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p Dear Comrades,

On behalf of the Portuguese Communist Party, I wish to begin by thanking the CPI(M) for the invitation it has extended to the PCP to attend this Seminar and to greet you for this timely event. The topic of this Seminar is, in our opinion, particularly important and relevant. The fact that this Seminar on "The Contemporary World Situation and the Validity of Marxism" is being held here, in Calcutta, capital city of an important state of the Indian Union which is ruled by the Communists and their allies, acquires a special significance. A direct contact with this reality represents a stimulus for the Portuguese communists to proceed with confidence in the struggle to defend the interests of the working class and the working masses and for an advanced democracy, with a view to building in Portugal a society freed from the exploitation of Man by Man, a socialist society.

1.

p Marxcarriedoutaremarkableresearchwork, establishingprofound links with the workers, the struggle and the reality of his time. He made a contribution of historical significance for a revolutionary theory and praxis for the liberation struggle of the workers and the peoples. Marx and Engels must be credited with the extraordinary achievement of having uncovered the basic laws of social development and, in particular, of having shown the necessarily transitional nature of capitalism.

p From a dream, a yearning, a Utopia and a project, socialism became a scientific theory. It won over vast masses, it became a tremendous revolutionary force and finally, with the October Revolution and other victorious socialist revolutions, it became a 245 powerful material reality which - despite delays, mistakes and deformations - decisively influenced world’s development.

p Making the most of the dramatic defeats of socialism in the USSR and in Eastern Europe, our opponents, seek to revise History to suit their class interests. But contrary to their claims, the Twentieth Century by and large marks a brilliant confirmation of the fundamental theses of Marx, which were defended and creatively developed by Lenin, (in particular with his analysis of imperialism) concerning social development, concerning the possibility of advancing - in accordance with the existing social and economic conditions and through the organized and conscious intervention of the exploited and oppressed masses - towards ever higher stages of social and national emancipation, towards a society without exploiters nor exploited, in which ’The freedom of each is a requirement for the freedom of all”.

p Undoubtedly, the communists and all progressives face problems of extraordinary importance and complexity in the revolutionary theory and praxis of this final part of the Century.

p Reality has shown that, in relation to the assessments prevailing within the Communist movement some decades ago, the process of building a new society is more difficult, complex and lengthy than was predicted. Capitalism has revealed an unexpected capacity to adapt All this raises the need for a thorough re assessment of the path which has been treated and for an appraisal of the lessons which must be drawn.

But, in the PGP’s opinion, nothing justifies challenging the notion that the Twentieth Century marked revolutionary advances and transformations of historical significance and that valuable attempts and experiences in building a new society were (and are) taking place. Nothing allows the conclusion that socialism is “ premature” or even unfeasible. As we stated at our Fourteenth Congress, "the Twentieth Century will go down in History not as the century of the ’death of communism’, but as the century when Communism was born as the materialization of an alternative project to capitalism and as a historically necessary solution to its unsurmountable contradictions.

2.

p With the process of degeneration of “perestroika” in the USSR 246 and the defeat of socialism, a global ideological offensive was undertaken with a view to weakening, dividing, liquidating or ensuring the degeneration of the Communist parties and other revolutionary forces. The core ideas of this offensive are the "failure of socialism”, the "bankruptcy of Marxism-Leninism”, the "end of the communist movement" and the "irreversible decline of the Communist parties”.

p The PCFs Fourteenth Congress (December 1992), following up on the Thirteenth Extraordinary Congress (May 1990), gave a clear reply to such a campaign by stating, confirming and renewing the PGP’s communist identity and expressing with profound conviction the Portuguese communists’ confidence in the socialist future of Portugal and of Mankind.

p The PGP’s communist identity is not an abstract and timeless concept. Rather, it results from its historical path and from its profound roots in the working class and the people, whose interests and yearnings are the very raison d’etre of our Party.

p The PGP’s identity is fundamentally reflected in its class nature; in the goal of building a new society without exploiters nor exploited; in the revolutionary theory which inspires it; in a concept and praxis of organization and democratic functioning which ensures its unity and capacity for intervention; in its close and inseparable links with the masses; in its patriotism and internationalism.

