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p In commemorating the 175th anniversary of the birth of Karl Marx we re-affirm our belief in dialectical and historical materialism, in the class struggle, in our socialist and communist cause. In a word, we are for Marxism-Leninism.

p The discoveries of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in the second half of the last century are among the greatest discoveries of the human mind. Built on the accumulated knowledge up to that time, they represent a giant stride forward in our ability to understand the world around us, to understand the processes of nature.

p As the science of nature, dialectical materialism also applies to that part of nature which we call human society. It allows us to recognise that which is necessary to be done to achieve further progress in human society. It allows us to discern the direction of events and to influence those events by the conscious adoption of policies and the selection of priorities. It is this that liberates us and makes us truly free.

p But it is not sufficient to liberate our minds. We have to also liberate the society in which we live and it is the class struggle which is the vehicle for the liberation of the oppressed and deprived. It was Marx and Engels who were the first to see clearly, in all its dimensions, the significance of the class struggle as the means by which a new society would be fashioned. They saw that the changes brought about in human society since the formation of social classes had been the consequence of the struggle between the classes, some times violent, sometimes restrained, but none- 66 the-less, continuous.

p They saw that thedemandsof oppressed class and their struggles for social change contained that which was new and progressive even though, before the achievement of consciousness brought by Marxism, the struggle of the oppressed was largely unconscious. The successful outcome of the class struggle invariably meant new steps towards a higher and better society.

p But what was this objective of a better society to be? Liberation to -what end? What was to be the direction of change recognising that change can also take place in a backward direction? It is also possible for the contending forces to mutually destruct as is pointed out in the "Communist Manifesto”.

p The new society could only be a socialist one. That was the form of society which conformed to the aspirations of the rising working class. It would be a society which, for the first time since the formation of class society, had the objective of eliminating the oppression and exploitation of one class by another. It would be a society in which people of all races found social, political and economic equality, freed from the scourge and inhumanity of racism. It would have no place for national chauvinism - the pretense that one nation is superior to others. A socialist society would have no need of war as a means of settling disputes. Enormous resources at present wasted on armaments would be released for the good of the people. It would be a society in which the labour of those who worked would be returned, firstly, in accordance with the work done and later, in accordance with the needs of all. It would be a society of freedom with that word being used in its highest meaning, recognising the rights, duties and responsibilities of citizens. These principles, when implemented, comprise a socialist society.

p This is where we have stood and will stand.

p Are these ideas and aspirations, passionately enunciated by Karl Marx, an impossible dream? Is it possible to build such a society or is the socialist objective a great idea that does not work? Is dialectical materialism a flawed way of thinking and unable to encompass the complexities of nature and society? Has the class struggle been rendered out of date by the scientific and technological revolution, by the environmental crisis or by political and economic changes within capitalism?

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p These fundamental questions have had to be asked and answered by every communist and, collectively, by every communist party as a result of the events which have overtaken the socialist societies and the communist parties of eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

p The Socialist Party of Australia asked and answered them with a decisive, NO! But many people continue to ask them and remain influenced by the propaganda of our opponents and by what they see as the objective situation - the collapse of former strong socialist societies and communist parties.

p Up until October 1917 the work of the great ideologues and practical fighters of our communist movement remained a theory, a possibility. But the Great October Socialist Revolution changed that and its achievements in the Soviet Union and in other countries were the first glimpse of the new world which socialism will create. We have no right to forget or to belittle those achievements.

p We extend our solidarity to our comrades in the former socialist states who are resuming the struggle in difficult conditions. Their achievements in the past were a source of great inspiration.

p We extend our solidarity to our comrades in the existing socialist countries in their tireless and courageous work to find the optimum way to apply dialectical materialism and socialist principles to the task of building a socialist society in the particular circumstances of their countries.

p It is one of the main lessons of these times that there is no one model, no single way to either conduct the revolutionary struggle for working class power or to build a socialist society. Our general principles are held in common but the paths to our goal will be different in each case. That is inevitable.

p Any abandonmentorweakeningof theconceptsof class struggle leads inevitably to the abandonment of the struggle against capitalism and imperialism, that rapacious and monstrous expression of modern trans-national exploitation and domination which has inflicted such evil in all its forms on the people of all countries. If class struggle is replaced by class collaboration and class compromises the positions of the whole labour movement are weakened. Not only are the economic and social conditions of the working people sacrificed but the political and ideological domination of the 68 ruling class is consolidated and even accepted as normal and desirable.

p Concepts of class peace have become stronger in the labour movements of a number of countries and in the communist parties of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. This trend contradicts the reality of raging class struggle in many countries.

p Despite its sometimes liberal progressive program and some social achievements when in office, despite its often working class base, social democracy’s ideology is mat of the petty-bourgeoisie. Theoretically, its call is limited to reform. It means reforms which strengthen capitalism - not weaken it. It is against revolution. Practical experience shows conclusively that social democracy cannot win and does not aim to win working class power or build a socialist society. Its development in a socialist country leads to the victory of counter-revolution.

p A social-democratic party has been in government and in the leadership of the trade union movement in Australia in the last decade. In this period real wages have been reduced and the economy de-regulated as demanded by the big companies and the banks. Social welfare has been slashed and the burden of taxation placed more and more on the backs of the working people. Efficient and economically viable public enterprises have been privatised. In foreign affairs the government’s policy, with only marginal differences, is at one with the needs of imperialism in the Pacific and elsewhere.

