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p Dear Comrades,

p . -

p We are happy to extend to you the wannest fraternal greetings from the Party of Liberation and Socialism (Morocco) and voice our sincere satisfaction at being in Moscow, the beautiful capital of the world’s first socialist state, among our brothers in doctrine, in struggle and in hopes from all five continents.

p It gives us pleasure to express to the Soviet delegation, to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union our admiration and deepest appreciation of the persistent eiforts they have undertaken to convene this highly important meeting of Communists, of the excellent organisation, of the warm hospitality and the attention with which they surround us.

p We also thank all the fraternal Parties which have taken part in preparing this forum and above all the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party which, as we know very well, has played an important part.

p The delegation of the Party of Liberation and Socialism arrived at this Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties with an awareness of being a participant in a momentous event in the history of the working people, with the conviction that our joint actions and our work will give a fresh impetus to the struggle of the peoples for national liberation, for progress, socialism and peace.

p At numerous meetings of leading bodies, our Party has analysed the present world situation and first and foremost the problems of consolidation of the socialist co.untries and the development of the anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist movement. One of the principal conclusions reached by us is that the present balance of world forces, which has long been in our favour, can be further tipped in favour of the struggle for the interests of the peoples. We are convinced that unity and co-operation of the revolutionary forces should be a motive force of this change.

p That is why our Party is taking part in this Meeting with a deep understanding of its responsibility. The attention of our Party and our people, just as that of all the workers’ and progressive parties of the world, is riveted on us; they are awaiting much from our deliberations.

p We have tried to do our utmost, on the national scale, for the preparation of 530 this Meeting, having taken part, to the best of our abilities, in international preparatory conferences, for we do not separate the global tasks of this Meeting from the practical tasks we are carrying out in our domestic and foreign policy.

p Internationally, we stand for the rallying of the socialist countries, contribute to raising the level of the anti-imperialist struggle, support the struggle of the Workers’ Parties in the capitalist countries, and strive to promote the cooperation and solidarity of all the revolutionary forces of the world. On the national plane, we are endeavouring to impart fresh strength and energy to our actions, fully in keeping with the Marxist-Leninist teaching. We take pride in the fact that after twenty-five years of clandestinity, after successive periods of illegal and semi-legal existence, we have finally secured recognition of our legal existence. We are taking better account of the concrete conditions of our country, development of the anti-imperialist and democratic struggle, to enhance our influence and consolidate our ranks.

p Our experience tells us that these sittings are, in a way, a continuation on a higher and broader plane of our workaday activities. And so we have come here to enrich ourselves through familiarisation with the experience of the fraternal Parties and also to submit to you our own conclusions which are the product of our practical political activity and not of academic discussions.

p Moreover, we feel sure that the work we are launching will conform with the aspirations of the entire suffering and fighting mankind which believes in the socialist ideals that unite us and which hopes, with full reason, that our debates will be crowned with historic resolutions and decisions.

p May I assure you, dear comrades, that the delegation of the Party of Liberation and Socialism will spare no effort in this direction and that it is resolved to make its maximum contribution to the success of this Meeting, as, it was instructed by the National Committee at its May 18 session.

p True, our Meeting is not attended by representatives of the entire world revolutionary movement. Some fraternal Parties have not found it necessary or possible to take part in it. Some national liberation organisations do not have firm links with our movement yet. Fairly big contingents of the international proletariat are affiliated with parties of a reformist or Leftist colouration and therefore keep aloof from effective struggle. But even those who are absent here are interested in our work and watch what we are doing.

p Nevertheless, even in its present, incomplete composition our Meeting presents a broad, powerful and inspiring forum.

p The issue is one of achieving co-ordination of all our revolutionary actions, thwarting the global strategy of imperialism, and defeating it,

p This co-ordination should not boil down to a simplification of problems, which would merely create a seeming unanimity of views. It should be real unity, in all its diversity, of not only the Parties present here but also the Parties which have not replied to our invitation and the Parties which will join our movement tomorrow, for the downfall of imperialism, of capitalism and the advent of socialism are inevitable.

p Considering the complete freedom of expression, the atmosphere of accord, understanding and fraternity which prevailed during our preparatory work 531 and prevails now, it can be confidently said that never before have we witnessed such serious and painstaking preparation for a meeting of representatives of the world communist and workjng-class movement, This is proof of definite headway, but it also promises new achievements, new prospects, on the condition that we continue along this road, relying on the results already scored,

p Dear comrades, the National Committee of our Party carefully scrutinised the draft Document which is the result of a preliminary exchange of opinions and which we regard as a solid basis for fruitful discussion. Having Studied it, we have considerations to offer to your fraternal attention.

p Most of all, our attentipn was attracted by the analysis of the international situation.

p Imperialism as a system has not ceased to exist and, consequently, remains a menace to all mankind, aspiring for world supremacy under the leadership of US imperialism.

p Imperialism has every reason to regard the, socialist system as the main force that opposes and restricts its influence. Therefore it constantly nurtures the hope to destroy socialism militarily and carries on a frantic arms drive. It is vainly trying to frustrate socialist construction with the help of local wars, as in Korea and Vietnam, resorting to subversion, as in Cuba, and organising one provocation after another. It uses every opportunity to engineer a split among countries of the socialist system, speculating on certain difficulties or contradictions, and is doing everything to prevent other countries from becoming socialist or embarking on the socialist road.

