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p It is extremely encouraging for us to be here, paving tribute to Marx and stressing his cogency at such a difficult time for the revolutionary forces, when—according to many people—the creator of the proletariat’s philosophical, social, political and economic doctrine has already been buried forever. The very idea of organizing a meeting like this is an eloquent evidence that the “Marx” of the true revolutionaries is not dead and will never die.

p Marx is very much alive in the hearts, minds and daily work of the Cuban people. The socialist and communist ideal he proclaimed is one of the firmest bulwarks upon which the Cuban people’s determined resistance is based at this most adverse and critical—but also the most important—moment of our revolutionary history. The collapse of socialism in Europe, the disintegration of the USSR and the merciless US blockade have created enormous economic difficulties for our country and have forced it to summon up all its energy, make the maximum use of its intelligence and activate its most revolutionary fibres in order to successfully overcome this stage we have called "special period”. Our main purpose today, expressed in the idea of "saving our homeland, our Revolution and socialism”, must also be seen as the intention of saving Marx and Marxism for the Cuban people and, as far as our strength will allow, for the international revolutionary movement.

p It is obvious that our greatest contribution to Marxism today is the safeguarding of the Revolution itself. In our case, to stand firm and progress means the living proof that the ideal of social justice 34 embodied in Marxism has a possible space in this world. The success of our endeavour and of other existing socialist experiences must offer the most convincing argument for reviving the hope and faith of revolutionaries in the socialist and communist future of humankind. We have the privileged opportunity of making this contribution to Marxism and we are aware of the main and urgent practical tasks that this implies; but, at the same time, we know that every contribution is not only practical but also theoretical, and that, at times such as these, every Marxist revolutionary has an unavoidable duty: the critical and self-critical analysis of his theory and his work. This occasion offers us the framework and the necessary encou ragement to allow us to give an idea of how we see Marxism, both in its universal dimension as well as in the framework of its practical and theoretical implementation in our revolutionary process.

p To ponder over the present situation of Marxism in the world is an extremely difficult task. It is an attempt to understand a very complex contemporary spiritual phenomenon which is not homogenous at all and is in permanent convulsion. As a result of the collapse of the .socialist experience in the Eastern European countries and the USSR, Marxism—as the theoretical and ideological foundation of that experience—suffered a violent shake-up, thus provoking the most varied reactions and making this line of contemporary world thought even more heterogeneous.

p The developments in Eastern Europe posed a clear question: What will happen to Marxism now? A simple logical analysis shows three possible alternative answers to this question: 1) does it disappear?, 2) does it remain as it is?, and 3) does it change? It can be observed that the three alternatives are defended today from different positions and that they are, in fact—ignoring shades of opinion and various positions in-between,—the main attitudes regarding Marxism in the international arena today. Let us make a brief analysis of these attitudes.

p For some, people, the collapse of "real socialism" simply means the death of Marxism. This group comprises both the traditional enemies of Marxism and socialism as well as those that someone has described as "temporary fellow travellers”, who turned to Marxism when it enjoyed popularity and influence and are now in a hurry to show their repentance and shamefully hide their “ Marxist” past.

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p It is obvious that this line identifies the end of a model of society with the end of the concept that supposedly served as its foundation. But, can we really identify the model and the concept when it can be easily proved that many of the constituent elements of that model were not—and could not be—present either in Marx’s Engels’ or even Lenin’s theories, while other basic elements of those theories were not included in the model? It is clear that the classics of Marxism did not conceive or even intend to conceive the exact limits of a universal, abstract, ahistorical socialism of the kind that was later presented as the "only model" of socialism. At most, they formulated a series of basic principles—not always taken into account—for building this new society. Why, then should their concept be equalled to the unsuccessful model of European socialism?

p But, assuming, however, that we all agree Marxism is dead, what will replace it? The social problems and inequalities that brought Marxism into being and found in it an explanation and guidance to their solution have not disappeared. There is no spiritual alternative today that can match or surpass Marxism in its scientific potential, above all—and this must be underlined—in its revolutionary spirit. Regardless of its past history, to abjure Marxism today is to do a favour to the reactionary forces and imperialism.

p The second noticeable attitude is that of those who, under the pretext of being faithful to the legacy of Marxism, adopt a position of “faith” in this regard, believing they will be able to find in the writings of the classics or their successors the ultimate answer to all the problems, without taking reality into account or the facts born out by practice.

p In our opinion, this attitude favours neither Marxism nor socialism, hinders its revitalization, encourages theoretical passiveness and, to a great extent, reduces practical behaviour to endless regret for what happened.

p The third general attitude towards Marxism is that of renewal. The common elements that allow us to define that groups are the following: on the one had, and in contrast with the first position/ there is the view that Marxism is still valid and alive, and, on the other hand, and counter to the second attitude, is the stated need to develop and update Marxism according to the new circumstances.