p This critical evaluation of social-democracy does not exclude the necessity to find the way to cooperate with social democrats in the struggle for reforms and more far-reaching changes. Our Party is giving much emphasis to the task of building a left and progressive political alternative based on an advanced programme and comprising the political representatives of all the social forces which in one way or another come into conflict with the rapacious demands of big capital - both national and foreign.

p The relationship between the Party and the non-party organisations which abound in all societies is an important question. Does the Party lead by authoritarian command and domination, or does it lead by way of winning conviction and by way of example? In our view a correct dialectical connection between the Party and other organisations is to be found in recognition of the specific roles of the 69 Party and the different role of organisations such as trade unions and community associations. The Party cannot replace these other bodies, nor can these other bodies replace the Party. This same question has to be worked out in regard to the relations between the Party, as the leading party in the political life of a socialist country, and the various state institutions. Once again, the Party cannot replace the state institutions nor the state institutions replace the Party. There must be class power, not party power.

p While recognising the role of individuals in the historical process, the basic fact remains that it is the masses who are the motor of historical processes. There is no room in this for the cult of personality which, however, does not mean that the contribution of individuals should not be recognised appropriately. The cult of personality is a departure from Marxism.

p There are also no non-persons in history. Whether particular persons play a positive or negative role, none can be exorcised from history.

p If the role of individuals replaces the role of the masses in the historical process, the necessity to involve the masses in the tasks of the day and develop initiative and responsibility, the necessity to constantly lift the level of consciousness is likely to be neglected. And so it was.

p Marxism demands that we at all times base ourselves on objective reality and not on subjectivity or wishful thinking. The gross over-estimations of the past which related to the speed of development of socialism and its position relative to that of capitalism created illusions and wrong policies. The absence of open or even violent class struggle did not mean that classes had ceased to exist. We had no right to expect that the historical process would be a straight road forward without twists and turns or steps back. We are now witnessing one of those steps back - enforced as it might be.

p Marxism has always had to contend with deviations. Marx and Engels argued incessantly against their detractors and those who distorted by one-sidedness the universality of dialectical materialism.

p On the other hand Marxism contends with dogmatism and leftsectarianism in politics which Lenin succintly and accurately described as an "infantile disorder”. It wants pure revolution without 70 any compromises in the course of the struggle, it regards every objective analysis of reality and every compromise reached in the course of the political struggle as a betrayal.

p On the other hand, there is right opportunism and revisionism. It settles for unprincipled compromises and abandons the concept of class struggle. Revisionism rips the revolutionary soul out of Marxism and the struggles of the working class and its allies.

p There must be a constant struggle by Marxists against both these departures from scientific socialism. Revisionism and right opportunism won in the parties of eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union but by that very experience its real meaning has been exposed for all to see. Right revisionism leads to the liquidation of communist parties. We have seen that happen in Australia. Right revisionism facilitates counter-revolution and the destruction of socialism-not its renewal, as is claimed.

p The experience of these last years have enabled our Parties to not only reaffirm our beliefs but to understand better the essential characteristics and principles of Marxism-Leninism and to apply them better in our work. There is now a greater maturity and sophistication in the international communist movement. The rising struggle of the masses of the people in one country after another shows that new victories are possible.

p The temporary crisis of socialism is more than matched by the deep and insoluble crisis of capitalism. The policies of economic rationalism and "market forces" capitalism are plunging their system into its deepest crisis ever. The masses of the people are acting - we see that everywhere. If at the present time the socialist alternative and the name of the communist parties has been muddied it is only a passing experience.

p As we continue our revolutionary struggles as contingents of the worldwide revolutionary process, these are a few of the issues which have to be again substantiated in our thinking and in our work. We are not dealing with any failures of Marxism nor is there any truth in the assertion that socialism does not work. We are dealing with unconnected departures and even total abandonment of scientific socialist principles which created the possibilities for the disorientation of the working people and the defeat and overthrow of socialist societies.

p Comrades, Marx and Engels gave to us a true compass. There 71 is a special debt that Australia owes to them. In their work on the struggle of the colonial people Marx made the assertion that labour in a white skin could not be free while labour in a black skin is in chains. Marxism, in this respect too, remains entirely valid in this year of the indigenous people.

p The full and proper use of Marxism-Leninism enables us to have great optimism and certainty. This is not some wishful thinking but is bom of an objective understanding of the process at work in this historical period. It is a recognition of necessity.

p Part of this process is to be seen in the decision of the Communist Party of India(Marxist) to convene this seminar and bring us together. We thank them for their initiative. It gives us confidence that a process is underway which will once again re-establish what we have called the international communist movement. While each party will make its major contribution in its own country, the world situation demands that the collective voice of communist parties be heard. This would be one of the most important steps which could be taken at the present time.

p But in the future, our relations must be truly built on the principles of equality, the independence of each party, non- interference, and at the same time, mutual help and solidarity which is demanded of us when we espouse the slogan "Workers of all countries, unite”. In our opinion none of these principles can be left out.

p Reaction and the social democrats have their internationals, the trans-national corporations now organise production on a world wide scale. The leaders of the imperialist countries meet regularly. There is no justification for further delay in the communists shouldering their historic responsibilities and putting before the people of all countries their policies, their demands and their vision of the world which could be.

p Another important aspect of our internationalism and solidarity is that between the other organisations of the working class — particularly the trade unions.

On behalf of the Socialist Party of Australia I wish to thank the comrades of the CPI(M) for their great hospitality and care and to say how inspired we are by their courageous struggles on behalf of the Indian people and by their successes.