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p Dear Comrades,

p The delegation of the Reunion Communist Party, like the rest of the brother Parties, would like to express once again its warm gratitude to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for its hospitality and for the facilities it has made available to our Meeting. We thank once again the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, which ensured the work of the first preparatory stage of our Meeting. Our delegation extends heartfelt greetings to all the brother Parties present here.

p Our Party considers it as an event of the greatest importance that 75 Parties from every corner of the globe have gathered together to express their will for joint action and to achieve unity of action and unity of the antiimperialist forces.

p It sees as a most positive experience the preparatory work carried out in these past 15 months, which made- it possible to hold a wide exchange of opinions and collectively draft important documents. Our Meeting is expressive of the growing will of our movement for unity.

p Dear comrades, our delegation considers it advisable to inform you briefly of the conditions in which our Party is fighting.

p Our country is one of the last colonies of French* imperialism. Its territory, which a mere three centuries ago was still uninhabited, was gradually settled by people brought from Europe, Africa, Madagascar, India, China and elsewhere. For centuries our people lived in slavery. Most of them still live in humiliating conditions, suffering from exploitation, and colonial oppression.

p Imperialism maintains in our country an underdeveloped monoculture economy—the cultivation of sugar cane—fully dependent on the markets of France and other countries of the European Common Market. The land, sugar refineries and other enterprises and wholesale trade are owned by several companies, the biggest of which are controlled by French capital.

p The effects of this situation are typical of every country of the Third World: a deepening economic crisis, a foreign trade deficit due to the fact, that exports make up for only one-third of imports, a continuous of shortage resources. In the 578 social sphere they are unemployment affecting one-fourth of the working-class, the ruin of small and middle peasants, and universal poverty alongside the growing wealth of the minority.

p The high growth rate of the population, which has doubled as a result in 23 years, is aggravating the economic and social contradictions.

p It was in this complicated and fast-changing situation that our Communist organisation took shape and grew.

p Despite the erroneous analysis made in 1945 by some Communists, who advocated a policy of assimilation and integration with the colonialist mother country, our Party, which came into being later, was able, thanks to its successes and first of all to its analysis and correction of mistakes, to assume leadership of the popular struggle in our country.

p Today it is the only organised political force among the masses. It rouses the masses to struggle, leads them and wields influence among a substantial majority of the people. Basing its policy on a profound knowledge of the real situation in the country, it fights for our people’s right to self-determination. With due regard to the lessons of African experience in the sixties, it champions a radical economic and social programme to foil all neo-colonialist intrigues of imperialism, a programme calling for a deep-going agrarian reform, nationalisation of the sugar industry, strict control over investments, and complete freedom of foreign trade.

p Thus our people are increasingly identifying their national liberation with social emancipation under the leadership of the Communist Party.

p Colonialism, needless to say, is intensifying its policy of destroying the liberties, a policy of continuous and often bloody repression, but it cannot hold up the progress of the mass struggle.

p In this difficult struggle we must take into account, in particular, an unfavourable geographical and political situation. Neo-colonialist regimes have been set up in Madagascar and the neighbouring island of Mauritius. In South Africa and Rhodesia power is in the hands of racialist governments, and in Mozambique the Portuguese colonialists are waging a war against the patriots of that country.

p Lastly, US imperialism has penetrated into the area. It influences the policies and economies of all the countries of the area, where it sets up its bases, trying to create a chain of them on Indian Ocean islands stretching from west to east.

p Dear comrades, what I have said makes it clear why our people follow the progress of the anti-imperialist struggle in the world with keen attention. They see in this struggle an action directly supporting and helping them in their own fight. That is why we subscribe to a number of propositions stated in our Main Document,

p Our Party considers that the fundamental contradiction of our epoch is the contradiction between the forces of socialism and imperialism.

p This world-wide struggle confirms, as the Document rightly points out, the superiority of the forces of socialism, even though US imperialism, the main bastion of imperialism, is becoming more and more aggressive. It is also true that the fight against the war menace remains the chief task today.

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p We also agree with the Document where it stresses that the three main forces of our epoch, which have united against imperialism, are the socialist world system, the international working class and the national liberation movement.

p We will not go into the individual items of the Document nor into an analysis of the situation in various regions of the world. But we would like to offer a few remarks while voicing our agreement to the platform of united action.

p Dear comrades, it is perfectly clear to us that the socialist world system is the decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle.

p The speakers who preceded us at this Meeting dealt with that in detail showing the magnitude of the successes achieved by the socialist countries during the last decade.

p It is just as obvious to us that as a result of the increased aggressiveness of US imperialism and its main ally in Europe—West German imperialism—the grave danger threatening the socialist countries persists. Furthermore, imperialism is intensifying its propaganda, its ideological infiltration and subversive activity. All this calls for greater vigilance and preparedness to put up proper re5istance.

