586

p Dear Comrades,

p The delegation of our Party extends warm greetings to the delegations of the fraternal Parties attending this international forum, which occupies a special place in the history of the international communist and working-class movement. We extend particularly heartfelt thanks to the CPSU for the excellent organisation of our work and for its warm and fraternal hospitality. The convocation of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties is an important step towards securing the unity and solidarity of the communist and working-class movement, and an outstanding achievement in this direction. Our Party was always in favour of holding such a Meeting and has made every effort towards this aim.

p Undoubtedly, this Meeting will go down in history as a signal success for the international working class, for all the revolutionary and progressive forces.

p The anxiety and concern this Meeting has caused among imperialist and reactionary circles is the best proof that it is necessary and is evidence of the success of the communist and working-class movement.

p The unity of the communist and working-class movement is the main element in the victorious struggle against imperialism and reaction in our era of transition from capitalism to socialism. Obstacles or impediments should not and cannot stand in the way of strengthening the unity and solidarity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, a task which history has set the Communists of the world. It has to be carried out and every effort must be made to ensure that this is done.

p The Main Document of the Meeting, "Tasks at the Present Stage of the Struggle against Imperialism and United Action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and All Anti-Imperialist Forces", the appeal "Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!", the "Appeal in Defence of Peace" and the address "Centenary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin"—all these documents were drawn up by representatives of Communist and Workers’ Parties, including our Party’s representative, at numerous sittings of the Preparatory .Committee in a comradely atmosphere and with complete observance of democratic norms and the principle of collectivity. Our Party fully endorses these documents.

p At our Meeting we heard the speech of the head of the CPSU delegation, 587 Comrade Brezhnev, who comprehensively, profoundly and absolutely correctly analysed the present international situation and the state of affairs in the communist and working-class movement. In fact, this speech has concretely and vividly substantiated and deepened the basic propositions of the draft documents.

p The draft Main Document expounds the principal demands of our movement in the present conditions of the struggle against imperialism and reaction, for peace, independence, democracy, progress and socialism. By adopting these documents with their tremendous mobilising and unifying strength, the communist and working-class movement enters a new stage in its struggle.

p The Document qualifies the struggle against imperialism as the central task. This is the main factor that can ensure the unity of action of the world socialist system, the international working-class and the national liberation movement, the principal components of the world revolutionary process.

p The Document correctly states: "The spearhead of the aggressive strategy of imperialism continues to be aimed first and foremost against the socialist countries. Imperialism does not forego open armed struggle against socialism. It«ceaselessly intensifies the arms race and tries to activate the military blocs organised for aggression against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. It steps up its ideological fight against them and tries to hamper the economic development of the socialist countries.”

p The war in Vietnam, the economic blockade of Cuba, the ceaseless plots and provocations on the border and at the shores of the Korean People’s Democratic Republic, the revival of militarism and neo-nazism in West Germany, the nonrecognition of the German Democratic Republic, the world’s first -workers’ state on German soil, the establishment of military and atomic bases, the conclusion of military pacts and other provocations against the socialist countries vividly prove the correctness of this proposition.

p The Document justifiably points out: "In its actions against the working-class movement imperialism violates democratic rights and freedoms and uses naked violence, brutal methods of police persecution and anti-labour legislation.”

p The struggle of the working class and other strata of capitalist society experiencing increased exploitation has become more powerful, more organised and more purposeful, and in many cases in recent years it has overflowed into protests and mass political strikes; the ruling regimes in a number of countries were beset by an unprecedented social crisis.

p The Main Document also states: "In its struggle against the national liberation movement, imperialism stubbornly defends the remnants of the colonial system, on the one hand, and, on the other, uses methods of neo-colonialism in an effort to prevent the economic and social advance of developing states, of countries which have won national sovereignty. To this end it supports reactionary circles, retards the abolition of the most backward social structures and tries to obstruct progress along the road to socialism or along the road of progressive non-capitalist development, which can open the way to socialism. The imperialists impose on these countries economic agreements and militarypolitical pacts which infringe on their sovereignty; they exploit them through the export of capital, unequal terms of trade, the manipulation of prices, 588 exchange rates, loans and various forms of so-called aid, and pressure by international financial organisations. The gulf between the highly developed capitalist states and the majority of the other countries of the capitalist world is growing wider; hunger is an acute problem in a number of the latter. Imperialism provokes friction in developing countries and sows division between them by encouraging reactionary nationalism. Through anti-communism it tries to split the ranks of the revolutionaries in these countries and isolate them from their best friends—the socialist states and the revolutionary working-class movement in the capitalist countries.”