p The PCP plays its part in the struggle against the reactionary policy of the present PSD government and in all areas of the country’s life, asserting with conviction its independence and communist identity.

p Contrary to what those prophesized the ’TCP’s irreversible decline" would wish, not only is our Party solidly united, not only can it count on its 160 000 members who represent a strong and militant collective, as always geared towards the masses and to giving impetus to their struggle - it is standing on its two feet, carrying out an intense activity, wim an irreplaceable role in the vast working class and popular movement (of the industrial and service sector workers, intellectuals, farmers, women, young people and students and other strata) which is currently on the rise in our country an4 which had in the celebrations of the April the 25th Revolution and of May Day its most recent illustration.

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p The Portuguese reality confirms that the PCP is indispensable for the workers and their struggle for a better life. It also confirms that the understanding and cooperation of the democratic forces, which is necessary to defeat the class policy of big business and achieve a democratic about-turn in the country’s life, is only possible with a strong Communist Party which in all circumstances asserts its political, ideological and class independence.

p The PSD government’s policy is a policy which is dismantling key productive sectors and submerging the country in a profound economic crisis; which is severely hurting working people’s living and working conditions; which is deteriorating education, health, social security; which is throwing a growing number of workers into unemployment, precarious jobs and social marginalization; which is leading to restrictions of fundamental rights and freedoms and to the setting up of an authoritarian regime; which is jeopardizing the country’s very independence and sovereignty, in submission to the European Community’s designs of supranational power. A concentration of capital and property; a polarization of wealth; the impoverishment of democracy; national submission; these are the consequences of the present government’s policy and they clearly display its class nature at the service of the monopolies and in close connection with European and world-wide big business.

p The experience of Portuguese reality (before, during and after the revolution of April 25,1974) is a convincing confirmation of the fundamental theses of Marx and of Marxism-Leninism in what concerns social classes and their struggle, the property of the major means of production, the State, and their key role in the evolution of societies.

The social democratic parties’ effort to by-pass and even deny this reality has led them to a growing identification with bourgeois ideology and to the implementation, when in office, of the policies of capital. This necessarily had to lead to a generalized discredit and to the crises which many socialist and social-democratic parties face today. The crisis of a social democracy, which has contradictory consequences, once again shows how illusory and dangerous the paths of reformism and class conciliation are for the working class and national liberation movement. It confirms that the Communists’ response to the new phenomena and to the challenges of our time must be sought from Marxist and revolutionary criteria, with the firm rejection of social-democratic theories and 248 practices and of social-democracy’s hegemonistic ambitions over the left, the trade union movement and the national liberation movement.

3.

p The world situation and the prospects for its short and medium-term developments are still profoundlymarked by socialism’s dramatic defeats. But they are also marked- together with the struggle of the workers and peoples which, although in more difficult conditions, continues everywhere-by the crisis which is spreading throughout the capitalist world.

p Little more than three years have gone by since the "fall of the Berlin wall" and the overwhelming tide of triumphalism which this event brought about. And it is no longer the defeats of socialism, but the crisis of capitalism and the struggle against the most serious expressions of its exploiting, oppressive and aggressive nature which are on the agenda of the world’s life. We think that is particularly important to highlight this fact, given the scale of the political and ideological offensive against the communists and their liberating ideals.

p This does not imply that the study of the causes behind socialism’s dramatic defeats should not continue. On the contrary, we think that this is indispensable so that, learning from the lessons of experience, we may carry out with renewed conviction and confidence the struggle for a new society, freed from the exploitation of Man by Man. This is what we did in our Thirteenth and Fourteenth Congresses, drawing the fundamental and basic conclusion that the defeats of socialism do not represent the failure of the Communist ideal, but the failure of a “model” which departed from the Communist ideal in essential aspects that had to do with political power, participatory democracy, the Party’s role and the theory, and which countered fundamental characteristics of socialism which the Communists have always proclaimed.