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p We would like to state in advance that, in our opinion, only the third attitude may represent an adequate starting point. But, at the same time, it is not enough for ensuring a really creative and effective development of the theoretical and revolutionary concepts of Marx. In other words, it is necessary to renew Marxism, but not just in any direction.

p It is known that, among the “renewers”, there is a wide range of positions ranging from a proposed return to the classic Marx of the 19th century, ignoring all of Marxism’s subsequent development, to an intended “modernization” of Marxism by associating it to certain fashionable trends that are completely alien to its essence and incompatible with it, thus adopting a position that is more yielding than renewing.

p These extremes have to be avoided. Neither a nihilistic attitude towards the history of Marxism after Marx, nor the distortion and loss of identity of Marxism to favour its association with fashionable slogans, can be appropriate or really dialectical positions towards the necessary and genuine renewal of Marxism. The only right attitude will be that which manages to raise Marxism to the accurate understanding of the present complex and dramatic situation and restore it as an effective guide to the socialist and communist ideal through a transforming and revolutionary praxis. Such a renewal should be based on the critical assimilation of all positive aspects in the history of Marxism and of other progressive trends, but without ever renouncing the basic principles of genuine Marxist theory and practice.

p The above mentioned conclusion leads to other questions: why is a renewal of Marxism necessary? What has happened to Marxism that forces it to design a special renovating stage for itself? And, can this be explained by just analyzing the latest development in Eastern Europe?

p In recent years, there has been much talk and debate about the existence of a "crisis in Marxism”. This issue is vital in our view. In the case of a revolutionary and open system such as Marxism, its successful emergence from an alleged crisis is closely linked to the understanding of its causes and to the renewal—also in a conscious way—of the whole system in the direction required by the very circumstances which it intends to explain and transform.

p In the context of this work, it is impossible to analyze in 37 necessary depth and detail the factors that bring about this situation and the ways to overcome it. We do not intend to do so, especially since a full answer to these questions can only be the collective result obtained with the contribution of many brave and gifted Marxists from around the world, who—to a greater or a lesser extent—have also embraced this task. Thus, our aim here is merely to offer some reflections on this vital issue.

p First of all, it is important to point out the need of not ignoring the difficult and unfavourable circumstances in which the historical evolution of Marxism has taken place. The persecution of communists, the conditions of siege and even illegality in which many Marxist parties have had to carry out their work, the anti- communist and anti-Marxist propaganda as a constant feature in the mass media, the wars, the international tension, the blockades, the permanent danger of aggression that the socialist countries had to endure are, all, factors that have greatly influenced the development of Marxist thinking and become external limitations to the normal development of the revolutionary concept of the proletariat. To deny tt is would mean being unfaithful to the historical facts.

p These factors, together with the ups and downs of socialism’s post-Leninist history, caused a series of programmatic principles, forming the very core of its raison d’etre, to be neglected and which, once forgotten, brought about the distortion of its evolution. In many cases, these principles were exclusively reserved for its abstract explanation in the lessons and textbooks of philosophy and were never applied or used as methodological instruments in the development of Marxism itself.

p Marxism and socialism are inextricably linked and, therefore, all revolutionaries are obliged to find out the causes and consequences of the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and the USSR in all fields, because of its significance not only for the revolutionary movement, but also for humankind.

p It is not chance, then, that the failure of the socialist model in Eastern Europe and the USSR has meant the flourishing of a wide range of positions in all latitudes and social sectors, acquiring a particular dimension in Cuba due to its direct influence in the dairy life of the population and, above all, due to the unyielding position of our people and of our Party, epitomized and enriched by the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Comrade Fidel Castro Ruz, In the 38 defence of socialism.

p We all know that socialism is not a perfect society. As a developing society, it has deficiencies and imperfections in the political, economic and social fields as an unavoidable result of the very dialectics surrounding the emergence of what is new and superior compared to what is old and backward.

