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p Dear Comrades,

p The long and fruitful collective effort of Communist and Workers’ Parties in preparing this Meeting is a most valuable contribution to unity of the international communist movement and united action of all the anti-imperialist forces.

p Speaking for the Central Committee of the Mexican Communist Party and its members, I convey fraternal greetings to all delegates, and a message of gratitude to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, for their splendid organisation of the preparation and conduct of our Meeting.

p To the extent that it strengthens united action of the world’s Communists and creates optimal conditions for continued discussion of the numerous issues that are part of the realities of today, it will, our Party is convinced, prove an important landmark in the struggle against imperialism, for national independence, peace and socialism.

p In this context, it has to be said that the Preparatory Sessions, and the Meeting itself, enabled all Parties fully to express their views and share in the discussion and framing of the documents.

p Our Parry has from the very outset maintained that if the Meeting is to attain the aims we have set for it, we should not condemn the policy of any Party, whether present here or not. We continue to abide by that opinion. We publicly criticized the position taken by other Parties when we believed them to be erroneous or damaging to the movement. But we feel that raising these questions at our Meeting will aggravate existing differences, without bringing us nearer to our goals. Only if it abides by its express purpose, namely, defining the urgent tasks of the joint struggle against imperialism, will the Meeting promote unity of the Communist Parties and of all anti-imperialist forces.

p Thanks to the efforts of all the Parties on the Preparatory Committee, this Meeting has before it the appeal "Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!", "Appeal in Defence of Peace" and the address "Centenary of the Birth of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin". Our delegation approves all three documents. We share the justified pride of all Communists in marching under the banner 549 of the great Lenin, and we are preparing festivities to mark the centenary.

p In the course of the preparatory discussions, our Party stated that the Main Document ought to contain only the general position of the Parties represented at this Meeting. Accordingly, we urged maximum effort to frame a Document that could be adopted unanimously. This, we believed, was possible inasmuch as there is a far larger area of agreement than disagreement. We further proceeded on the understanding that the principle of democratic centralism does not apply to the international movement. Consequently, it is not a matter of decisions being adopted by majority vote, but rather of rinding ways and means of strengthening our unity. No Party can be made to accept views it does not share. Unanimity is, therefore, the only reasonable principle in adopting collective documents of the international communist movement.

p Nonetheless, considering that, essentially, the Main Document is identical with the position of the Mexican Communist Party, our delegation approves it. But we continue to maintain that it should be, and can be, improved by incorporating some of the amendments made in the Preparatory Committee and at the Meeting itself. We shall discuss these amendments in the Drafting Committee.

p Our Party shares the views expressed here by many comrades on the fundamental and decisive trends of world development over the past ten years. And the record of these years shows that, for all the complexity of the struggle between the forces of socialism and social progress, on the one hand, and those of imperialism and reaction, on the other, world development is determined by the forces ranged against imperialism and working for socialist reconstruction of society.

p All the peoples suffering from imperialist oppression and local reaction can draw an optimistic perspective from the present balance of forces. For it provides ample evidence that imperialism is no longer omnipotent. True, it remains the chief barrier to social progress and uses every conceivable method to maintain itself in power. But there are forces in today’s world that can effectively combat imperialism and vanquish it once and for all.

p Imperialism’s counter-attacks and partial victories in some areas have not, and cannot, alter the general progressive course of world development.

p On the contrary, all the experience of the anti-imperialist struggle in recent years makes it perfectly obvious that the revolutionary forces have greater opportunities for fresh victories in different parts of the world. Wherever the peoples are united under a revolutionary leadership, supported by the socialist camp, and enjoy the solidarity of all the anti-imperialist forces, victory is assured. That follows from the record of the ten years since the victory of the Cuban revolution, which ushered in the stage of socialist revolution on the American continent. Invasion by mercenaries, economic and diplomatic boycott, intrigue and subversion—they have all been used in vain attempts to bring the heroic Cubans to their knees. And let it not be forgotten that the revolutionary island is but 90 miles from imperialism’s biggest and most aggressive power.

p And do we not have further proof in the immortal fortitude of the Vietnamese 550 people? Fighting under the leadership of the Working People’s Party of Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam, they are victoriously repelling the onslaught of an arrogant power acting as the world gendarme.