p On the other hand, imperialism regards states of the Third World as its domain. It stubbornly defends its privileges, there, suppresses the movement for liberation and stops at no crime to retain nee-colonialism established by it. It is trying to win new positions and consolidate/existing ones,

p Finally, US imperialism continues, the economic conquest of other capitalist countries, pursuing a policy initiated by the notorious "Marshal plan", Federal Germany, into which it has invested 25,OQQ million marks, and Japan are cornerstones of its system. Great Britain and Switzerland are used as capital investment spheres, while the economy of France, Italy, Spain and other countries is becoming ever more closely tied to its monopolies. All this creates a complex and dense network fastened by the NATO and SEATO military pacts.

p Thus, we see that US imperialism remains true to itself, displaying constancy in its claims. It has merely changed methods conformably with the changes in the workk reviving Japan and Federal Germany, the losers in the Second World War, and implanting nee-colonialism in order to supersede its allies in their colonies.

p But we also note that despite its aggressiveness imperialism does not dare to unleash a third world war so as to establish its world domination. The reasons for this indecision are the military and economic might of the socialist countries, above all the Soviet Union, the political correlation of forces that favours socialism, and the will of the peoples for peace, which will not hesitate to come out jointly against US imperialism and will destroy the edifice of world capitalism.

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p However, although it seems unbelievable that US imperialism may resort to war, this supposition gives us no right to declare that there will be no war. We are faced with an irrefutable fact: the United States is preparing a war. _ We want to safeguard mankind from the untold devastation and losses that a third world war would bring, and for this we should uphold the cause of world peace without intimidating the peoples, for that would be playing into the imperialists’ hands, but by turning the struggle for peace into a slogan,of struggle against imperialism.

p On the, other hand, US imperialism is unleashing local wars which can certainly trigger off a world war. But that is not inevitable. This is evidenced by the war in Vietnam, despite the participation in it of considerable armed forces and some allies of the United States, and despite the Americans’ attempts to extend this conflict to other Asian countries.

p The danger of a local war turning into a world war should not, therefore, be regarded as a sufficient reason for refusing to wage a national liberation war when the conditions demand this, still less so for denying solidarity and material and political assistance to a national liberation war, for, as a matter of fact, it is the imperialist forces and not a local war that can cause the outbreak of a world war. Everything that weakens imperialism is in the interest of peace.

p Secondly, our considerations concern the national liberation movement.

p We noted already, at the Preparatory Committee’s session in March, that the order of enumeration of the revolutionary forces adopted at our 1960 meeting had been changed.

p May we say at once that it is not a question of national or continental pride or of any prejudice with regard to the working-class movement in the European capitalist countries. And it is not our objective to cling at any cost to a schematic formulation or a definite dogmatic order.

p Being as we are Marxists-Leninists, we recognise the historical role of the working class of the capitalist countries. We highly appreciate its struggle, and we are convinced that its successes will positively influence our entire movement. We wholly subscribe to the tested principles of our doctrine, which assigns to the working class the fundamental task of destroying capitalism, that base of imperialism against which we are all waging a struggle.

p However, the reasons for changing the order adopted in 1960 are not clear to us. Only a critical analysis of the role of the national liberation movement which would give cause for speaking about its weakening or about the existence of definitive victories of the West European working class—only such an analysis could justify this change. The absence of any scientific assessment of this kind makes us apprehensive lest the role of the national liberation movement should be somehow underrated, with regard both to that part of it which is fighting against the direct yoke of colonialism and that which has already done away with political colonial rule and is fighting for economic independence and progress. After the Second World War the national liberation movement has been on a constant rise, which is one of the essential causes of the crisis and weakening of imperialism, and as such roused admiration all over the world.

p True, imperialism has managed to rally and undertake a series of successful counter-attacks; the liberation movement has sustained a number 533 of defeats and in some cases has had to retreat. This has happened, for instance, in some countries of our African continent, specifically in Ghana.

p We see the root cause of this defeat in the absence of an advanced organised revolutionary party capable of leading the working class, the peasantry and the intelligentsia in their struggle, of arming them politically and ideologically in order to establish genuine and profound democracy as the sole reliable safeguard of national anti-imperialist sovereignty.

p But these local defeats could not affect the general line of development of the national liberation movement, which remains on the whole ascendant. The national liberation movement has held out, it has continued and extended its struggle. Suffice it to recall the strenuous valiant struggle of the Vietnamese people, both in the South and the North of the country; the courageous armed struggle being waged by the peoples of the Portuguese colonies; the refusal of the Arab peoples to regard themselves as vanquished, despite the military defeat in 1967, and their switchover to the offensive phase of their struggle.

p That is why, proceeding from an analysis of the principal contradictions between the Third World and imperialism, and noting the peoples’ will for progress and their fighting spirit, one has full reason to foretell that the national liberation movement will steadily develop .

p This struggle is not only seriously shaking imperialism, it has indisputable revolutionary merits, for economic and political liberation brings with it social emancipation and thereby opens up socialist perspectives.

p However, we should not forget this principle of Marxism-Leninism: the inevitable should not be accepted as something automatic, entitling one to a wait-and-see attitude; it is necessary to stimulate developments and correctly direct them. In a word, it is necessary to guide history.

p That is why we understand our confidence in the socialist future of the Third World countries as a stimulant of our fighting ability, as vigilance towards the bourgeois strata, which, as Lenin noted, while supporting the national movements, come to terms with the imperialist bourgeoisie and join in its fight against the revolutionary movements and revolutionary classes. Such are the main internal obstacles to the rapid development of the national liberation movement and the establishment of socialism. It is the historical task of the Communists of the Third World countries to remove these obstacles.

p Just as was the case with our predecessors in the socialist and developed capitalist countries, we must, despite our numerical weakness, organise and guide the masses, direct the struggle of the workers, peasants and intellectuals, deepen its revolutionary political content in order to lead the peoples to complete liberation and to socialism.

p Our teaching enables us to make a precise assessment of the role of the local bourgeoisie without overestimating or underestimating it, and in doing so never to lose sight of the principal, top-priority objective—struggle against imperialism.

