p Dear Comrades,

p May I, on behalf of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Lesotho, the working class and all progressive people in our country, extend warm greetings to all participants in this great forum of the Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p Our Party works in a small country that is an enclave entirely surrounded by the territory of the Republic of South Africa. Throughout its history our country has fought fiercely for its independence and in particular against all the attempts of South Africa to incorporate Lesotho. In October 1966 Lesotho achieved its independence from Britain and began a new life as a sovereign state.

p Unfortunately, British imperialism succeeded to hand over power to a government representing a minority of the people. The governing Lesotho National Party is a Catholic Party completely dominated by the hierarchy of the church, which is the biggest and most powerful single force in the country. The government of Prime Minister Chief Jonathan Leabua does not take a single major decision without the advice of the hierarchy, which in turn carries out the will of the Vatican.

p The result is that the independence of Lesotho has not fulfilled the hopes and aspirations of the people. The government has established close and humiliating relations with the racist and fascist regime in South Africa. The predominance of South African imperialism has increased. South African white officials, economists and financiers are flooding into the country. The resources of the country are being exploited by foreign interests.

p The bulk of the Lesotho working class are migrant workers employed in the mines, industries and farms of the Republic of South Africa. It is estimated that about 50 per cent of the adult males in our country at any one time are away working in South Africa. In particular the gold mining industry in South Africa depends to a large extent on labour from Lesotho, Malawi and Mozambique.

p The effects of this migratory labour on the economy and development of Lesotho are disastrous. Because of its neo-colonial dependence on South Africa 634 the present government will naturally not do anything to alter the position. To develop Lesotho either agriculturally or industrially will deprive South Africa of labour from Lesotho. Therefore it is in the interests of South Africa that there should be no economic development in the country, which must remain a reservoir of cheap labour. Hence the most prominent examples of development in Lesotho since independence are the new palace for the Prime Minister and a tarred road linking his home in the country with the capital— Maseru.

p The working class of Lesotho with the experience of the harsh conditions of South African wage slavery since the discovery of diamonds in 1867 was able in 1962 to create its own Communist Party. There have always been very close links between our country’s liberation movement and the Communist Party of South Africa from the early twenties. But the fact is that most Basotho workers were employed in South Africa and therefore fought the class battles as part of the South African working class. Many of the members of the South African Communist Party and liberation movement are Basotho and vice versa: The enemies of Lesotho progress Ate the same as those of the oppressed people of South Africa who ate duf brothers arid sisters.

p Under the conditions that face our country it tan be stated quite definitely that Lesotho cannot really be free and independent in the true sMSe unless and tffltil the racist regime iil South’ Africa is dvefthfowrii This does ndtj however, meart that there are no’ possibilities fof progress iri oUr country 6f that the conditions Of the people in Lesotho are identical with those itt South Africa.

p The ConlmUnlst Party of Lesotho considers that a united front Of the progressive organisation’s including the Communists can replace the present rieocolonialist regime, establish a national democracy and construct an independent eetsnemy step by step. This prospect is only possible if dur cduiiti-y Ms the support of progressive’ governments in Africa and the socialist eoUntfles, especially the Soviet UrilOh; Despite the ecb’nomld arid military power of South Africa this is a Very real pro’Spect beclUse we are confident that With the support of all progressive mankind Lesotho would be we’ll able to withstand the pressures of the South Affleaii regime. A progressive government in b’ur country would establish diplomatic and economic relations with states that would be able to give genuine h’elp to our beleaguered country. The pfesent reactionary regime is unable to take advantage of the’ possibilities 6f independent statehood and the country’s membership df the United Nations and other international organisations.

p Comrades, buf Party participated in the Preparatory Committee and Has considered the documents before" 6lir’ Meeting.

p Our Party considers that the Main Document shdUld be fully supported as a profound basis for our major task of rallying ail anti-imperialist fortes in the struggle against imperialism. We consider that the Doc-ament constitutes a harmonious whole and cannot agree to suggestions that various sections should be eliminated ffOrii it. We frankly find it difficult to Understand the arguments against an over-all analysis being given as a basis for our tasks. This is always dorte Within Parties and seems aMoltiteiy essential in an international pr’Qgramme ef tasks. The policy of every party is based on an assessment of ititefMai and 634 635 international developments. Whilst there can be a great variety of national policies because we come from different countries, there is only one plattet whose affairs constitute the material for an international assessment. Each Party guided by Marxism-Leninism can arrive at correct generalisations on international developments. But undoubtedly such an assessment would be enriched and many-sided if collectively worked out by Parties drawn from all parts of the world. Such a collective document elaborated by Marxists-Leninists from all over the world is more likely to be a reflection of the developments in the whole world. We who come from outside Europe are accustomed to people thinking that the world consists of Europe and America. In the international communist movement we must be careful to avoid even the slightest suggestion that this influences some of our approaches. No single document drawn Up by any Party or even by the entire international communist movement can ever reflect the whole of international reality, Therefore the criticism that the Main Document is inadequate, and that even what is there should be abandoned,- is strange. I believe that if some comrades were present when the Communist Manifesto was drafted in 1848 they would probably have described it as "too optimistic" and as not reflecting the whole situation at the time. They might have asked that the manifesto be fe’stricted to the immediate measures outliaed there. We should not adopt any sticli approach to our Main Document.