p The American aggressors have hurled their vast war machine against Vietnam. They are using biological and chemical weapons to lay waste to whole communities. Yet, they face inevitable, and complete defeat. More, US imperialism’s moral;and. political isolation is becoming more pronounced in every part of the/world. New sections, of the people, notably in the United States itself, are. condemning: the obsolete imperialist system, that millstone on human progress. . ; . ..

p Unshakable determination to fight imperialism and its puppets, the heroism of the. people, the correct combination of military struggle with political organisation of the masses, and the material, political, economic and military assistance of :the Soviet Union and the socialist countries—these are the factors that spell defeat for the American intervention.

p These resojmding victories must be attributed to the new conditions created by.the growth and strengthening of the socialist world system, the mounting influence of the workers’movement in the developed capitalist countries and of the democratic and anti-imperialist movement in countries still under the imperialist yoke. But they are also due to the dissemination of socialist ideas, and to the more articulate anti-imperialist sentiments of large sections of the world^s population.

p West German imperialism and its policy of revenge in Europe are a growing menace to peace. United popular action for collective security, as proposed by the European Communist Parties, and by the Budapest Consultative Meeting of the-Warsaw Treaty nations, indicate the path to eliminating this seat of aggression. •

p •

p The intrepid independence fight of,the Arab peoples, which has the solidarity of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, and of the peoples of the world, will foil imperialist plans to overthrow progressive Arab governments and .will re-establish their position in the Middle East.

p Imperialism is resorting to more diversified, and more aggressive, techniques in interfering in the internal affairs of other nations. Armed intervention, coups d’etat, cloak-and-dagger operations and provocations are used singly or in combination. _sThis means that Communists must advance, the struggle for self-determination, independence and sovereignty.

p Experience over the past few years has made it crystal clear that success in the anti-imperialist struggle largely depends on our movement’s ability to unite and concentrate all its forces in areas where social crises make it possible to deal imperialism decisive blows.

p The salient feature of the present stage is that, in a number of countries, revolution is becoming a practical problem. Ruling-class policy is being thrown into, crisis; mass resentment is coming to the surface in stormy, often quite unexpected, actions. The central factor, therefore, is the ability of the revolutionary’forces to present a realistic alternative to capitalist power and unite all trends that express popular discontent in the fight for a new power capable of leading the people to socialism.

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p This has a very special relevance for Latin America. The past ten years have seen major battles by the working class, peasantry, students, democratic-minded intellectuals and other sections of the population. In some countries things even reached the point of armed struggle. Here, too, we have evidence that revolutionary conditions are maturing faster than before.

p New social groups are joining the revolutionary movement, thus extending its scope. The youth,, and more especially the students, are vigorously combating the capitalist system and, characteristically, in the main imperialist countries. There is a change of heart among Catholics in several countries, notably Latin America and Spain. We can speak of the emergence of democratic, antidictatorial, even anti-capitalist, trends among the top clergy. Of no less importance are the changes now taking place in some armies, thus enlarging the patriotic, anti-imperialist element in the armed forces. The recent developments in Peru, and earlier in the Dominican Republic, bring that out fairly clearly.

p True, the influx of these new elements into the anti-imperialist and anti^j capitalist struggle brings with it erroneous views and methods which we Communists have to combat. But that is not the main consideration in assessing the role of these forces. The main consideration is that, objectively, they extend the revolutionary front and become allies of its principal force, which, as always, is the working class.

p Another priority task is to pass from identity of views to agreed action together with democrats and opponents of imperialism of other persuasions than ours. And here we must display proper understanding of their limitations and, of course, avoid anything that smacks of a condescending attitude.

p This should go hand in hand with irreconcilable struggle against all manifestations of anti-Sovietism and anti-communism, now the battle-standard of all divisive elements seeking to minimise the appeal of the achievements of communism, the economic, cultural, scientific and technical accomplishments of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries for the youth and the antiimperialist liberation movement.

p The Soviet Union, the country that initiated man’s advance to communism and has placed its momentous gains at the service of human progress, is the bastion and chief bulwark of all peoples risen to fight imperialism, of all champions of democracy and socialism. No revolutionary movement can hope for victory without the USSR, let alone if it ranges itself against the USSR.

p Comrades, the development of the revolutionary movement in different parts of the world, and in particular the growth of Communist Party authority and influence, should be seen in direct context with correct solutions of the problems which have persisted in our movement for several years now.

p We believe that their emergence is not due to deviations from a set political line, not to revisionism, nor to nationalist retreat from class positions. The main cause has to be sought in a conjuncture of objective and subjective factors that require deep scientific analysis rather than superficial and spasmodic investigation.

p One of the chief factors, we think, is the difficulties we experience in adapting our movement to the new conditions of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism and for the building of socialism.

