big part of the world communist movement.

p We think this is a key aspect of the problem of division facing the Communists of the world as they fight against imperialism, for socialism and world peace. We believe that until this rift has been closed, so long as there is division 640 and until the relations between all socialist countries have been normalised imperialism will have greater opportunities for aggression against the peoples and for war and will retain the initiative in carrying out its plans of aggression. As for us, we will have greater difficulty in paralysing its activity and in ensuring mankind’s advance along the road of progress and socialism. That is why we considered it very important for this Meeting not to cut off the avenues of a rapprochement likely to furnish afterwards a basis for the unity of the entire world communist movement.

p We would like to state clearly here our attitude to the conflict with the Communist Party of China, which a substantial majority of the participants in the Meeting have spoken of. To begin with, we consider that all Communist Parties and each of them in particular have a perfect right to react to attacks, disruptive propaganda and eventual misinformation on our policy, irrespective of whom they come from—whether from the Communist Party of China or from some other Party. Besides, we think that in this case it is a duty of solidarity towards the Soviet Union vigorously to resist the absolutely impermissible attempts to equate imperialism and the Soviet Union, attempts which have formally been declared to be a component of CPC policy. This position of our Party is in keeping with the point of view stated by us long ago, one diametrically opposed to the ideological conceptions and the fundamental foreign policy line of the CPC.

p Nevertheless, we still consider it necessary from the standpoint of the ultimate objectives of our Meeting (which consists, we think, in searching for ways and forms of achieving greater cohesion and unity of the world communist movement in its entirety) to refrain from attacking or criticising any Party, whether represented at our forum or not. Our delegation declared this more than once in Budapest.

p In line with what has just been said here, we consider that the Soviet Union plays a role of the first importance as the main force in the struggle against imperialism. We fully agree with the Document when it says that "the world socialist system is the decisive force" in this struggle. We also support the proposition that the world socialist system not only reduces imperialism’s possibilities of exporting counter-revolution but, "in fulfilment of its internationalist duty, furnishes increasing aid to the peoples fighting for freedom and independence". In accordance with our own experience, we openly express here our gratitude for the effective help we have been given by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and by other fraternal Parties.

p ^xWe wish to state some considerations about the fight for peace and its close connection with the policy of peaceful coexistence, as well as about the relationship between peaceful coexistence and the struggle of the enslaved peoples and countries against imperialism. Needless to say we fully realise the importance of the struggle for peace to all mankind and to the Communists, the imperative necessity for warding off a thermonuclear world war which continues to threaten the peoples with wholesale extermination, as the Document points out. But for all the importance of this matter, we Communists and tbe antiimperialist forces of the oppressed peoples must not be misled to the point of imagining that the fight for peace has become the principal orientation 641 and overshadows the chief historical objective of our struggle, which is to defeat imperialism and advance to socialism.

p It is desirable to find more precise formulations in order to express the dialectical relationship between peaceful coexistence and the revolutionary process. This is necessary both from the theoretical point of view and for practical considerations. These formulations should be easy to understand for both Party members and the whole people. On the other hand, we do not think it would be right to confuse peaceful coexistence as a historical situation in which the class struggle is developing on a world scale with either the concrete policy of peaceful coexistence pursued with good reason by the Parties in power in the socialist countries or the struggle for peace being carried on by all Communist Parties, democratic organisations and other peace-loving social forces, including the non-revolutionary ones.

p Only on this condition will it be seen why in countries like ours, due to the very circumstances of the struggle, the greatest contribution to peaceful coexistence is to strike at the positions of imperialism, at its militarist policy and its strategy of preventive war. On the other hand, it is more difficult for us to carry out measures like a wide campaign for signatures to the demand for an end to the war in Vietnam or m’ass demonstrations demanding a ban on nuclear arms (I will confine myself to these two examples).

p I would also like to say why we insist on changing the formulation in the Document, which affirms that "peaceful coexistence does not restrict the right of the oppressed peoples to use in the liberation struggle any method, including armed struggle”.  [641•*  Let me explain, in speaking of ways, that we do not have in mind the ways of achieving socialism in the developed capitalist countries nor the ways of development of the newly-free countries, which likewise use these terms. To be specific, we are still of the opinion that depending on the resist-; ance of the ruling classes, who will cling to power, the victory of the revolution can be brought about in only two ways: by force and by peaceful means.