p This paragraph of the Main Document exactly reflects the various aspects of economic and social life in our country. The analysis it contains fully corresponds to the analysis of the situation in Iran made by the CC of our Party. Therefore the adoption of this Document will considerably strengthen our Party’s position in the struggle against imperialism and reaction.

p Iran provides a typical example of imperialism’s resort to neo-colonialist methods in the developing countries. With these methods, it hampers our country’s free and progressive development. Having recourse to all means, both overt and covert, it strives to hold on to its old economic positions, seize new ones and extend and strengthen them.

p As a result of the profound economic and social crisis, which shook the pillars of the existing regime, the ruling upper crust of Iran in an effort to preserve its positions was forced in recent years to effect certain reforms in order to moderate the crisis and give such a form to the economic and social demands of the people as would not threaten its own interests. The principal content of these reforms boils down to the establishment of capitalist relations instead of feudal ones, which both objectively and historically is a step forward. But these changes are taking place in our country at a time when socialism is dominant on a large part of the globe, when the transition from capitalism to socialism has become the main content of our era and capitalism is going through a period of decline and is on its way out, when the ideas of socialism are penetrating ever deeper into the minds of the broad masses and becoming a universal stimulus of progress.

p The development of capitalist relations in our country is taking place in conditions of socio-economic backwardness, economic, political and military dependence on imperialism, in conditions of the existence of an anti-popular, anti-democratic regime.

p It is correctly stated in the Document: "Countries which have taken the capitalist road have been unable to solve any of the basic problems facing them.”

p That is why it has proved impossible to overcome Iran’s backwardness. Capitalist exploitation and imperialist plunder gave rise to other social malaises. Combined with the old, these new contradictions more and more impede the development of our country in the era of the scientific and technological revolution, when the developed countries are advancing at a much faster rate and the gulf between the developed and the developing countries is becoming ever wider. Not a single Iranian who desires to see his country advance can reconcile himself with such an outlook. There is no doubt that our country will not follow this road.

589

p Taking into account the changes occurring in the world, the capitalist road is not the logical road for our development and it should be viewed as a real disaster.

p In an effort to alleviate the social crisis, the Iranian authorities began to improve relations with the socialist countries, first and foremost with the USSR, our great and mighty friend, with whom we have a 2,500-kilometre long common border and who has consistently defended our freedom and independence.

p The Iranian authorities, just as the governments of other Middle East countries, would like to avail themselves of effective and disinterested Soviet assistance. The extensive assistance of the USSR and other socialist countries to Iran, particularly in creating heavy industry, in constructing a metallurgical works, several machine-building factories, grain elevators, etc., is furnished on the basis of long-term credits at a low rate and is greeted with enormous satisfaction by all our people. Our Party views this assistance also as support in the matter of implementing one of the basic propositions of its programme aimed at strengthening Iran’s political independence and attaining economic independence. ’

p Given a genuinely national and independent government and relying on the generous assistance of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries granted without any political strings attached and with due respect for the national sovereignty and requirements of our economic development, our country could have made considerable headway in strengthening its independence. But in pursuance of their anti-popular policy, the Iranian ruling circles are creating favourable conditions for the imperialist powers to invest capital in various branches of our economy and are encouraging in every way the merger of imperialist capital with Iranian private capital, which is leading Iran’s economy into greater dependence on imperialism. It is this policy which the Shah and the Iranian ruling circles call a "national independent policy". Praising it to the skies, the Shah says: "The more foreign capital there is in our country, the more its owners will be interested in the security and independence of our country.”

p The Shah’s statement gives a “new” interpretation to the struggle for the security and national independence of Iran, because instead of cutting short imperialist intrigues, the government busies itself with granting the enemies of independence and security the broadest possible opportunities for strengthening their influence in all fields of economic and political life of Iran under the pretext of “concern” for the independence of our country.

p If the "independent national policy" is one which leads to increasing interference by the imperialist countries in our economic life, then the colonial and neo-colonial policy should be regarded as a model of the policy of national independence, and colonial subjugation should be considered the height of independence, although it affords maximum possibilities for the penetration of imperialist capital into an enslaved country.

p It is thanks to the "independent national policy" that US capital investments in Iranian industry in the past year increased six- or seven-fold compared with 15 post-war years. A third of the industrial projects built in recent years with the assistance of foreign capital are owned by US magnates. At present about 10,000 US officers and men as well as civil employees are working in various state and private institutions in Iran.