p These contradictions are surmountable, provided that there is a political will to openly face and rectify—in constant and total unity with the people—the mistakes made. Cuba, may I say this with modesty, has been and is an example of how socialism can overcome any difficulty, whatever it may be.

p The comparison implicit in the previous assertion does not mean that we considered that the socialist experience in EasternEurope and in the USSR was bound to be a failure. Regardless of the number and the seriousness of the mistakes made, the balance left by socialism in these countries was a positive one and, therefore, it still maintains its capacity to be defended and corrected. In spite of attempts to do so, it is impossible to deny the significance and greatness of the Socialist October Revolution that took place in Russia in 1917, the heroic deed of the Soviet people led by the Communist Party in building and rebuilding the huge Soviet State, its leading role in preventing the globalist, aggressive action of imperialism, the defeat of German fascism in the hands of the Soviet people, and their role in the elimination of colonialism.

p None of this would have been possible without socialism and, above all, no radical transformations would have taken place in the Soviet Union and in the Eastern European countries, where the overwhelming majority of their peoples were backward and had the lowest living standard in Europe before socialism.

p Then, this raises a compulsory question: why did socialism collapse in these countries?

p In Eastern Europe and the USSR, the objective contradictions inherent to the socialist development intertwined with factors alien to the very nature of socialism. Circumstancial elements, alien to socialism, brought about a specific political and economic model that began distancing itself from the socialism conceived by Marx, Engels and Lenin.

p Of course, without intending to make a thorough analysis of 39 the causes, we will point out some of those which support our criterion that in these countries what was buried was not socialism as a social system, but a specific model which was gradually losing it socialist values.

p Among these direct causes, the denial of the democratic essence of socialism is highlighted. The political system upon which the construction of socialism is based in each country—i.e., single party or multi-party system—must always be in correspondence with the history and the balance of the political fores existing at the time of the triumph of the revolution.

p The formula to be applied is not—by itself—a guarantee of its success or of its democratic character. What is most essential is its answer to the realities to the most genuine interests of the people.

p The democratic viability of the socialist project is not defined by single party or multiparty systems, but by its validity and coherence with the reality of the political model adopted. The working class in these countries was stripped of its leading role and, therefore, it was impossible to promote real democratic relations in a situation in which there was a power monopoly without a real participation of the masses.

p Another undeniable factor was the access to power of a ruling group that gave up the socialist ideal. The existence of “objective” and “subjective” conditions for certain changes can not hide the fact that the failure was begotten and began from “top” to" bottom" in most of the countries.

p Today it is much more evident that the shared and unobjectionable aim was manipulated for other purposes and that these societies demanded deep changes. Under the just banner of transforming the stagnant socialism, the course was changed—- deliberately by some and indulgingly by others—to capitalism.

p When enumerating the causes that brought about the collapse of socialism in these societies, the mistakes made in the construction of socialism are evident.

p The mechanical transplant of the Soviet economic and political model to other countries was the original mistake that made possible and produced the gradual loss of the Marxist-Leninist nature of the party. This brought abou t the alienation of the masses from the party, the usurpation of the legitimate power of the 40 working class, the omnipotence of the ruling classes and the corruption that prevented the masses from having the leading role in society.

p The characteristics of this model also affected the economic development in these countries during the last decade. In this regard, there is a large number of statistical data and criteria. For us, the main aspect is that the economic mechanism which was applied distorted the real and essential character of the socialist relations.

p The irregularities that began to appear in the new relations did not stem from the very immaturity of the development, but, above all, from the gradual alienation of their socialist nature. This was reflected in the economic mechanism and the workers continued to distance themselves from the means of production, without becoming their real owners.

p As a result of the above mentioned, at a given time there was a stagnation of the productive forces which froze the possibility of a wide use of the technical and scientific advances as the initial relations started to divert its socialist potential.

p The periodic and cosmetic economic reforms carried out in these countries were aimed at patching the “holes” of the implanted economic mechanism, regardless of the essential causes. That was the cause of their failure, with the subsequent impact on the living standard of the population due to the hindering of the extended self-reproduction based on truly socialist economic factors.

p The above mentioned situations were reflected on the social consciousness of the citizens of these countries, bringing about an attitude of rejection that later on resulted in openly anti-socialist and pro-capitalist positions. .

p By hiding the existing relations and contradictions, the theoretical reflections made about reality generated in the society a concealed rejection to that reality and to the theory which sanctified the official policy in a compromised way.

p This contributed to a silent opposition of the majority, both to reality itself and to the ideology which distorted it.

p The most harmful element of all lay in the fact that this false ideology was held to be the one true Marxism-Leninism and was received and, of course, rejected as such by society.