p Countering the wishes of the theorists and propagandists of capitalism and of those who have lost confidence in the masses and capitulated to anti-communist ideological pressure, such events do not challenge Marxism-Leninism. Rather, they show the perils of crystallizing and dogmatizing a theory which is very much alive, anti dogmatic and creative in its essence. It may correctly be infered as we did at our Fourteenth Congress that socialism and democracy 249 (economic, social, political and cultural) are inseparable and that the defeats of socialism prove that the new society can only be built by the revolutionary action and engagement of the workers and popular masses, never without their engagement and much less against their will.

p As for capitalism, the serious crisis which it is facing is manifest. For a start, in the economic sphere, with the recession that has spread to practically all developed countries. But also with other expressions of a structural, institutional, political, ideological and moral nature. The bankruptcy, both of the neo-liberal policies of "wild capitalism" and of the "Welfare State" of the much praised "Swedish model of socialism”; the instability and crisis of State institutions and of the liberal bourgeois political regime in various European countries; the generalization of unemployment, of precarious jobs and of phenomena of social exclusion; the upsurge of xenophobia, racism, nationalism and of extreme right wing forces; the serious difficulties which the EC is facing in building the economic-political-military bloc enshrined in the Maastricht Treaty (whose coming into effect is not guaranteed); the dramatic and explosive situation in the so-called "Third World" countries which are subjected to merciless mechanisms of neo-colonial exploitation - all of these are expressions of a crisis whose real magnitude and significance has yet to be ascertained but which has already belied the hasty triumphalisms and the old illusions concerning capitalism.

p The weakening of real left-wing and progressive alternatives enshrines serious threats of authoritarian and even dictatorial evolutions for a capitalism in crisis. At the same time, vast areas are opening up for intervention by the communists and the progressive forces in the social, political and ideological spheres and which may lead to a recovery and strengthening of their influence and to a re-launching of the force of attraction of socialism’s values and ideals among the masses.

p The changes which capitalism has undergone since the days in which Marx and Engels wrote the “Manifesto” or in which Lenin wrote "Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism" are, undoubtedly, very thorough ones. But reality is confirming that such changes have not altered capitalism’s exploiting and aggressive essence, have not abolished its basic contradictions (starting with that between the social nature of production and private 250 appropriation, between capital and labor), have not freed it from cyclical crises. In its present transnational monopolist stage and with the disappearance of socialism as a world system, the profoundly unjust and inhuman nature of capitalism and its incapability to solve the problems and yearnings of the workers and of all Mankind is becoming even more obvious.

p Exploiting the changed balance of forces, imperialism has undertaken a vast offensive seeking to destroy historic achievements by the workers in developed capitalist countries, to liquidate progressive regimes, to set back the liberation struggle of the peoples of the ’Third World" and to impose a "new world order" fully hegemonized by big business.

p The strength of political-military alliances and of their aggressive nature: the interference and intervention in the internal affairs of numerous countries; military aggressions; the stirring up of territorial, national, ethnic and religious conflicts; the instrumentalization of the UN and other institutions created for international cooperation - all this is a policy which is responsible for great human tragedies, for widespread conflicts and wars, for the accumulation of extremely serious dangers for world peace itself. Dangers which result in particular from the attempts to solve by the use of force the explosive contradictions (which have become more acute) between the developed capitalist “center” and the countries and peoples of the Third World (“North/South conflict”). Dangers which are all the greater since, if on the one hand the major imperialist powers seek to closely concert their policy (“Group of Seven”, IMF,NATO, UN Security Council), on the other hand there are growingrivalriesandcontradictionsamong them in the struggle for spheres of influence and domination. All this confirms the exploiting and aggressive nature of imperialism.

Imperialism’s involvement in the Yugoslav conflict and the preparations for a direct military intervention represent an extremely serious threat for peace in the Balkans, in Europe and in the world.