p There arises, in direct connection with the problems of the national liberation movement, the question of neo-colonialism, which we cannot afford to overlook but, on the contrary, should deeply study. It is necessary to know what neocolonialism is, to see all its evils, to study its methods, reveal its aims and indicate 534 the means of combating it, It is perfectly obvious that this question is of global significance.

p It is necessary to prevent the spread of the idea that the destruction of the colonial yoke puts an end to imperialist domination, that the principal contradiction in the development of the underdeveloped countries is no longer the contradiction of their relations with imperialism but stems from their more or less archaic social structures, and that the problems confronting the industrially advanced countries are no longer connected with the problems of the underdeveloped countries.

p It will also be recalled thatneo-eolonialism is bent on perpetuating the colonial empire of the past. It has become its direct successor; its rule spreads over approximately the same zone that was ruled by old colonialism, it utilises the surviving colonial structures, preserving those of them which can be preserved: military pacts, currency zones, domination in the cultural sphere, traditions in foreign trade, etc.

p In this way nee-colonialism hopes to go on disposing of the resources of the former colonies: first and foremost minerals but also agricultural and water resources, fishing, manpower, etc,

p By way of illustration, here are data for 1962 about the share of the Third World in the import of some raw materials by developed capitalist countries:

p lead
42.7 per cent
bauxites
86.8 per cent  

p zinc
45.9 per cent
oil
92.7 per cent  

p iron ore
49.1 per cent
timber
49.3 per cent  

p copper
57.8 per cent
cotton
61.1 per cent  

p phosphates
64.5 per cent
rubber
75.5 per cent  

p manganese
74.1 per cent
jute
97.5 per cent  

p tin
85.5 per cent  

p These data were taken by us from the UNO world economy survey.

p On the other hand, neo-colonialism is doggedly hanging on to the markets which these countries present for large amounts of Western goods delivered even to the remotest villages.

p These manoeuvres impede the consolidation of the sovereignty and independence of the underdeveloped countries, which, as is known, continue to export raw materials and to import manufactured goods. In this connection mention should be made of pseudo-industrialisation expressed in the construction of bottling and packaging enterprises or, at best, the erection of assembly lines for imported parts (for instance, car assembly lines). These enterprises are, in fact, elements of an extensive system created by omnipresent monopolies.

p Finally, neo-colonialism employs all means to influence the policy of the governments, to set them against the progressive forces and use the positions thus acquired in its struggle against the national liberation movements in neighbouring countries. Witness the example of Angola and Mozambique.

p In the context of purely capitalist relationships, neo-colonialism reflects a tendency to expand export of capital. Let us note, in parentheses, that precisely this underlies the imperialists’ sham philanthropy which they call “aid” to underdeveloped countries. In this respect neo-colonialism is an 535 improvement on imperialism: the possibilities for the import of capital from developed countries are shrinking, as is evidenced by the international currency crisis. The collapse of the old system of colonial rule was utilised by imperialism as a good opportunity for the exportation of its capital. As we have seen, this capital has been becoming less and less productive owing to its monstrous squandering for unproductive purposes. To be sure, the imperialists would not have provided capital had it been put to rational use. But at the same time it is expected to ensure maximum profit. Let us cite but one example. In 1964 the stream of capital flowing out of the Third World countries in dividends to the capitalist investor countries reached $ 4,900 million. In the same year, private direct investments, and those in stocks and shares, from capitalist countries in the Third World states amounted to $ 1,575 million in foreign currency. Thus, the ratio is three to one.

p Also in 1964, US private investments (including re-invested profits) ill the Third World grew by 8900 million, while repatriated profits reached $2,363 million, exceeding the former figure by 160 per cent.

p Mention should also be made of the process of international monopoly concentration, which is not limited to colonial possessions dependent oil any one imperialist power, but leads to the internationalisation of monopoly activity which gives the monopolies a free hand in exploiting the working people of the Third World. The operations of the European Common Market, which has drawn a considerable part of Africa into its orbit is an illustration of these neocolonialist intrigues.

p Confronted with the world revolutionary movement and in particular the socialist countries, nee-colonialism is seeking to check the development of the countries that have fallen under its control and to bar their road to socialism. Hence its vociferation about the spectre of communism and systematic support of the local reactionary authorities whom it incites against progressive and popular movements—a dirty business in which the CIA and its branches specialise.

p Imperialism uses neo-colonialism as an instrument in perpetuating the status quo in its shrunken capitalist domain. But the real distinction between the oppressed countries and the capitalist oppressor states remains in this world, and therefore the need is greater than ever for an alliance of the peoples of the oppressed countries with the proletariat of the exploiter states, for they have a common enemy and common interests.

p Lastly, neo-colonialism still cherishes the hope to regain lost ground and get even with socialism. This thesis is openly advanced by the FRG with regard to the German Democratic Republic. The aggression against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the sallies against socialist Cuba are indicative of the same aims. But they are reaching for more than they can grasp. The German Democratic Republic, which is indissolubly linked with the Soviet Union and other fraternal socialist countries of Europe, is becoming an invincible state enjoying growing prestige This is testified to by the diplomatic recognition extended to it by Cambodia and such Arab countries as Iraq, Syria and Sudan. The gallant Vietnamese people are winning a historic victory over the principal imperialist country of the world. As’far as Cuba is concerned, it boldly and not 536 unsuccessfully continues to build, socialism, despite all difficulties, impediments and provocations, and serves as an inspiring example to the peoples of the Third World.

p We come to the conclusion that the battle against neo-colonialism should be waged with redoubled energy, that there is need for solidarity based on the principles of proletarian internationalism and for joint efforts of the exploited peoples, the proletariat in the exploiter countries, and the socialist world system.