p This formulation may cause confusion in two cases. First, it may create the impression that there are many ways; secondly, it invites the conclusion that preference is given to the peaceful way, while armed struggle is regarded as something exceptional or accidental. The former mistake is made manifest by the documents of the international communist movement relating to this matter. To dispel the latter misunderstanding, we turn to the 1960 Statement which regards the peaceful way only as a possibility for some countries in certain conditions. Thus it would be preferable to speak of armed struggle first, since this would not contradict the idea of peaceful co-existence, so as not to make this method appear as something exceptional or accidental and out of keeping with its importance.

p Our Central Committee has very carefully examined the paragraphs bearing on Latin America.

p We consider it perfectly right to distinguish between the countries of Asia and Africa, on the one hand, and the Latin American countries, on the other. 642 The Latin American countries at this stage of economic development belong to the so-called Third World or the "world of underdeveloped countries". They are still far from achieving the level of the developed capitalist countries. However, their average economic level is higher than that of Asian and Afridan countries. In other words, the Latin American countries are generally the most developed countries of the Third World and this is their main distinguishing feature, although there are certain other features of great importance—political, historical, cultural and other traditions. A peculiarity of the Latin American countries is also the degree of direct subordination to US imperialism, the most powerful and aggressive imperialism, which continues to regard Latin America as its domain and strategic hinterland.

p A correct reference to the distinguishing features of Latin America, which was lacking in the 1960 Statement, would make it possible to show the difference between ways of development. In the case of Latin American countries, we believe one can hardly speak of a “non-capitalist” road of development since these countries have long been following the capitalist road. This is, in fact, what the Document under discussion says: "They have, by and large, travelled a long way along the road of capitalist development." The reference to the peculiarities of Latin America would also help us the better to specify the respective anti-imperialist tasks and revolutionary goals. Nevertheless, these tasks have a common denominator which we consider valid and which is contained in the category of national liberation movement as one of the three great revolutionary forces of our time.

p We must add that the new definition gives a better idea of the main characteristics of Latin America and the factors determining the situation there today: the Cuban revolution, which led to the victory of socialism in an American country, the failure of the Alliance for Progress, set up as a counterpoise to this revolution, and the struggle which our peoples have been carrying on in various spheres and forms and which has shaken the whole continent.

p We think the significance of the historic turn marked by the emergence of socialist Cuba may also be attributed to the following facts: the failure of the geopolitical myth of the impossibility of defeating imperialism in its traditional sphere of influence, in the immediate vicinity of its citadel; the resulting increase in the revolutionary potentialities of our countries and their realisation; socialist Cuba’s resistance to fierce imperialist attacks and the first defeat inflicted on imperialism in the Bay of Pigs; a genuine cultural revolution which has fully eliminated illiteracy, and lastly, the important experience gained in building socialism, which is and will be invaluable to our peoples with all its successes and failures. For all these reasons Cuba is the vanguard of revolution and socialism in America.

p The failure of the Alliance for Progress, set up as an alternative to the continental revolution, is now admitted by its own advocates. The oligarchic groups themselves, who fear that even minimal reforms of the traditional structure? would open the floodgates of the revolution, accepted that plan with reservations. The peoples exposed the plan and began at once to combat it, rightly regarding it as a skilful manoeuvre by imperialism to bar the way of the revolution and retain its domination over our peoples.