p Can one affirm, however, that these activities are so effective they can undermine the socialist system in this or that socialist country?

p Can one consider that the thesis of the 1960 Statement of the 81 Communist Parties to the effect that "today the restoration of capitalism has been made socially and economically impossible not only in the Soviet Union, but in the other socialist countries as well" is no longer valid despite the achievements of the subsequent nine years ?

p To put this question does not at all mean underestimating the danger and increased aggressiveness of imperialism. On the other hand, will not overestimation of this danger in this particular case shake the faith of the masses all Over the world in the stability of the socialist system which came into being a quarter of a century ago? The people of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam are demonstrating the unshakable stability of their young socialist regime by fighting against armed imperialist aggression.

p Dear comrades, we, for our part, are doing our best to strengthen the faith of the masses in our country in the growing achievements of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in every sphere.

p The working people of the island of Reunion rejoice at every victory of the working people of these countries as they might rejoice at their own. They know that the achievements of the socialist countries have a direct, positive and deep impact on the development of the world revolution and hence on the progress of the struggle in our own country.

p This also applies to the peoples of other countries who are fighting against imperialism.

p Our people follow with enthusiasm the progress of the struggle of the working class and other forces against capitalism and imperialism in the economically developed countries, although Reunion is far away from them. We heard with interest and sometimes with emotion the speeches of the comrades from these countries^ who analysed the new conditions of their struggle, the effects of the scientific and technological revolution and the contradictions engendered by it, 580 the changes in the composition of the working class, the contribution of the youth, intellectuals and students to the fight against monopoly capitalism. How could we fail to appreciate that since almost 60 per cent of the population of our country are below 20 years of age, since our young people look to socialism and since their heroes today are Nguyen Van Troi and Che Guevara!

p All this opens up the prospect of even more widespread struggle and new notable gains in the battle against capitalist power. These are direct blows at imperialism in its own citadel. They rejoice those who, like us, are fighting in the hinterland of imperialism.

p Here we would like to stress the following: nobody can deny the fact that it is in Europe that the greatest military forces of the two systems, an enormous economic potential and the most efficient political forces are concentrated.

p The existence in the heart of Europe of West German imperialism, which seeks with support from US imperialism a revision of the results of the Second World War and of existing frontiers, makes the war danger particularly great. Any war unleashed in Europe would rapidly engulf the world. The Document rightly stresses that the military power of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, their economic potential and policy of peace, the activity of the Communist Parties and strong labour and democratic organisations and the emergence of new anti-imperialist forces have a sobering effect on imperialism and can ensure through struggle the maintenance and promotion of peace.

p All this means, in effect, that any attempt rapidly and decisively to alter the balance of political forces in capitalist Europe or in any European country would encounter serious difficulties. And this circumstance puts in still bolder relief the contribution of our comrades fighting in these countries.

p Dear comrades, we would like to state here one of our serious reservations on the Document under consideration. We think the Document’s analysis of the outlook for development in the near future considerably underrates the possibilities of rapid, and in some cases radical, changes in the sphere of the national liberation movement.

p The Statement of the 81 Communist Parties may have overrated the immediate possibilities of the movement. It was adopted in 1960, during a powerful upsurge accompanied by the declaration of the independence of numerous African countries, at a time when the Algerian people were nearing victory, while the uprising in Cuba had triumphed two years earlier.

p Nevertheless, imperialism in many countries succeeded in retaining its economic and political positions by setting up neo-colonialist regimes and organising military putsches and reactionary coups. On the other hand, there are countries which have upheld genuine political independence, are fighting for economic independence and firmly adhere to anti-imperialist positions. There are such countries in Africa and the Middle East, for example.

p During the past nine years the peoples of the underdeveloped countries have learnt by bitter experience what neo-colonialism means. A social differentiation has come about among them and the positions of the political forces have crystallised.

p The economy of these countries is still underdeveloped. Imperialism continues to exploit them and to hold up their economic development. The crisis 581 in agriculture and in agrarian relations, the migration into industry, rapid urbanisation, unemployment, a mounting deficit of the balance of trade resulting from unequal trade, a growing debt, the flight of capital and so on are all evidence of a deteriorating situation in these countries.

p The population explosion aggravates the contradictions of the prevailing system and imperatively demands early and radical solutions. Neo-colonialism cannot get away from this problem. The lag of whole continents compared with the industrial countries is increasing. Imperialism and neo-colomalism cannot solve any of the serious problems of vast areas of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

p The growing contradictions in every sphere are creating a situation which is bound to have political repercussions however intricate the process paving the way for political solutions may be.

p The acceleration of this crisis process insistently confronts the world with the problem of the further course of development. The majority of the world population cannot come out of the stage of economic, social and cultural backwardness if it follows the capitalist road. Only socialism makes it possible to solve this problem thanks to its high growth rate.