p Considering the global importance of the struggle of the Third World peoples against imperialism, the direct and indirect international implications of this struggle, the military, political and economic obstacles with which it is confronted, and the shortcomings in the organisation of its revolutionary forces, we hold that international solidarity with this struggle should be particularly active and vigorous.

p The chief role in extending this solidarity is played by the socialist countries, which shoulder the burden of international responsibility and which, we are positive, will go on fulfilling their mission with honour. This solidarity is also extended by other contingents of the working-class movement both in the capitalist and the Third World countries, regardless of whether they are directly or only indirectly affected by the battle.

p This solidarity rests on the proletarian principles reflecting correctly understood supreme interests of the revolutionary movement. Communists have no doubts on this score. But as far as non-Communists in the socialist, capitalist or developing countries are concerned, their solidarity should be backed up with political and ideological explanatory work indispensable for refuting the petty-bourgeois argumentation and the appeals for magnanimity and even pity, which can only disunite the peoples and give rise to feelings of distrust and even paternalism.

p Solidarity as it has been manifested within our international communist and working-class movement is a concrete positive revolutionary cause which will ultimately do a good service to all peoples, including the people which is rendering assistance and thereby displaying a high degree of political consciousness.

p The discharge of principal duties dictated by solidarity is needed by the colonially oppressed peoples for their complete liberation from direct colonial rule.

p On the African continent, still greater assistance should be given to the peoples of the Portuguese colonies, who are waging a stubborn struggle against a mammoth coalition composed of Portugal, the United States, the NATO countries and the Republic of South Africa. Assistance should also be given to Morocco, whose territories Sakyet el Hamra, and Rio de Oro and the towns of Ceuta and Melilla are still under Franco’s heel. Constant assistance is needed by the peoples of Namibia, Rhodesia, Zimbabwe and Southern Africa who are the victims of the most monstrous racism.

p These embattled peoples, whose worthiest representatives assembled at Khartoum last January, expressed their profound gratitude to the international workers’ movement and the socialist countries headed by the Soviet Union, should continue to receive assistance in most diverse forms, but first must 537 come, in keeping with their wishes, gratuitous arms deliveries with no strings attached.

p As regards the underdeveloped countries, aid to them should be aimed at securing victory in the struggle against neo-colonialism.

p Solidarity should be displayed on the moral and political plane in order to frustrate the imperialist intrigues and specifically the reactionary and antipopular conspiracies of the type we witnessed in Ghana and such which are being prepared against Guinea.

p It should be manifested in the economic sphere, where it is needed to cast off neo-colonialist patronage and overcome backwardness with the help of the above-mentioned financial and technical means; solidarity should compel the omnipotent foreign capital to retreat, inflict a defeat on the trade monopolies and help the underdeveloped countries to break the shackles of world prices dictated by imperialism.

p A tremendous contribution to the achievement of these aims is being made by the socialist countries headed by.the Soviet Union, which affirm a new style of international relations differing from those which the developed capitalist states establish with underdeveloped countries. This new style should be deepened, perfected and generalised.

p It is also necessary to expose everything that is being done in the guise of “aid” by the Western leaders, who emasculate it by entrusting banks with the elimination of differences in the development levels and continuing, under the cover of this alibi, the realisation of their neo-colonialist designs.

p It is generally known that aid by the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development and its branches boils down to the export and investment of bank capital, US capital in the first place.

p It is also known that the decisions of the UN conferences in Geneva and Delhi are in danger of remaining on paper. The strength and economic superiority of the Western monopolies are an obstacle to the realisation of the principal demands advanced by representatives of the Third World.

p The rostrums of such conferences can be useful from the viewpoint of propaganda and analysis of problems, but it should be borne in mind that world contradictions are misinterpreted at them. Exclusive reliance on these conferences can lead to inactivity, and in this instance it is quite appropriate to point to the danger of "parliamentary cretinism”.

p In so far as we reject the vague and deluding concept of formal equality, which says nothing about the real political and economic domination, and in so far as we speak about our problems in a language of class struggle, we consider that the underdeveloped countries should:

p 1) rely primarily on themselves. This means that they should nationalise their principal national wealth, above all coal and oil;

p 2) work out and implement serious plans, i. e., those which are at once revolutionary and realistic, in order to secure the liberation and independent development of their economies and elimination of social structures that hamper progress;

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p 3) waste no time in training national personnel to end dependence on specialists from the capitalist countries, who often act, willingly or otherwise, as agents qf neo-colonialism and give preference to their economic and national interests before the interests of the “aided” countries.

p In view of this, co-operation with the socialist countries on the basis of international solidarity is vital and indispensable.

p Precisely this spirit pervades our Parry’s programme for the coming years, which is aimed at completing the national democratic revolution, achieving, as quickly as possible, the economic independence of the country, and accelerating ’the development of its productive forces. We implement this programme in everyday struggle. At the same time we contribute to the consolidation of Morocco’s contacts with the socialist countries not only along commercial and cultural lines, but also in the field of economic co-operation. We note with gratification the successes attained in recent years and the new prospects now being opened up by the encouraging results of the f ecent official visit of Cornfade Podgorny.

p These new possibilities are presenting themselves in connection with the existence of the socialist world system. Failing to Utilise them means impeding progress.

p Kof can one overestimate such a highly positive factor as financial assistance extended without any pre-conditions and at a very low rate of interest. This assistance epitomises the relations ’prevailing in the anti-imperialist community and is devoid of any paternalism. It differs fundamentally from commercial relations founded on narrow gain-seeking interests.