590

p Iran is one of the main markets for West German goods. Last year West Germany, which occupies a strong first place in our imports, granted Iran a loan of DM40 million and also permitted the sale of Iran bonds to the sum of DM80 million at 7.25 per cent interest in West Germany.

p As a result of recent talks between an economic delegation from Iran and West German authorities, the FRG decided to invest millions DM 300 in the chemical, power and other branches of industry. Kiesinger’s and Strauss’s visits to Iran were conducted not only out of political considerations but also for the purpose of expanding West Germany’s economic positions in the country to the maximum.

p Relying on the existing political and economic relations with West Germany, the Iranian government is spearheading its policy against such progressive Arab countries as Iraq, Sudan and Syria, which successively extended recognition to the GDR, the first socialist state on German soil.

p These progressive Arab countries took an important step towards strengthening peace in Europe and tipping the balance of forces in favour of the socialist community. But our country not only has not followed this example. On the contrary, it is narrowing still further the already restricted economic relations with the GDR.

p Far from developing its relations with progressive Arab countries—the UAR, Syria and Iraq—which are in the forefront of the struggle against imperialism and Zionism in the Middle East, Iran under diverse pretexts is either curtailing or severing its ties with them.

p It is not by chance that the latest events on the Shatt-al-Arab are taking place at a time when our neighbour Iraq is in a difficult position and is struggling against Zionism and imperialism. Here, on behalf of the Iranian people, we should like to reiterate our full support for the just struggle of the Arab peoples against the Israeli aggressors, who have occupied a part of the Arab territories. We are convinced that the Arab peoples, supported by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, by all progressive mankind, will be victorious .in the just struggle against Israel’s aggressive Zionist circles.

p Our country is one of the biggest oil reservoirs in the Middle East and the world. Last year the international oil consortium controlled by gianl US, British, Dutch and French monopolies reaped 81,000 million in profits. If under the law on the nationalisation of Iran’s oil industry, which in fact has been nullified by the present ruling circles, we received, all the income from the oil industry it would add up to $2,000 million a year. This is a considerable sum for a country such as Iran with a populaion of not more than 26 million. But by devious ways even the money we get today flows back into the pockets of the imperialist monopolies either through direct plunder of the Iranian market, the repayment of credits and interest, or the purchase of large amounts of armament.

p With the aim of carrying on such plunder imperialism has imposed the present anti-popular, anti-democratic regime on our country. This vicious imperialist policy is responsible for the fact that in Iran, a land of ancient culture, 50 per cent of the children die before they are one or two years old. And this in the latter half of the 20th century, in the era of scientific and technological 591 revolution. As a result of the fatal economic, political and military domination of the imperialists in our country over 70 per cent of its population are illiterate. Although our authorities talk a great deal about wiping out illiteracy, each year 50 per cent of our children are unable to attend schools.

p Our regime has deprived political parties, trade unions and the progressive and opposition press of the possibility of conducting social and political activity. Hundreds of members of our Party and other national democratic groups have been imprisoned and are being kept in extremely hard conditions. There are members of our Party who have already spent 20 years in dungeons built in remote regions where the climate is killing. Under the pressure of public opinion both at home and abroad our comrades Parviz Hekmatju and Ali Khavari recently escaped execution and have been transferred from these dungeons to the Shiraz prison. But their health has been so impaired that one of them is in danger of being paralysed and the other of completely losing his eyesight. In terrible prison conditions these valiant freedom fighters are deprived of even elementary medical assistance. Many other comrades, whose number is steadily increasing, are languishing in Iranian prisons. This is only one example of the suifering imposed on the people of my country and that is why we find the following paragraph of the Main Document particularly convincing:

p “The interests of the struggle against imperialism, which attempts to stifle basic human freedoms, demand a tireless fight to defend and win freedom of speech, the press, assembly, demonstration and association, for the equality of all citizens, to democratise every aspect of social life."

It is to further the struggle against imperialism that our Party is advancing as the main task the slogan of struggle for democracy and democratic freedoms. Needless to say, the emphasis on this struggle does not signify a refusal to struggle for Iran’s withdrawal from CENTO, abrogation of the bilateral agreement with the USA and the so-called "law of capitulation", adherence to the policy of neutrality, implementation of the law on the nationalisation of the oil industry, abrogation of foreign concessions, abolition of inequitable trade with imperialist countries, or to struggle for the achievement of other pressing goals, But having designated the main task, we have to orient all our efforts, the entire political struggle on the attainment of democratic rights by the people. This is the principal element that facilitates the realisation of other anti-imperialist slogans and demands.

p Throughout the history of the communist and working-class movement its enemies have unceasingly attacked the unity of the working class either in one country or within the framework of the whole movement. The exploiters have always endeavoured to undermine the proletariat’s united front, to split it and sow discord. The slogan "Workers of All Countries, Unite!" has had a deep meaning ever since its proclamation. It expresses the idea of national and international unity of the working class and is an earnest of its might and invincibility.

