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p Dear Friends & Comrades,

p In the name of the French Communist Party, I would first of all like to thank the CPI(M) for having invited us to this seminar. It is of great interest for it is necessary to carry out our experiences, exchange our ideas and analysis.

p On the evidence, the world has entered a new stage of its history. We must therefore analyse it and think over the problems that today are facing all those who do not accept the new world order that imperialist domination wishes to impose.

p Peace, the new world order, international solidarity, socialist transformation of societies, a modern Communist identity, such are the important issues of our epoch that Marxism, helps us to face.

p The recent changes that have taken place have raised the issues at stake and the level of implication which, we feel, demand a spirit of offensive on the part of progressive and peace-loving forces. One hears saying sometimes that history has started to go faster. If this phrase has any meaning, I would say that history is accelerating in a direction contrary to that foreseen by the dominant forces during the last three years.

p Let us recall 1989 : the coming down of the Berlin wall, and 1990-91: the breaking of the ruling regimes in the east and the dislocation of the USSR. What were we told at that time? That the dislocation of these systems meant the disappearance of the very idea of communism, and that Marxism was definitely buried. An American historian, M. Fukuyama, did not hesitate to declare that 161 it was "the end of history”. His articles went around the world. Capitalism, we were told, had triumphed. This would lead, towards a world order exempt of confrontations, more democratic and peaceful.

p This interpretation of the changes that have taken place in the world (which has been proved flagrantly wrong less than three years after) has had its own consequences on the perception of these issues at the moment. Many, including some from the left, thought that a new international era would come, based on the emergence of "universal values”, the notion of class struggle being then considered obsolete.

p But very quickly, events imposed themselves and these assertions were proved wrong. The first awakening came with the Gulf war in 1991. .The savagery of this conflict exposed what the new order of American President Bush was about. Today, the current world situation has obviously nothing to do with the "new era of peace" announced by Bush. We are living in a harder, more violent, more dangerous world. Indeed, facts are raising doubts among the public opinion over the validity of the theories of the dominant ideology. This slow change in perception is an interesting element in the present situation in the world.

p Thanks to the considerable development of science and technology, humanity could advance to a higher degree of civilisation. But instead, it faces considerable drama, threat of veritable military and ecological catastrophe. The gap is widening between the formidable possibilities existing, and the distress of a greater and greater part of humanity victim of a shameful pillage. The conflict is growing between the given situation of the people and the new needs for greater dignity, justice and democracy.

p Entire continents, such as Africa, are moving towards destruction. Entire countries, as in Latin America, are in the grip of extreme misery. New diseases are appearing, such as AIDS, or old ones are reappearing. There is frightening development of drugs, mass delinquency, prostitution, notably child prostitution. Independent countries, newly or not so newly independent countries, are now deeply indebted and have to submit to the dictates of the World bank and the IMF.

p Half a century ago, Palme Dutt wrote ; "India is not a poor country, but a country inhabited by poor people" We can say too 162 that the world in which we live is not poor, far from it, but more and more, it has people who are poor. At the other end of the chain, a small number of rich getting richer and richer are ruling as masters over millions of people.

p It is this which has to change. Global and structural changes are required in every field.

p Capitalism does not offer any solution. Indeed the implementation of capitalist reforms in the former socialist countries shows its result. There is a massive impoverishment of the East European countries. Three years ago the C.P. France was in France, among the first to denounce the danger of a "third worldisatton" of the ex- socialist countries. Today, everyone is saying it. The societies of the ex-USSR and the other East European states are brutally destabilised. A veritable massacre of human and natural resources is happening there.

p The main target of the so-called “aid” given by the big western powers is to exploit the wealth of these countries. The recent attitude of the G7 towards Russia confirms it. The result is a loss of independence and a veritable negation of national identities. Combined with the impressive deterioration of the level of living, the wounds inflicted on the national sentiments play a big role in the rise of nationalism and obscurantism of all kinds.

p What happened in the ex-USSR and other countries of Eastern Europe causes a great blow to the cause of socialism, but it does not signify in any way the triumph of capitalism. The failure of distorted forms of socialism does not condemn the struggle for socialism. It calls us to draw the relevant lessons. That is a point I will discuss later.

p Everything shows that capitalism cannot resolve the problems posed at the dawn of the third millennium. Its crisis is aggravating. The peoples of the industrialised countries are also coming under its effects.

p As far as France is concerned, in the 1970s, the CPF started to expose the economic, social and moral crisis, which affects all aspects of national life. Its causes lie with the choices made by the ruling elite. They are only interested in maximising financial instability, to the detriment of industries, agriculture and employment. France has been weakened by speculation. Money goes to money instead of being invested in human development. Under 163 these conditions, our country with its considerable potentialities, is experiencing a serious economic and social regression.