p It should also be kept in mind that the national liberation movement in the Third World is dealing fairly telling blows at imperialism, that the victories achieved by it benefit all peoples. In this connection one should always remember what Lenin said at the 2nd Congress of Communist Organisations of the East on November 22, 1919: "Hence, the socialist revolution will not be solely, of chiefly, a struggle of the revolutionary proletarians in each country against their bourgeoisie—no, it will be a struggle of all the imperialist-oppressed colonies and countries, of all dependent countries, against international imperialism.... It is self-evident that final victory can be won only by the proletariat of all the advanced countries of the world, and we, the Russians, are beginning the work which the British, French or German proletariat will consolidate. But we see that they will not be victorious without the aid of the working people of all the oppressed colonial nations, first and foremost, of Eastern nations" (Collected Works, Vol. 30, pp. 159, 161-162). .

p In Connection with the exceedingly important question of the national liberation movement we would like to touch upon some aspects of the political situation in the Middle East, characterised by an irreconcilable contradiction between the Arab liberation movement and imperialism, an ally of Zionism.

p A deeper look into the matter reveals that the main prob lem stems from the main contradiction—that between the striving of imperialism to keep its hold on the oil of the region, retain its strategic positions spearheaded against the socialist countries with the Soviet Union at the head, and check if not destfov 539 the Arab progressive and revolutionary movement, on the one hand, and break the adamant will of the Arab peoples for complete liberation and socialism, on the other.

p The creation, at the height of the cold war 21 years ago, of the State of Israel was in conformity with this strategic line of imperialism and also With the requirements of Zionism.

p Let us see, first, what role is played by oil, this black gold as it is often called, which is an irreplaceable raw material for the petrochemical industry with all its technical possibilities not yet revealed by science.

p In 1968 the stocks of oil In the Middle East were assessed at 34,000 million metric tons out of the world total of 55,000 million tons.

p To the Arab nations, this oil is a wealth which could constitute the basis for extensive industrialisation and ensure their rapid and independent development and a definite level of prosperity. Utilising oil in the interests of these nations is indispensable for the transition from the backward, almost feudal society to the rank of developed countries.

p At the present stage, the demand to return the oil to the peoples is intertwined with the fight for complete political and economic emancipation. This demand is being implemented at a snail’s pace, through bargaining on the size of payments for the exploitation of oil deposits, and these deals, passing from one stage to another, do not transcend the imperialist bounds on the way from colonialism to neo-colonialism. In contrast to the interests of the imperialist tycoons, the genuine interests of the peoples demand complete return of Arab oil, which should not be an object of plunder.

p Imperialism, naturally, resists this demand, resorting to powerful economic levers. The international cartel of eight world’s biggest oil monopolies determines world prices and controls the tanker fleet. In 1962 control over Middle Eastern oil was distributed as follows: the United States 57 per cent, Great Britain 35 and France 5 per cent.

p The oil industry occupies a leading place among US capital investments abroad. The income from these investments grew from $94 million in 1940 to $1,040 million in 1955, and in 1956-59 it totalled more than $10,000 million. According to the UN Economic Commission’s report, the profits obtained by the oil companies in the Middle East equal, on the average, 80 per cent of the selling price and sometimes reach 200 to 500 per cent of invested capital, aS in the case of Kuwait Oil. Let us point out, by way of comparison, that whereas the profits obtained by the oil companies in the Middle East still in the extraction stage range between 61 and 114 per cent, in Venezuela they do not exceed 20 per cent and in Western Europe, 7.2 per cent.

p Thus, the importance of the Middle East is tremendous, and imperialism’s defeat in that region would be irreparable for it. That is why all conflicts, all actions there smack of oil.

p What the imperialists fear most of all is nationalisation of Arab oil. They shudder at the very idea of alliance between the popular forces and the national bourgeoisie in the name of economic independence. Hence their constant uneasiness and striving to have a network of paid agents, hence the policy of preventive measures against democracy which the imperialists pursue in the 540 Middle East more actively than anywhere else, and hence their alliance with Zionism and the use of Israel as a Trojan horse.

p Israel is closely linked with the United States economically and militarily. According to Revolution Africaine (Algeria, April 1967), "initially the US share in the private capitalist sector constituted 32 per cent of foreign investments. Towards 1956 it had grown to 56 per cent and in 1957 reacted 73 per cent. Total US aid provided in 1956 was estimated at $4,000 million".

p These financial means are all the weightier in view of the fact that Israel is a small country with a poorly developed industry. The munitions industry, working for both domestic and external markets, is the only large branch there. The bulk of the financial means received by Israel goes into the military budget. Small wonder, since even former US Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, general chairman of United Jewish Appeal, whose express purpose is to collect Zionist funds, "made ft an official policy that every dollar donated to Israel should serve the erecting of a bastion against communism" (France, Economie et politique, July 1967).

p It is known also by what stratagems the World Zionist Organisation misappropriated the tremendous sum of $1,875 million which the FRG paid to Israel in compensation for the war damage. It was an illegal act, for Israel was not in existence at the time when the Hitlerites committed their crimes, and the compensation should have been by rights paid to the victims or at least to their direct heirs, most of whom live in Europe.

p Actually, this ruse enabled the Bonn republic to provide, on US instructions, the means needed by Israel for its development and also for tightening the bonds linking the Zionist state with the imperialist machine.

p Israel’s military association with the United States is very close.

p In the first place, there is the agreement of July 23, 1952, under which Israel accepted those clauses of the US law of 1949 which concern military deliveries, armed intervention and the use of foreign territory. The agreement found practical application during the US aggression against Lebanon and Jordan in 1958, when Israel served as a transshipment point between NATO bases and the theatre of operations.