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p Basically, these new conditions are due to cardinal changes that favour our movement.

p The first of these is that socialism, once confined to one country which heroically, repelled repeated reactionary offensives, is now a system of fourteen countries in three continents.

p “And the fact that these countries, previously in differing stages of economic development and with differing relations to imperialism,, are, despite diverse conditions, now building socialism, confronts us with new, hitherto unknown problems, especially with regard to the ways and means of building the new society and relations between Parties and states belonging to one and the same system.

p The second factor, and one that will continue to present difficulties, is the far-reaching changes within capitalism. In its traditional form, imperialism’s colonial system was destroyed in a few years, and the new countries had to chart out their path into the future. Anti-capitalist movements are increasing in developed capitalist countries, with the result that broad masses of the youth and intellectuals are looking to socialism for salvation from monopoly oppression. The revolutionary movement is being extended by the influx of new forces, and. this enlarges the social base of the struggle for socialism. All this makes it necessary for the Communist Parties—and this is inevitable—to find-new solutions to new problems in leading the revolutionary process to victory. This, in turn, implies, above all, the ability of our Parties to -bring together various.trends of the revolutionary movement and overcome the prejudices of some social groups, resulting from enemy propaganda and our own mistakes.

p The different conditions for building socialism, the different tasks each Party has to fulfil, and the fact that in some countries the Parties have become a major national force—all this makes it impossible, indeed unnecessary, to have a world or regional leading centre, in whatever form, of the communist movement.

p In the present situation, differing viewpoints and solutions of some issues should not be considered unnatural, or harmful to our movement. On the contrary, this is the natural ground for developing relations between Communist Parties, the basis on which they can discuss their differences, work out common positions, unite, and act in concert.

p However, differences are one thing, and splits quite another. Different conditions, no matter how wide, cannot justify severance of the contacts that unite Parties representing the international working class.

p : One of the chief reasons why differences have degenerated into an open split, we think, is violation of the norms that should guide relations of Communist and Workers’ Parties. And these norms, founded on proletarian internationalism, presuppose respect of the independence of the Parties and of the socialist states, fraternal discussion of contentious questions, mutual assistance and solidarity in the face of a common foe.

p Observance of these norms by all units of the communist movement is, beyond all doubt, an essential condition for restoring its unity.

p There are differences which we cannot afford to hush up. And they concern questions on which the communist movement should be united. Our Party 553 joins with others in declaring that these questions should be subjected to open and frank discussion at appropriate conferences allowing for an exchange of views. ’ ’. ’ ’

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p But united action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties cannot wait until differences over one or another issue are resolved. Unity on agreed actions, joint defence of the supreme interests of socialism, and support of all peoples combating imperialism—such is the most effective way of securing the movement’s unity.

p We subscribe to the view put forth here by representatives of other Parties that our movement needs a deeper unity than united action. But the only road to this higher form of unity lies through united action.

p Collective efforts to prevent political disputes between Parties from aggravating and causing a deepening of the split are no less important.

p In our search for solutions to major problems, we mUst aspire to a higher type of unity, predicated on the manifold tasks and positions of the various Parties, on their high sense of duty and internationalist responsibility. Such unity would accord with the present state of the movement and, at the same time, become one of its main motive forces.

p Comrades, our delegation wishes to avail itself of the presence here of representatives of most of the world’s Communist Parties to draw attention to the difficult position in our country. Mexico’s prisons are filled with political detainees, fighters for democracy, national sovereignty and socialism.

p The main aspects of our national life reflect the reactionary policy of the ruling big bourgeoisie, which is using every means to safeguard big capitalist landownership; It has placed the public sector of the economy at the service of private monopolies; is pushing ahead to merge national capital with foreign, especially US, capital; has imposed a ruinous policy of foreign loans; retains an anti-democratic electoral system that denies the Communist Party and other democratic forces their rights.

p The democratic tradition of Mexican foreign policy, the result of long years of mass pressure, is becoming a fiction.

p The capitalist government stints neither effort nor money in embellishing this sombre reality. Its purpose is to mislead the people and isolate them, particularly the progressive element, from their natural allies, the socialist countries, the world working class and the liberation movement.