p We have more than three million of unemployed people, five million of workers with precarious employment. Poverty is spreading. A growing number of people are “marginalised”. The future of a large part of our youth is spoilt Women are suffering from reinforced inequalities. Important social rights are under severe attacks.

p All this is linked to the building of Europe of big capital.

p A true cooperation is necessary . It should be based on the mutual interests of the people with full respect for the sovereignty of each nation, combined with the will to contribute to the emergence of more equal international order. But we have to deal with a Europe serving money-power, dominated by Germany and submitting to the US, an egoistic and dominating Europe facing people.

p Communists have formulated concrete proposals for a social, democratic, peaceful and fraternal Europe. On this basis, we asked for and obtained a referendum on the treaty of Maastricht, to which we called for a No from the Left. We are proud to have thus helped the people to gather against this infamous project. We nearly reached the majority. Recently, we are taking up action in combination with other progressive forces in Europe.

p Under all circumstances, our conception is that the future is never written in advance. It is our people who will decide it. This understanding has guided us in the campaign for the recent election to the National Assembly. Our progress in terms of votes and percentage, compared with the regional elections of March 1992, and the fact that we have been able to form a group in the Parliament is to be appreciated positively in the doubly difficult context in which we find ourselves. It was the first legislative elections since the events in Eastern Europe. The elections unfolded in a climate marked by the deep rejection of the Socialist Party, which in the name of the Left, has followed a policy in favour of the rich, thus exacerbating the difficulties of the vast majority of our people.

p That hundreds of thousands of men, women and youth chose to vote communist in order to make themselves heard, to refuse the Right, and to demand new choices, is an encouragement for us. It is also a precious help for struggling against the present Rightist 164 government. The rightist coalition, thanks to the electoral law, obtained 85% of the seats in the legislative assembly while it has only 44% of the polled votes.

p To resist the aggravation of the difficulties which our people will face, we are calling for the development of a popular movement in order to modify the relation of forces, to prevent social setbacks, to impose new solutions.

p The situation in France evolves in a world frame which faces all of us. The first global issue concerns peace. Everyone can see that the disapearence of the bipolar world, of the cold war era has not made armed conflicts disappear, on the contrary! Experience shows that there is no other alternative favourable to the peoples than those based on negotiated political solutions. The popular intervention is a decisive factor to go towards this direction. Since the Gulf war, vulgarisation of the "logic of war" has taken frightening proportions: intervention in Somalia in October 1992, new bombing of Iraq in January 93, aggravation of the risk of military intervention in ex-Yugoslavia.

p In this context, France has sadly illustrated herself with the promotion of the notion of the "right of interference”, we say in French "droit d‘ingerence”, which plays with the humanitarian sentiments of the people to justify military interventions. The implementation of this so-called ’right of interference’ goes against one of the most important right of our time - the right of national sovereignty.

p More generally, the reduction in nuclear arms leading to their elimination from year 2000, is a necessity to safeguard humanity and the planet. Furthermore, disarmament will free considerable resources to resolve the problems of hunger and development.

p The second issue, inseparable from the last, is the struggle for an authentic new international order. The need for it has been formulated by the NAM more than 30 years ago. It expresses in essence, the rejection of relations of political, economic and military domination, exercised by the stronger States over the weaker nations. In this, it constitutes one of the dimensions of the antiimperialist struggle.

p The very notion of a "new order" is an issue and we refuse to surrender this term to the notion of domination as defined by the leaders of the USA and other powers.

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p In a sense, the very brutality of the American order dissipates illusions and illustrates the need of a new international order based on the principle of national sovereignty , the re-equilibrium of relations between states, on the democratisation of international relations, on the establishment of real cooperation between nations. A new international economic order has to be based not on the code of conduct of the different dominant powers, but on the satisfaction of the needs of the people. It is in this spirit that our Party -1 will mention here only one example - denounces the economic blockade against Cuba and organises in France actions of solidarity with this country.

p The manner in which Washington and its allies are trying to pervert the role of international organisations, in the first place UNO, to canalise or mask their interventions, leads in our opinion to reinforce the need for a democratised institution at the service of humanity and peace. The international sphere should be considered not as a jungle where the law of the strongest dominates. On the contrary, it should lead to the implementation of a civilised international law.

p The third issue 1 would like to raise concerns international solidarity. In the framework of the actual crisis, this has never been as necessary and possible. Imperialism masks its objectives behind a permanent ideological discourse which has become a basic instrument of its domination. This has to be thought of. In a sense, to speculate over popular feelings comes to recognise the strength of these feelings. As the General Secretary of our Party recently put it :"One will dress up within Tiumanitarian considerations’ the attempts of the ‘North’ to recolonise the ‘South’. But the fact that humanity and fraternity are the grounds of these manouevures, speaks much for the aspirations that exist actually.’" It is on the basis of these aspirations, in conformity with our communist ideals, that our Party pressed the government on each occasion to take the initiatives that the situation requires.