p While in the past nationalism in these areas of the world was linked with capitalism, today national liberation is necessarily linked with socialism.

p This is due, first of all, to the existence of the powerful system of socialist countries, which can render assistance and guarantee national independence.

p Dear comrades, it is not a question of putting any one of the three main forces of the world anti-imperialist movement in a privileged position.

p We believe the point is that the main force is the system of socialist countries, the chief motive factor and the bulwark of the world revolutionary process.

p The working-class movement in the capitalist countries is faced with the strongest and most experienced forces of the state machinery and the capitalist system. Its struggle is undoubtedly the most complicated and possibly the most difficult.

p And lastly, it is important to remember that Asia, Africa and Latin America are regions where the gravest contradictions are concentrating fast and that these continents today are the weakest link of the imperialist chain. This is why the struggle of the peoples there, thanks to the achievements of the socialist countries and the actions of the working-class movement in the developed capitalist countries, can change the balance of forces and break this or that link of the imperialist chain.

p To be sure, every continent, region or country has its peculiarities which will tell. But neither these peculiarities nor various local and temporary setbacks can stop or divert the overall process. Imperialism has been unable to check this irresistible advance for all that during the last 25 years it has exacted an enormous toll from some peoples fighting for their independence, as in Vietnam or Algeria, a toll which may well be compared to the casualties of a number of European nations during the first and second world wars.

p The last two decades have seen the disintegration of the colonial system of 582 imperialism and the piercing of the imperialist chain in North Korea, in China, Vietnam and Cuba. This process is not over yet. It is expanding and going deeper. It seems to us that in analysing the present situation and the outlook one can hardly afford to underestimate this perspective. This is all the truer because the political struggle of the masses and liberation wars contribute in important measure to world peace by striking at imperialism blows which threaten to pierce its chain at various links.

p Dear comrades, this problem seems to us all the more important because the people of Vietnam have just entered a new phase of their struggle by constituting the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam.

p Our Document underlines the historical significance of this struggle and its world-wide impact in terms of mobilising the masses in the anti-imperialist struggle and of isolating US imperialism.

p We consider that at a time when the peoples of vast regions of the world are faced with the problem of winning freedom or of resisting imperialist aggression, the general lessons of the Vietnamese people’s struggle are of invaluable importance to them—barring the peculiarities valid for what is purely Vietnamese reality.

p Vietnam has proved that even a small people can resist and ultimately defeat the world’s most powerful imperialism—on condition, however, that it uses its own forces and fights uncompromisingly for its independence and for respect for its fundamental national rights, that, secondly, it enjoys the support of the Soviet’ Union and other socialist countries, and that^ thirdly, it is supported by international solidarity.

p But to accomplish that task, this people must have a Communist Party in close touch with the life of the country, and this is perhaps the most valuable lesson of the Vietnamese people’s struggle. This Party, having its roots in the mass of the people, must express the interests of the country as both an ardent patriot and a staunch internationalist. It must be—not only by words but by deeds—the vanguard and inspirer of the struggle of the people, who should see in it a champion of both national and social liberation. The leaders of this Party must also be national heroes. It is the duty of our movement to help found such Communist Parties in the vast regions where they are still lacking.

p And lastly, it must be noted that the Document, listing the Latin American and African countries where an armed liberation struggle is going on, does not mention, we are sorry to say, such Asian countries as Palestine, Laos, Thailand - and others.

p Dear comrades, in conclusion our delegation would like to offer a number of serious remarks on the Main Document.

p 1. Many comrades consider that the Main Document furnishes a scientific analysis of the international situation. We, however, consider that an analysis which says not a word of the very serious differences that have come out in our movement and whose effects make themselves felt all along the line cannot be regarded as comprehensive and full. Why is it that these very important problems have been so prominent in many speeches and yet have found no reflection in the Main Document?

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p The task, as we see it, is not to make an analysis of these problems but at least to point to their existence and their effect on the international situation and our Meeting. How is one to account for the absence from our Meeting of five socialist countries each of which, moreover, has its reasons for not attending? If this is not explained, how will the masses and, indeed, Party members assess and interpret the Document? It seems to us that Section Four of the Document should be less idyllic and more self-critical.

p We consider—and we said so earlier, at both the Consultative Meeting and the Preparatory Committee sessions—that today’s differences in our movement have an objective basis of long standing. A joint quest and collective discussion could help to reveal and analyse them. But that would take time. We support the proposals for calling international theoretical conferences which could prove useful in this respect.

p The objective basis of the differences should be complemented with the subjective causes stemming from the very logic of polemics, the logic of the clash of opinions, from serious mistakes or dangerous deviations which may have the most diverse origins and may in many cases be due to nationalism and chauvinism. These mistakes and deviations should be disclosed and vigorously criticised. But attempts to conceal them, to analyse them in general terms or simply anathematise them cannot be regarded as serious methods to be used for revealing them, preventing them from going deeper, and overcoming them.