p We are trying to lay the basis for rallying anti-imperialist forces. The international communist movement, which is the vanguard of the anti-imperialist movement, must be able to show the ideological’ basis for the unity of the three components of the revolutionary process. We mtlst be able to convince our potential allies^ many of whom are not Marxists-Lefiiriists, that a scientific basis is there not only for unity but for victory over the imperialist and reactionary forces. The one component; the international communist movement that shares a common world outlook, cannot even approach other antiimperialist forces with a series of discordant voices. This will riot facilitate unity but will produce division. If we hope to organise a united anti- imperialist front for an offensive against imperialism, our ranks must be in possession of a Comprehensive analysis and programme based On Marxism-Leninism. That is what the Main Document is—a weapon arid a guide to action. This Document will be a powerful weapon in the hands of activists and freedom fighters in Africa and elsewhere.

p As I have already said, Lesotho is a small country With limited resources. Our country has prospects of achieving socialism arid communism only as part of md with the support of the Soviet Uniorij the socialist states and the entire international working class. It is only in this Way that Lesotho can enjoy genuine independence and sovereignty. We therefore, in accordance with oiif Marxist-Leninist theory, lay great store and stress on internationalism in our work. We believe that the emphasis On “independence” arid "national peculiarities" is jsginning to be a serious danger iri the international commilnist movement.

p The founders of our movement Karl Mars and Frederick Engels already over 120 years ago pointed out that Communists are distinguished from other working-class parties in that: in the natiatial struggles of the proletarians of 636 different countries they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality; and in the various ’ stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole.

p Since this was written the world has become a small place in which nothing happens anywhere without it becoming an issue all over the world. The conversations of the Italian Communist Party with Christians had vital effects in our Catholic-dominated country. And so it is with everything. With the fantastic developments brought about by the scientific and technological revolution, is this one-sided stress on independence and national features not too conservative ?

p It is an illusion that emphasis on independence reduces the influence of big Parties and countries in relation to small Parties and countries. On the contrary it is precisely the absence of constant international forums, taking common decisions, which will result in total loss of real independence for smaller and less powerful Parties. It is only within an international movement in which Parties have equal rights to formulate policy and decisions that smaller Parties are able to exert an influence out of all proportion to their real possibilities. Big Parties can survive and flourish in the jungle of international class political warfare between the working class and the bourgeoisie. But for smaller Parties, influence, prestige and progress can only come from more international forums, more international activities and more international working-class responsibility and discipline.

p The “independent” activities of China have affected the independence and freedom of many smaller Parties in that part of the world. Within the international communist movement they would regain,it. As a small Party we do not have any inferiority complex in relation to big Parties, and no Party has interfered with our internal affairs, except China which has become a rogue elephant charging wildly across the international scene. In the face of the offensive of imperialism the attitude of some Parties is rather one-sided.

p The international communist movement is fortunate to have at its head the Communist Party of the Soviet Union reared by Lenin whose centenary we are due to observe in the coming months. We are aware that leadership does not lie in its being proclaimed. It is found in the guidance and sacrifices for the common cause. History has already given its verdict on this score as far as the CPSU and the Soviet State are concerned. Our imperialist enemies recognise this and have all their most fearsome weapons trained almost exclusively on the Soviet Union. The attitude of each Party to the Soviet Union is an acid test of internationalism. This does not mean that every single decision ever taken in the Soviet Union is correct. On the other hand, it is very dangerous to behave as if all initiatives of our vanguard need to be scrutinised. The historical and class approach is that under conditions of class war in which emergencies and crises arise without warning, the duty of the working class and all progressive forces is to rally to the Soviet Union.

p Our Party approved the document on the struggle of the outstanding Vietnamese nation which has inflicted such defeats on imperialism and acted as an example to all fighters for freedom. We entirely approve the fine document 637 on the centenary of V. I. Lenin. In our country this anniversary. will be the occasion for a massive ideological campaign and dissemination of the immortal ideas of the great Lenin.

In conclusion may we express our thanks to the CPSU and the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party for their contribution to the preparations of this historic Meeting.