p For all intents and purposes, Israel can be regarded as an unofficial member of NATO. The United States prefers military alliances of a bloc type to bilateral agreements—on the condition, of course, of its hegemony in these aggressive pacts. Israel is known to have received from the United States Sherman and Patton tanks, Dakota transport planes, Sikorski helicopters and is expecting Phantoms. From Britain it received Centurion tanks, Meteor fighters, radar installations and submarines. France provided it with Mirage and Super- Mystere fighters, Vautour light bombers, guided anti-tank missiles and recoilless guns. All these weapons are standard NATO equipment.

p There is nothing surprising, therefore, about Israel’s aggressiveness which led to the bloody events of 1948, the brazen attack of 1956 supported by Great Britain and France, and the foul aggression in June 1967.

p More, the Israeli generals are making brutal repression and military provocations a component of their everyday policy.

p The air commando attack on the Beirut airport at the beginning of this year 541 (we leave aside the earlier period) was approved by Knesset by 70 votes to one, that of Comrade Vilner who is present here, and whom we warmly and fraternally salute. "The right of pursuit" proclaimed by the colonialists is constantly used against Jordan. Shelling and napalm bombing are conducted along all borders. Es Salt, Nag Hammadi, El Hammeh, Messalun, Beisan, Aqaba, Ismailia, Suez, and El Qantara are scenes of the Zionist aggressors’ atrocities. In the case of Jordan alone Israel violated the ceasefire agreement 73 times in two months.

p All this shows that, contrary to the assurance of its lying propaganda, Israel does not want peace. That is explained by the militarist nature of this state, whose raison d’etre is annexation and expansion in accordance with a plan flung in the world’s face back in 1948—the plan for "Great Israel", extending from the Nile, to the Euphrates. Already at that time Ben Gurion wanted to seize the Jordan’s western bank but could not put through his plan because of the the situation that prevailed in the world.

p In twenty-one years, aggression has helped Israel to treble its territory at the expense of the Arab peoples. It persists in its policy of settling territories from which the, native population is evicted and where settlements are being set up of people who have never lived in the region.

p In July 1967, right after the seizure of new territories, Eshkol addressed the congress of the US Zionist organisation with the invitation to come and settle in Israel. "Emigration is the principal condition for turning the military and political victory into solid reality," he declared (Le Monde, July 22, 1967). In September of the same year General Rabin said: "The chief aim of the modern Zionist movement should be a search for new ways of intensifying emigration to Israel." Following these appeals, 14,000 immigrants arrived in Israel in the first half of 1968, and their total number for that year reached 30,000, double the 1967 figure.

p But that is still a long way from the fulfilment of the Zionist aspirations, which envisage the recruitment of at least two million emigrants. These are needed to contain the 2.5 million expatriated Palestinians and to evict another million Arabs living on occupied territory.

p The Zionists are guided in their actions by the following instructions formulated by Ben Gurion in 1948: "Turning Israel into a real nation calls for increasing its population, within the shortest possible period of time, to four million." This aim has not been attained yet, despite Ben Gurion’s commandment that "it is sinful for a Jew not to live in Israel".

p However, Zionism carries on colonisation even with the present numerical strength of the population, which it considers insufficient. Seizing hew lands and towns, Israel entrenches itself on occupied territory. Jerusalem’s Arab quarter has been vacated. Under the colonialist settlement plan, 200 Jewish families will be settling there monthly from September 1969 till May 1970. Three thousand Jewish families have already filed their applications. Dozens of kibbutzim have sprung up on the Syrian Golan plateau, in the Gaza strip and on the western bank of the Jordan.

p Dayan was unequivocal in giving this political substantiation of the colonisation: "We should create a fait accompli situation on occupied territories" (Le Monde, March 7,1969). Eban declared, for his part: "There can be no 542 negotiation on the fate of united Jerusalem. As regards the Golan Heights, a return to the status quo ante is absolutely ruled out. Israeli presence in Sharn al Sheikh is an immutable fact" (Le Monde, February 6,1969). And Eshkol affirmed shortly before his death: "We will never return either Jerusalem or the Golan Heights" (Le Monde, February 11, 1969).

p Such is the language of Israeli statesmen and ministers. Reminiscent of Hitler’s harangues, it mirrors the conquerors’ aspirations, which are followed up with deeds: colonisation through seizure and annexation without any compensation.

p Israel’s whole policy is subordinated to an inner logic stemming from its economic and financial structure, its characteristic mode of production, militarisation of civilians, ideological indoctrination of the youth, and denial of the right to existence and other inalienable national rights of the Palestine people. The Middle East crisis cannot be resolved without regard to this all-important circumstance.

p Palestine has been Arab throughout the ages. It has remained Arab, despite two centuries of European Crusaders* and four centuries of Turkish occupation. After the break-up of the Ottoman empire it became a British trust territory and now it is under the Zionist heel. But all the trials notwithstanding, its people have not lost their national identity They waged armed struggle against British occupation, and for several years now they have been fighting Zionist terror.

p Today the resistance movement of the Palestine people has assumed open forms and gained in scope. Every day brings news about bold military operations against the invaders and mass actions in which tens of thousands of Palestinians take part. We see women and children rebuffing the Zionist soldiery, and this, as is always the case with a popular resistance movement, testifies to a considerable qualitative level of its fighting capacity, enthusiasm and mobilisation. The Palestine resistance movement has progressed not only quantitatively but also in respect to its structure and degree of unity. Proceeding from the experience of other resistance movements, specifically in our country, and considering the exceedingly difficult conditions existing in Palestine, we can draw the conclusion that the Palestine resistance movement has entered a decisive period of its history and that it is of vast importance for the future of Palestine and of the entire region.

p Of course, the Palestine resistance movement is not free from weaknesses and from the influence of harmful trends of opportunist as well as Leftist, adventurist varieties. No resistance or liberation movement has ever been able to avoid such phenomena. But the main thing is that the advanced forces stand firm and carry out their mission in the movement and do not act like onlookers lecturing from the sidelines. In these circumstances the Arab Communists, who should be and are a component of the Arab liberation movement, must combat any tendency to bow to the enemy or make a compromise, cut short any extremist deviation and prevent any adventurist act which can only play into the Zionists’ and imperialists’ hands. An advantage which our scientific world outlook gives us is that it teaches us to take into account all aspects of the matter, to undertake this or that step with an eye to the actual correlation of forces, to employ both direct armed action arid political arid diplomatic moves.