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p This should not, however, put us in an unduly optimistic mood or make us underrate the forces of imperialism and the national oligarchy or their possibilities of manoeuvre. We know from experience that to stem the revolutionary process, imperialism is capable of not only, committing the worst brutalities but of skilfully combining to its own advantage open military dictatorship with so-called "representative democracy”.

p It would not be truthful of us to say that we are fully satisfied with this part of the Document. We are glad to note, however, that many of our proposals were accepted in the course of the collective discussion, including the reference to the existence of survivals of feudalism, large numbers of landless peasants, the revolutionary potentialities of the peasantry and the armed struggle which various anti-imperialist forces are waging.

p A more complete analysis of Latin American realities would give a more accurate picture of such developments as the influx of new forces with all their merits and demerits into the social struggle, the important events which have left a trace in the history of the revolutionary movement through their positive or negative effects—the mass demonstrations and armed actions in the mountainous regions and in the towns, which are he most vivid manifestations of the struggle of our peoples as well as a stimulus for them. Outstanding revolutionaries and many Communists have fallen in this struggle. Prominent among them is a hero who inspires us by his absolute devotion to the cause of the revolution—Major Ernesto Che Guevara.

p In discussing the characteristics of the socio-political process in Latin America, we unfortunately did not succeed in amending the much too general and categorical wording of the Document saying that the Communist and Workers’ Parties are in the van of the democratic .and anti-imperialist struggle. We cannot accept this wording. However, we will explain what we mean so as to avoid misunderstandings. We have no intention of questioning the fundamental principle of our doctrine, that is, the leading role of the working class and its advanced Party. We know well the recommendation of Lenin, that brilliant strategist of the revolution, who said that this role must be performed in revolutionary practice, under the fire of class battles. That is what our Parties should strive for above all else. But in studying and reflecting reality, we must not substitute general principles for facts. And while it is true, in our view, that in some countries the brother Parties are already at the head of the democratic and anti-imperialist struggle because they wield an indisputable influence among the working people and the masses generally, we are sorry to say that in other cases, including ours at least, this aspiration has yet to become reality.

p Our Party is trying to play this role in practice and to make it more effective. This is the fundamental principle of our policy. The resolution "The Situation and Perspectives of the Guatemalan Revolution", adopted by our Central Committee in March 1968, took a stand against Leftist trends denying the role of the working class and its Marxist-Leninist Party. It stated, in part: "We consider the peasantry one of the main forces; but the working class, the most advanced of the exploited classes, is the bearer of the seeds of socialism, the exponent of the scientific theory of the revolution, the leading force of the revolution. Only the advanced Party of the working class can ensure the 644 leading role of this class. We therefore reject every tendency minimising the leading role of the Communist Party on any plea.”

p In view of the diversity and complexity of the situations existing in Latin America and since it is impossible to analyse the totality of our problems more deeply at this juncture—and it is primarily we, the Communists of Latin America, who must make this analysis—we will now have to content ourselves with the Document formulations concerning our region.

p In declaring for the approval of the Main Document, we express the desire that it be improved by the Drafting Committee and that we bring our different points of view closer together so as to provide more solid foundations for uniting the world communist movement.

p And now, comrades, allow me to touch briefly on the situation in Guatemala.

p Its main feature is the preparation of an electoral farce in an atmosphere of violence and terror which has resulted in the death of thousands of Guatemalans while the Left forces and other democratic strata of society have been denied the opportunity to take part in the elections.

p Recent years have been marked by grim battles. Our people have come to realise the necessity for the use of revolutionary force. Our Party is doing all it can to prove as conclusively as possible the necessity for the Guatemalan revolution resorting to force and to promote the revolution, using every possible form of struggle within this framework. Other revolutionary forces have likewise joined in the armed struggle according to their own principles and methods. One of the most negative circumstances from which the enemy benefits considerably today is the division of the revolutionary movement. We have been delivered telling blows and are passing through a difficult period of reorganising and mustering our forces, but we are not stopping our struggle.

p The experience of our Party in this period has been most varied and. fruitful. We have yet to draw definitive conclusions from it. This task has been assigned to our 4th Congress, which will critically examine both our achievements and our mistakes, which were not few. During this time we have had to resist the terroristic offensive of the enemy and to carry on a sharp internal struggle.

p Speaking of this struggle, characterised by the rise of both Right-wing .and Leftist trends, we would like to point out the following features. Typical of the Right-wing, conservative trend is that it does not realise the revolutionary turn in all its magnitude and clings to the traditional forms of organisation and struggle, ignoring the new elements of the situation. If this trend gained the upper hand it would turn our organisation into a sect of revolutionaries isolated irom the decisive battles of the working people and the masses.