p Ever since its inception the working-class movement has been confronted 592 with powerful enemies, sometimes even in its own ranks, who from their revisionist and opportunist positions have endeavoured to pervert Marxsim and to adulterate revolutionary theory and practice with bourgeois ideology. One of their aims is to reconcile the irreconcilable, namely the interests of the working class with those of the bourgeoisie and thus take the edge off the class struggle. Another objective is to isolate the working-class movement from the broad masses by means of dogmatism and “Left” sectarianism, and thus deprive it of popular support, with the inevitable result that it either weakens and becomes passive or is defeated in unequal battles with powerful and dangerous class enemies.

p Both in foreign and domestic policy, and also in regard to the international communist and working-class movement the Mao Tse-tung group has in recent years been engaged in petty-bourgeois adventurism and great-power chauvinism behind the screen of Leftist phraseology.

p Headed by Mao, the present Chinese leadership has openly taken to the road of undermining the unity and solidarity of the socialist community, of splitting the world communist movement, of dividing the main forces of the world revolutionary process.

p Little by little the line enforced by Mao’s group in China has turned into an adventuristic and chauvinistic trend, which is completely incompatible with the most elementary principles and norms of revolutionary theory and practice. Following China’s aggression on Soviet borders and the so-called 9th Congress of the Communist Party of China, the matter has ceased to be the concern of only one Party or one country. There can be no justification for silence or passivity in face of such a monstrous phenomenon. It is such developments that the Main Document has in mind when it says: "Each Communist Party is responsible for its activity to its own working class and people and, at the same time, to the international working class.”

p This is absolutely correct. On the basis of this proposition we consider it our duty to state the following:

p Our Party has repeatedly expressed its basic disagreement with the line of the Mao Tse-tung group, and especially with its policy regarding the CPSU and the USSR, the mighty revolutionary bulwark, which has rightly won the deep respect of the working people of the world. We consider that never in the history of mankind has a single party or a single country played such a great and noble role in transforming the life of mankind as have the CPSU and the Soviet Union.

p We stress once more that communism whose content is anti-Sovietism neither exists nor can exist.

p There is no limit to the present Chinese leaders’ expansionist aspirations, a product of great-power chauvinism. We all know about the ridiculous claims of the Mao group to more than 1,500,000 square kilometres of Soviet territory. But their aggressive appetites are not restricted to this. It is not •by chance that for the past few years Genghis Khan has been increasingly extolled in China, and much is said about his so-called historic mission in bringing East and West closer together.

p Our country, Iran, which had been ravaged by the hordes of Genghis Khan, 593 clearly perceives the man-hating essence of the policy of reviving the cult of Genghis^ Khan. It is indeed a tragedy that people laying claim to the leading role in the working-class movement in the latter half of the 20th century should laud the plunder and barbarity committed by a medieval khan and make them the foundation of their policy with regard to socialist countries and oppressed peoples.

p In our view, only a principled and concrete approach to controversial issues on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism can avert the fatal consequences of a divisive policy, or at least reduce them to the minimum.

p Bilateral and multilateral contacts between fraternal Parties and international or regional conferences are a very effective means for securing the lofty aim of furthering the unity of the communist and working-class movement. This is precisely what the Main Document says. The correctness and usefulness of this method has been confirmed during the preparations for the International Meeting. It has passed the test and should therefore be employed in the future. The Main Document very rightly notes that the unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties is the chief factor of the unity of all anti-imperialist forces. That this Meeting has been convened is a great success of the international communist movement. This is borne out by the fact that it is attended by 75 Communist and Workers’ Parties, which have thereby shown that they consider it essential to strengthen this unity.

p The Main Document, whose purpose is to further the struggle against imperialism and achieve united action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all other anti-imperialist forces, is in itself a programme and a firm basis for such unity. That is the reason why hundreds of millions of workers and patriotic intellectuals, who look forward to our Meeting ending in success, now have their eyes on Moscow.

p We are sure that the Meeting will live up to the expectations of hundreds of millions of people who, in most difficult conditions, are fighting in Vietnam, in the Middle East, in factories and in the streets of the capitals of various countries, in the underground and in prisons, against imperialism and reaction, for a life free of exploitation and colonial slavery. No better present could be made to the peoples of the globe than the endorsement of the Main Document on the eve of the centenary of the birth of Lenin, the brilliant leader of the working people of the world. This Document fully conforms to the behests of Lenin, who always said that the international unity of the advanced revolutionary contingents of the working class was imperative in the struggle against the common enemy.

In conclusion our delegation expresses its profound gratitude to the fraternal Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and the great Party of the Soviet Union who have done everything in their power to ensure the best possible conditions for preparing and holding the Meeting and by doing so have once again demonstrated a lofty spirit of proletarian internationalism. We are convinced that their contribution will yield positive results and that unity of the world communist and working-class movement and all other anti-imperialist forces will become stronger than ever.