p 2. The Document lists very correct Marxist-Leninist principles determining the relations between socialist countries and between Communist Parties. The discussion has shown, however, that the various delegations interpret these principles variously. Can we in these circumstances expect unity to be achieved on all points? Such a unity would be rather nominal and would leave the door open for misunderstandings or new differences.

p We think what we have here is an urgent, and perhaps the most complicated, problem. It must be solved if we are to find new forms of unity corresponding to the new stage of development of our movement and its national contingents.

p There has been no Communist International, no leading and co-ordinating centre, for more than a quarter of a century.

p Yet the Communist and Workers’ Parties during the last 26 years have grown in number and quality. Some of them exert considerable influence in big countries.

p What is the effective way of achieving the unity of all Parties and co-ordinating their struggle? Above all, how are we to achieve this now? To be sure, the Document indicates certain principles, but then we are arguing even here over how to interpret unanimity, majority, minority, and so on.

p We are told that such is reality. That is true.

p It would be ideal, of course, if we reached unanimity. But practice shows convincingly that our movement still lacks proper conditions for it.

p The minority should not have the right of veto with regard to the majority. That is correct. Such a thing would be impermissible.

p But, on the other hand, nobody has said that the minority is obliged to accept the majority point of view at the cost of going against the will or decisions 584 of the Central Committees of the respective Parties. No one has said so because that, too, is unthinkable.

p We also consider that such concepts as majority and minority, inherited from the International or borrowed from the practice of our national Parties, are outdated. Consequently, we must find new forms and not fall back on old ones by force of habit.

p This is a task for our entire movement.

p It must be accomplished calmly and patiently.

p 3. It is clear that each Party is responsible for its activity to the working class of its country and of the world, to its people and the world communist movement. The prestige and influence of a Party, and hence its responsibility, increase when it has adopted a correct decision. This also helps to strengthen the ranks of the world communist movement. Conversely, a Party grows weaker if the decision it has adopted is wrong. In that case a heavy responsibility falls on the Party in question for weakening the whole communist movement, of which it is a contingent.

p . • ,

p In either case the political responsibility must be borne by only that Party. The future and practice will show how it has coped with the responsibility put on it.

p The Document speaks of the need to promote the unity of our Parties in the following terms: the Parties represented at the Meeting "consider that the absence of certain Communist Parties should not hinder fraternal ties and co-operation between all Communist Parties without exception. They declare their resolve to achieve joint action in the struggle against imperialism, for the common objectives of the international working-class movement, as well as with the Communist and Workers’ Parties not represented at the present Meeting”.

p We think it would be absurd for two Parties one of which accepted while the other did not accept this Document to regard that alone as a »fact complicating their relations. In that case violation of a rule would be the first instance of applying it. Besides, it would be like proclaiming the principle of infallibility, for which there is no room in our movement in which each Party contributes through its positive or negative experience a certain share of the truth and in which it bears a certain share of the responsibility for the given situation, no matter how small that Party may be.

p Dear comrades, we think only the practice of proletarian internationalism can in the present situation prevent a deepening of divergences and provide conditions for discussing them, ascertaining their causes and origins and taking steps to overcome them. This implies rather than rules out the right and duty of every Party resolutely to uphold its ideological and organisational unity against every disruptive move.

p In our view, proletarian internationalism means to each Party striving selflessly to steadily extend the scope of the revolutionary movement in its country and to give active moral and material support to the revolutionary movement in all other countries.

p It means, first of all, fighting against anti-Sovietism always and everywhere, for the peoples should at all times remember what they owe to the October 585 Revolution, should remember the untold suffering and sacrifices of the peoples of the Soviet Union during the Civil War, their sacrifices in the Great Patriotic War, when they fought for victory over fascism, and the sacrifices and privations that fell to their lot in building the foundations of socialist society. Proceeding from the attitude of its people to the Soviet Union, each Party can decide for itself whether it has acquitted itself honourably of its internationalist duty. It is not enough to declare solidarity—the important thing is to show it in practice.

p Dear comrades, we have stated our opinion on the propositions of the . Document we approve of. On the other hand, we have made very serious reservations on some propositions in the Document and on certain omissions. The fate of some of the proposed amendments and .especially the character of their discussion, as well as the speeches at the Meeting often provide a much clearer picture than the text of the Document itself. They show how the Parties interpret the Document. All this will supply material for assessment to our Central Committee, the body which has to make the ultimate decision. ,

As regards the other documents—the "Appeal in Defence of Peace" and the address "Centenary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin"—our Central Committee has approved of them just as it has approved of the document on Vietnam unanimously adopted by us here.