p As for the Leftist trend, it one-sidedly exploited the conception of armed struggle, scorning every form of organisation except the military form, trying to skip stages and underestimating the role of the working class and its Party as well as the importance of unity with other forces. It was a liquidationist trend which, being based on the other extreme, was likewise leading to the isolation and liquidation of the Party.

p At first our differences were of internal origin and had undoubtedly class roots. It was not long, however, before they were influenced by the differences in the world communist movement and by other external factors. It is fair to 645 say that the conservatives underestimated the conditions and possibilities of launching a revolutionary struggle while the Leftist trend, on the contrary, tended to overestimate these possibilities. Either trend was expressive of a subjective approach to reality. The Party as a whole likewise made a number of serious mistakes.

p In different periods and different countries, from the visionary Babeuf, who was put in prison, the Cologne trial of Communists in the middle of the last century to our day, Communists, like the revolutionaries of earlier days, have been persecuted, tortured and put to death. The terroristic offensive of the counter-revolution in Guatemala is of the same nature: kidnappings and the mysterious disappearance of revolutionaries or members of their families, the appearance of mutilated corpses with the marks of sadistic tortures, the shooting of patriots in broad daylight in the main streets of the towns were all ordinary occurrences of the recent past. They not only surprised the people but aroused their anger, which they kept in check for a time. The wave of terror surged so high that even the bourgeois press, the Church authorities and the North American press began to comment on it and to express resentment. The people and the revolutionary forces sustained heavy casualties but stood their ground against attack. And we can say that many a hangman and their helpers got what was coming to them. But prominent Communists from the Party cadre and the Central Committee fell in this struggle, and with a sad heart we pay homage to their memory.

p We wish to stress that this terror, which mows down everyone regardless of age or sex, is being carried on under the aegis of a civil "democratic and constitutional" government which combines terror as in other countries—on the advice of its imperialist masters—with reforms and social demagoguery.

p The Guatemalan Party of Labour and our valiant youth organisation, which enjoy undisputed prestige among the workers, students, intellectuals and the population of important rural areas, not only solved the problems of the internal struggle but survived the bloody terror, reorganising and strengthening their ranks.

p The present political situation, conditioned by an election campaign which may be accompanied by some relaxation of repression and terror, is, in our view, transitory and changes nothing in the objective conditions that have determined our fundamental line. That is why we will not abandon our revolutionary road—armed struggle—even though we will take advantage of this situation to strengthen our links with the masses.

Allow me to avail myself of the presence here of prominent representatives of numerous brother Parties to express once again our deep gratitude for the valuable and effective solidarity which they have shown us and which has become stronger still in these past days in connection with the arrest of Huberto Alvarado, our dear comrade and outstanding leader. His life has been saved.

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p Comrades, we express full agreement with the Appeal in Defence of Peace. This document will help the better to mobilise all the forces which realise what a thermonuclear war would mean and the dangers inherent in the adventuristic and aggressive policy of imperialism, especially US imperialism. To quote from the Appeal, "today lasting peace is no longer a Utopia—it is a fully feasible aim". We believe that a world war will not be fatally inevitable, provided all peace forces try hard to prevent it and provided we fight against imperialism, for vital and universal interests.

p Comrades, now that we are in Lenin’s great homeland, in the country where the great dreams of Marx and Engels first came true and where communism is no longer a spectre haunting Europe and has become a concrete, more humane and better society, we promise to mark with enthusiasm the 100th anniversary of the birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, the brilliant leader of the October Socialist Revolution. We approve of the Address of the Meeting concerning the celebration of this date so dear to the Communists of the world. In commemorating the centenary of Lenin’s birth, we will recall with admiration his ideas and deeds embodied in the international communist movement, in the victories of the heroic Red Army and later of the Soviet Armed Forces, in the Soviet people’s progress in building socialism, in the great decisions of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, including the decisions of its 20th Congress. The echo of those decisions still reminds us of the fact that the method of critical, creative thinking which Lenin used so brilliantly is the main weapon of the human mind. The application by Communists of the scientific principles and methods of Marxism-Leninism is the surest guarantee of their victory.

Thank you.