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p It would be a fatal mistake for us Arab Communists, a mistake we will never commit, to keep aside from the resistance movement of the Palestine and other Arab peoples on the plea that it is tinged with Leftist trends. Being absolutely confident that the struggle of the Palestine people is a struggle for national liberation, an anti-imperialist and sacred revolutionary struggle which is certain to be crowned with victory, we support it in every way and, like the other Arab progressive forces, strive for still greater mobilisation of our people in their actions of solidarity with the Palestine people fighting for their legitimate rights, for their freedom, for their homeland and their dignity.

p Concluding this exposition, which we found it our internationalist duty to make, we want to express, from this rostrum, our most sincere and profound gratitude to the communist and working-class movement, to the socialist countries for their support, past and present, of the Arab peoples in their struggle against aggression, for the right to a free life. We express particularly warm thanks to the Soviet Union, which has always been at our side and not for a moment stopped rendering us military and economic as well as diplomatic assistance.

p Dear comrades, the question of unity of the international communist and working-class movement and of all the revolutionary forces of the world has been a question of principle since the very inception of our movement We have been confronted with numerous problems, there have been divergences* but the opportunist or adventurist factions have been invariably rebuffed and their place has been taken by healthy, truly revolutionary forces. Throughout its history the communist movement has been posing and solving the problem of unity in conjunction with its concrete political activity. In recent years grave blows have been inflicted on our unity and the present state of things seriously disquiets us, because it prejudices the development of our revolutionary movement.

p We fully realise that we are a component of the international workers’ movement, with all ensuing rights and duties. We have suffered morally from the split and experienced its consequences. This, however, has not hampered our development, but difficulties still exist, we encounter them everywhere, particularly in the Third World, where they prevent internal unity and alliance with the international communist and working-class movement.

p We are all fighting for unity, we are interested in it and we advocate it. This obliges us to approach this problem objectively, to exert the necessary efforts, to make sacrifices dictated by our ideals, our doctrine, our responsibility to the peoples and mankind.

p As we see it, unity is needed for three basic reasons:

p 1. The Marxist teaching has been further elaborated and deepened by Lenin in the course of revolutionary practice. Lenin struck a devastating blow at all kinds of liquidationist, Leftist, opportunist, Trotskyist, anarchist and nationalistic trends which tried to distort Marx’s teaching. Today we are equipped with a sharpened theory which is being constantly enriched and which provides answers to questions that arise before us.

p 2. Socialism has won. It has achieved practical successes in all spheres, that of international relations included, and scored political successes in the eyes of 544 the peoples. These remarkable achievements are concrete proof of the correctness of the theory and practice of socialism.

p 3. Imperialism has its mainstay in the United States of America, which brazenly declares its striving to crush socialism, resorts to arms and subversion against it, and organises most repugnant crimes against the peoples and especially against Communists in all parts of the world. Besides, it is bent on engineering a split, and the present absence of unity benefits it and harms the socialist countries, the oppressed nations and the international proletariat.

p Thus, the arguments in favour of our unity are serious and allow no delay.

p First and foremost, we must be on guard against remaining disunited and putting up with the absence of unity, and against the hardening and deepening of the split. And this is bound to happen and gravely injure our cause if we limit ourselves to putting on record the absence of unity, reconcile ourselves with the discomfiture of previous actions or rest content with the status quo.

p Without doubt, only our joint actions can restore and strengthen unity.

p We hold that our Parties should undertake efforts to conduct a patient search and analysis and elucidate the real causes of the divergences in understanding the uneven development of the socialist countries and Communist Parties, development which takes place in different economic and cultural conditions.

p We must resolutely abide by the principle of comradely discussions and talks in order to remove the existing frictions and definitely give up mutual recriminations, not allowing ourselves to succumb to changes of mood and feelings of false pride.

p As our Main Document points out, we should strive to ensure observance and consolidation of democratic principles in relations between fraternal Parties, which are responsible to the working class and people of their countries and which should not be subjected to interference in their affairs. There should be genuine equality of Parties, regardless of their strength and conditions of struggle or the geographical position of the countries represented by them, which does not rule out differences in the degree of their responsibility.

p Our Parties should be fully aware of their responsibility internationally, which presupposes unqualified defence of both the proletariat as a whole and of the proletariat of each country and unconditional solidarity with the embattled peoples and all fighters against imperialism and reaction, for national emancipation, progress, democracy, socialism and peace. Solidarity should be extended even to those with whom there is no full agreement, and it should develop, so to say, naturally, without being asked for.

p Our unity can be affirmed and consolidated only on the basis of proletarian internationalism, which is one of the principal traits of every Communist and Workers’ Party. And internationalism can on no account co-exist with antiSovietism.

p Indeed, one cannot proclaim one’s service to socialism and at the same time wage a struggle against the country which has been the first to build it and which is the pivot of the socialist world system.

p One cannot declare that one fights imperialism, while aiming blows at those who are shaking its foundations \?ith their resolute actions.