p Capitalist development in the past thirty years has been considerable. The ruling bourgeoisie has taken advantage of this to cultivate the myth of a "Mexican miracle". The people are asked to believe that without having broken out of capitalist dependence, and developing along capitalist lines, with the big bourgeoisie in a dominant position, Mexico has overcome economic backwardness and has definitely launched on accelerated industrialisation.

p That is far from the truth. For despite recent, and therefore impressive, progress, Mexico has still to contend, basically, with the same problems as other Latin American nations. The bonds of imperialist exploitation and dependence have not been broken—if anything, they have become tighter still. Industrial backwardness and low efficiency have not been overcome. Living standards are low and illiteracy standards appallingly high. The distance 554 separating Mexico from developed capitalist countries, and the benefits accruing to them from the technological revolution, has not been shortened.

p In Mexico, as everywhere else in Latin America, capitalism has not eliminated any of the major underdevelopment factors. In economic, social and political structure, Mexico is an integral part of Latin America, a complex of very different countries, and shares in the struggle against imperialism and the backwardness for which it is responsible.

p The popular struggle against this reactionary policy is gaining momentum. The student and mass movement that shook the country in the latter part of 1968 is the most salient expression of this growth of the democratic forces. Hundreds of thousands supported the general students’strike and the demand for release of all political prisoners, repeal of Article 145 of the Criminal Code, which classifies every manifestation of protest as “subversion”, and respect of democratic freedoms. From the very outset, the Mexican Communist Party supported the students and together with other progressive groups gave resolute leadership to their fight. The overwhelming majority of student leaders supported our policy and tactics at every stage of the movement. United action produced a new solidarity between Communists and non-Party students.

p Our Party was not taken in by the sprouting of ultra-Left groups in the early days of the struggle. We knew that their sectarian and Utopian theories would be relegated to the background once the masses were drawn into the movement. Nor did we ever forget that differences between the Left forces, divergent appraisals of the situation, tactical differences, no matter how profound, should not be allowed to overshadow the fact that our common enemy, the government of the big bourgeoisie and imperialism, is on the Right. We continued to discuss our differences and repel attacks, but concentrated on uniting all trends involved in the struggle.

p And that tactic paid off in the form of a democratic programme enabling the students to voice the demands of millions of Mexicans—workers, peasants and intellectuals—opposed to an increasingly repressive and anti-constitutional regime of the big bourgeoisie.

p The Party, and more especially the Young Communist League, emerged from the struggle stronger than before. The Party gained in membership and unity; our newspaper’s circulation doubled; Party influence spread to new strata.

p The government resorted to outright violence in an attempt to suppress the movement: on October 2, it staged a veritable massacre in which more than a hundred were killed and several hundred wounded. Demonstrations were banned and the country was placed under what amounted to martial law.

p Palling back on its insidious tactics, the government started a propaganda campaign meant to present the students’ and popular democratic movement as a conspiracy of reaction and imperialism. It tried to neutralise the worldwide solidarity movement, denouncing it as an international campaign against Mexico. It failed: young people throughout the world expressed their deep solidarity with the students and people of Mexico.

p We wish to express our gratitude to the fraternal Communist Parties for theii effective and timely solidarity with our student and popular movement.

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p Acting on instructions from our Central Committee, we appeal to.you, comrades, as representatives of fraternal Communist Parties, to voice your solidarity with the victims of Mexico’s repressive regime. The General Secretary of the Railwaymen’s Union, Demetrio Vallejo, and a member of our Party’s Central Committee Presidium, Valentin Campa, have been in jail for more than 10 years now. Their “crime” was leadership of the 1958 and 1959, railway strikes. The list of political prisoners includes Central Committee Presidium members Ramon Danzos Palomino and Gerardo Unzueta, Central Committee member Fernando G. Cortes, six executive members of the Young’ Communist League, the chairman, general secretary and many executive -members of .the Natioal Democratic Student Association, and prominent personalities in the cultural field—Manuel Marcue Pardinas, Editor-in-Chief of Politico,, Eli de Gortari, the well-known Marxist philosopher, the journalist Victor Rico Galan, the writer Jose Revueltas, and more than 100 leaders, and activists of the student, workers’ and peasant movements and university lecturers.

The campaign to release all political detainees, and manifestations -of solidarity with Mexican democrats, is part of the world struggle .against imperialism and reaction.