p In this circumstance, we are convinced that we have everything to win in developing our efforts to inform people and to mobilise public opinion on the great humane causes which are on the agenda. We conceive solidarity in reciprocity. We hope to be, or to become, more and more an active interlocutor of the progressive forces of the whole world( and naturally amongst these the 166 communists) and to hold with them, without taboo, without a prior condition or narrowness, the most open, diversified and frequent relations possible.

p Millions of men and women are questioning themselves under diverse forms on the problems of civilisation that the crisis of capitalism engenders. Is not this oneof the strongest demonstration of the validity of Marxism? As far as we are concerned, we have absolutely no difficulty to call ourselves Marxists, even if we do not consider the acceptance of materialism as a condition for membership of our Party. Marxism is for us a living theory of action based on apprehending a reality in essence evolutive. From the moment it freezes or dogmatises it is no longer truly Marxism.

p Here we touch precisely one of the drama of the ex-socialist countries.

p The CPF, since more than 15 years, in particular since its 22nd Congress in 1976, has debated the problems facing these countries. We have underlined the necessity for them to make profound economic, social and democratic reforms in every field. The essential lever of these reforms, we said, should be liberty and democracy. We had on this point, as it is known, a fundamental divergence with the Soviet leaders.

p Faced with the disaster that the USSR and other countries of Eastern Europe have known, our reflection, which in no way pretends to be final, leads us to some elements of analysis. We got the feeling that life seems to verify them.

p Socialism, a society of transition, in each case singular, crossing over capitalism and evolving towards communism, has to be a permanent movement towards the New and a struggle against the Old. If this evolution - or better said this revolution - stops, it is socialism which retreats. If this movement is stopped, it does not mean that socialism has been blocked at a specific stage of its development. Indeed, to let the movement being blocked means to reverse the movement back, to the Old which aspires only to take again its advantage.

p The socialist revolution can only be the creative work of the people and of the social class most interested in a change in society : the working class. The evolution of productive forces, requiring from the working class always more knowledge, information, competence and responsibility, gives an enhanced role to the 167 revolutionary class i.e. the working class. But this class, in almost all the European socialist countries did not play any real political role. The success in the socialist transformation can only come about through responsibility, democracy and self-government We are convinced of this. That is why our Party extends its support to any reforms leading to a socialism made for and by men, satisfying the material and spiritual needs of humanity, and responding in the same move to the conditions and needs arising out of scientific, technical and cultural progress.

p The confusion between the State and the Communist party in power has reduced the Party to a bureaucratic organ, an organ regulating the society in its smallest detail, but then forgetting its political and ideological role. Socialist transformation needs imperatively the role of impulsion (which cannot be self-declared by a decree but has to be merited), of a political avant-garde of the people: a modern communist party, linked to life and to popular aspirations, capable of leading political and ideological activities with the aim of favouring popular intervention.

p To conclude, allow me to outline the conditions in which the CPF has changed its policy and practice.

p Our evolution has been neither spontaneous nor easy. It has been made under very difficult conditions, on the national and international plane. On the international plane we have paid the cost of the setback of socialism. On the national level, we had to pay the cost of an erroneous form of left unity which brought illusions among our people. That led us to much reflection and self criticism. Not in our fundamental engagements to transform society and to struggle for peace and international solidarity, but in the methods to attain these objectives. From the mid-seventies, we have rejected the notion of a ’model of socialism’, we have renounced the dictatorship of the proletariat and undertaken the task of elaborating a strategy corresponding to the needs and conditions of France: a self-governed path for socialism. We conceive the change of our society as the result of the struggle of our people itself, and the change has to be placed under its responsibility from one end to the other.

p This implies that a majority popular will expresses itself and that all the forces aspiring for change assemble together. Drawing the lessons from the failure of a left union conceived at the top we 168 are calling for a union anchored in struggles against the orientation of capitalism and for new solutions.

p In our last Congress, wechose to stay as the CPF,in implementing a new practice, a modem communist identity. Our role is to be able to listen to the people in order to oppose (our conception of a socialist transformation of society) to the project of the capitalist forces. We conceive our vanguard role not as that of an "advance detachment”, which the people have no option but to follow, but as that of a lever of the popular movement.

p In our 28th Congress, we intend to pursuethesechanges, which start to be perceived, as has been shown by the last election results to the National Assembly. We will do this in the fidelity to the communist ideal and in the spirit of dur times.

p This dialogue, this exchange of experiences are an encouragement and a help for all. We think we have much to learn from each other in order to hope to be able to modify the relations of international forces in favour of people’s interests. This, quite evidently, by banishing formalism and narrowness, and respecting the independence of each party. Incontestably, the international meetings of progressive forces, and amongst them the Communists, constitutes an indispensable factor for the success of our struggles.

The fight for liberty, justice, and peace is more useful than ever. To liberate the people from capitalism and to build socialism, is the future. Rest assured that the French communists will do their best to achieve it.