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p One cannot claim one’s allegiance to the cause of international socialism and at the same time vilify the Party which accomplished the first proletarian revolution—the Great October Socialist Revolution.

p One cannot speak about one’s solidarity with the oppressed peoples and at the same time slander and try to weaken their most devoted friend and their most reliable and consistent ally.

p We, for our part, have been and will go on fighting against any anti-Sovietism, whatever its form and origin. And doing so we are convinced that we remain loyal to our principles and our traditions and serve the cause of the revolution.

p Proceeding from the same positions, our Party regards it as a matter of honour to strengthen international links with all the fraternal Parties without exception, with all the revolutionary forces, and discharge its international duties. It opposes any manifestations of chauvinism and condemns narrowminded nationalism, that should not be confused with the patriotism that inspires us and which is a source of our strength and pride.

p In addition to these internal means, we believe that the eiforts to help the revolutionary forces the world over and to eliminate distinctions in development levels where they are most pronounced, will also contribute to the solution of the problem of disagreements.

p Lastly, the anti-imperialist struggle, which should unite the fraternal Parties in a single battle, will deprive imperialism of the possibility to engage in its divisive work.

p In our view, certain efforts in the direction of mutual understanding and reconciliation have already been undertaken, and these should be accompanied by the consolidation of our fraternity through greater solidarity and joint struggle for the unity of our movement, an indispensable condition for final victory over the imperialist enemy.

p Dear comrades, we support the idea of holding bilateral, multilateral, regional and other meetings as is stated in our Main Document, to enable fraternal Parties to exchange opinions on the major problems of our epoch.

p It is self-evident that we will gain much if we make a deeper study of the various aspects of the national liberation movement, the problems of economic backwardness, and other problems confronting the Third World, such as the rapid growth of the population in our countries while it is slowing down in the industrially developed countries. It would be advisable to state our views on this problem on the political plane, for to this day every Party has its own opinion, and differences of opinion cause a great deal of misunderstanding, because the local or general criteria from which this or that Party proceeds are not known.

p The attitude towards religion, too, is one of those theoretical problems that require solution, give rise to great debates and lead to new conclusions. These problems have arisen out of the real situation existing in different countries and reflect a more correct approach to national peculiarities and at the same time abandonment of certain positions connected with a mechanistic interpretation of materialism. Until now, as is noted in our Document as well, interest has been shown primarily in Christianity and efpecially Catholicism. We should 546 not ignore other religions, at least such important ones from the viewpoint of their mfluerice as, for instance, the Moslem religion.

p Before concluding, I would like to say a few words about our Preparatory Committee’s proposal regarding the holding of an anti-imperialist congress. We fully support this proposal.

p Such a congress will give a powerful impetus to the anti-imperialist struggle. A hew field of activity will open before the Communist and Workers’ Parties; the national liberation movements will have the benefit of manifestations of broader and more powerful proletarian solidarity; the peoples will see more clearly that they are not alone, they will find their true brothers in struggle and this will inspire them to new victories.

p Sueh a congress, which will work out a common strategy of the world revolutionary forces and strengthen the alliance and co-operation of the working-class and trie-national liberation movements, will be an historical event of tremendous significance;

p It goes without saying that the holding of such a congress presupposes solution of a great deal of complex problems. This is not an easy task, but it is quite feasible. -

p We consider that the preparation of this congress should be collective in all its stages, that we should avoid any unilateral decisions, treat our partners as equals and keep in mind that what is involved here is not some momentary measures, for before us lies a long road along which we should march, shoulder to shoulder, towards our common aims: complete liberation and socialism.

p Our Party submits the following concrete proposals:

p 1. To appoint right now, before we depart, a group of several fraternal Parties and instruct them to establish contact with some of the anti-imperialist forces of the three continents.

p 2. This group and these forces could jointly address all the anti-imperialist forces with the proposal to organise a preliminary meeting to discuss the idea and the conditions for the convocation of the world anti-imperialist congress.

p 3. The preliminary meeting would issue an appeal to take part in the congress which will be open to all those wishing to attend, and appoint a preparatory committee.

p It is in our interest to make our maximum contribution to the work of this first congress of its kind so as to ensure its success.

p Dear comrades, next year we will celebrate the 100th birth anniversary of Lenin.

p History has never known such a man, who could tackle such stupendous tasks that Lenin tackled, a man who accomplished so much that by his birth centenary his name has become known to all mankind and is reverently pronounced as the symbol of liberation.

p Lenin opened a new chapter of history. He gave the peoples a possibility to attain liberation, he paved the way for the building of socialism.

p Lenin was a brilliant continuator of the cause of Marx and Engels. He gave it practical embodiment in the tremendously difficult conditions of tsarism, creating an advanced Russian Communist Party. Under his bold and confident 547 leadership this Party of a new type not only powerfully stimulated the world revolutionary movement, but became the founder of the world’s first socialist state.

p Basing himself on the experience of revolutionary actions, socialist construction and anti-imperialist struggle, Lenin forged for the peoples a weapon of unparalleled power—the Marxist-Leninist teaching.

p The Soviet Union’s gigantic development, the emergence of new socialist states, the rise of the national liberation movement, the disintegration of the colonial system, the intensification of the struggle of the working class all over the world—all this is an illustration of the victories of Lenin’s cause, and all Communists, all revolutionaries can be proud of the positions they have won.

p Lenin was the builder of the unity of the international communist and working-class movement. And new steps towards the restoration and consolidation of our unity will be the most fitting way to pay homage to his memory, while preservation of the cohesion of the communist movement to which he devoted all his energies, will be the most vivid manifestation of loyalty to his cause.

Dear comrades, it is our sincere wish that the celebration of the Lenin birth centenary should not be merely a solemn ceremony, but that it should also signify the rebirth and restoration of the unity of the communist movement, of its alliance with the entire world revolutionary movement.