4.

p It is a fact that the progressive and national liberating forces have known serious set-backs in recent times.

p But it is also a fact that the construction of socialism in various countries continues, that the liberation struggle of the workers and 251 peoples continues. That is what we see in Portugal. That is what we see here in India, as has been testified by our Indian comrades. That is what we see in numerous countries of all continents. As we stated at our Fourteenth Congress, "the objective reasons to continue the struggle, which are rooted in capitalism’s intrinsically exploiting, oppressive, unjust and inhuman nature, have not only not disappeared - they have been strengthened. The policies which seek to make the working class and other anti-monopolist classes and strata pay the costs of the crisis which is spreading throughout the capitalist world, and the attempts to impose upon the world, a ‘new order’ against the freedom, independence and progress of peoples have heightened old and new contradictions, have increased injustice and inequalities, have saved growing discontent, have extended the front of the social and political forces which are objectively interested in liquidating capitalism and in particular its most reactionary expressions”.

p Despite the difficulties of the current moment, new advances and progressive about turns are possible in the not too distant future. Much will depend upon the subjective factor, upon the capacity which the communists and other progressives will display in organizingand guiding in acorrect direction the popular struggles in their own countries, as well as upon their cooperation and solidarity on an international level. It is for this reason that we greet with vivid satisfaction the presence in this Seminar of such a significant number of Communist parties and of other progressive and revolutionary organizations and movements.

p The PCP considers that the solidarity among the workers and peoples of the world is of fundamental importance and that to achieve it, it is necessary to strengthen the relations of friendship, cooperation and mutual solidarity among the forces of democracy, social progress and peace, and first and foremost, among the Communists.

p This is a requirement which immediately emerges from the need to build a vast front of resistance to imperialism’s attempts to impose its "new order" upon the world. It is a requirement which also results from the on-going processes of internationalization and integration which objectively bring the workers and the peoples of the whole world closer together, creating ever tighter bonds of inter-dependence. Both the famous slogan of the "Manifesto of the Communist Party" - "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" and its 252 Leninist development -"Proletarians of all countries and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!" - have not only not lost, but have actually gained relevance.

p In the meantime, whilst the forces of capital and of social democracy are strengthening their cooperation through “ Internationals” and whilst in Europe there are even supra-national “parties” springing up, major difficulties exist in the cooperation and joint or converging action of the Communist parties and other revolutionary forces. In our opinion, this isan abnormal situation which must be overcome with patience and realism, but with persistence and confidence. Through joint or converginginitiativesand,if possible, with appropriate stable forms of cooperation. For its part, the PCP is profoundly engaged in contributing to such an outcome.

p Despite the serious problems which it faces, the communist movement is a reality which persists and which, assimilating the lessons from experience and with a renewed composition, remains a necessity for the revolutionary overcoming of capitalism. It is an imperative of the present moment that the communists and all progressive forces strengthen their links of friendship, solidarity and cooperation.

In the present circumstances, the PCP thinks that it is particularly important to organize international initiatives against imperialism’s aggressive policies and in solidarity with the peoples and forces which are in the front ranks of the liberation struggle or of imperialism’s onslaughts. With Cuba, China, Korea, Vietnam, Laos and other countries and peoples which, with their own solutions, continue to build a new society. With those who in the former Soviet Union and in the countries of Eastern Europe continue resisting and fighting. With the people of South Africa, of Angola and Mozambique, of Palestine, of Cambodia, of El Salvador, as well as of East Timor and many others which are courageously asserting with their struggle the right to determine their own destiny.

5.

p In what has undoubtedly been an irregular process, with advances and retreats, with victories and defeats, with inspiring displays of generosity and popular heroism and painful regressions, Mankind has taken gigantic steps on the road to the social and national emancipation of the workers and peoples which was 253 disclosed by Marx and Lenin.

p In our view, it is with this broad perspective that the retreats and defeats of this latter part of the Century must be put into context A solid and scientifically based response to such tragic retreats and defeats is not around the corner. It will take time, it will require thorough research and a responsible comparative assessment of experiences and analysis. This seminar is undoubtedly a positive contribution towards the immense task which lies ahead.

We think it is fair to say that, after the great liberating advances on the path which was opened by the October Revolution, we are today living through a period of revolutionary reflex and that the communist movement is undergoing the most serious crisis in its History. We also think that - in an undoubtedly difficult, unstable, unpredictable situation, laden with threats to peace - there is a rapid confirmation of the possibility of recovery for the communists and the progressive forces and of relaunching among the masses the values and ideals of Communism and the project of a socialist society (necessarily renewed in accordance with the lessons from experience and the requirements of life) as a superior system and as a necessary alternative to capitalism.