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p These distortions, prepared the ground for a parallel and much more dangerous tendency to develop in recent years which began gradually to instill in society the idea that the market economy was best together with the theory of a supposed pure economic efficiency, quite removed from any ideological context.

p True socialist objectives were gradually supplanted by other ideals, with the incorporation of the value and customs of Western consumerism. The principles of the genuine socialist ideal were being displaced by the widespread desire to move nearer to Western societies. All that was required and, masquerading under the market economy, off to join the ranks of capitalism unrestrained by scruples.

p We can not ignore the destabilizing role played by the centres of capitalist power. Imperialist military pressure forced socialism to develop a powerful arms industry far and above its real economic capabilities, subsequently affecting the rest of the economy and the standard of living of the population. On top of this, imperialism unleashed an ideological attack all along the line.

p The idealizing pro-capitalist ideology of the consumer societies was able to flourish because the existing structures in these countries were rotten to the core.

p The ideology imperialism exported by all possible meanscould only prosper under these conditions. This situation could not last. In the destructive counter revolutionary avalanche, just and worthy causes were mixed up with others that were reactionary and opportunist, all of which was prompted, accepted and accelerated by the Soviet perestroika.

p Under the conditions described, it was impossible for new socialist relations to mature, whose objective is radically opposed to that kind of environment in that they advocate the dealienation of humankind, making us the subject and object of society itself.

p For us, the leading role of men and women, of the worker, without whose conscious and enthusiastic contribution there would be no true building of socialism, takes on ever-larger proportions.

p What has been said should not lead us to a sceptical position with regard to this stage of development as Marx saw it. Furthermore, the same attitude towards Marxism was not adopted universally. One example of this has been Cuba. We do not intend to 42 present ourselves as an infallible model, or describe our process as free of errors, quite the contrary. In the course of Cuba’s revolutionary process we have made mistakes, but they have been recognized publicly and we have approached solutions with the unbreakable alliance of the leadership and the people, with the support of our value for truth and principles.

p So long before the word “perestroika” had taken on the universal political significance it later acquired, "interpreted as a renewal of socialism”, our country had begun a program of revision at a social level aimed at eliminating certain negative tendencies that has arisen in the economic sector, as well as an in-depth rectification of errors which went beyond the economy to take in all areas of political life in the country, including the Party itself.

p There are four fundamental parts to this all-embracing process:

p —The restoration of men’s and women’s position in society and their role in change. This means taking the Revolution forward under a responsible leadership which, at the same time as it modifies reality, transforms humankind itself.

p —It is by its very nature a national process, based upon its own foundations, which takes sustenance from its historical roots and channels this towards the creation of a modem society. Its respect for what is national equals the truest values of universal socialist thought.

p —The political aim of rectification is strategic, not circumstantial. It needs to continue for a considerable period of time and involves all areas of life in Cuban society.

p —The aims of rectification as a Cuban alternative mean in practice that the measures and the main decisions taken are in order to perfect "socialism from within socialism”.

p The collapse and dismantling of socialism in Eastern Europe and the former USSR finds us committed to this all-round rectification process, but it continues to have an unfavourable effect on all the work we have done since 1986 and has come to be added to the immoral and unjust economic blockade imposed on our people by the United States’ Government since 1959.

p In 1990, the negative consequences rapidly felt in our economy as a result of the disappearance of the socialist bloc, forced us to switch over to a state we have called " a special period in peace 43 time".

p The collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union only added to the already complex international situation— in which Cuba had to take part in an unfair exchange on unequal terms—the imbalance caused by falling prices of our export goods and increase in those of imports, rigid international credit, policies and other factors in the world market.

p For Cuba, which did 85% of its foreign trade with the socialist bloc and received more than 50% of its imports from there, it was a hard blow that these activities which had supplied our country were practically paralyzed. All this led to drastic reductions in both productive and personal consumption, a situation which was worsened by an unparalleled reduction in energy consumption, which caused and is still causing a lot of strain.

p These limitations seriously reduced our production capacity, which in turn had negative effects on the direct employment of workers, on the one hand, and strongly limited the supply of consumer goods for the population on the other.

p Inevitably, these conditions meant a complete change in the work we were carrying out in the process of rectification. Now we had to give priority to fundamental activities that would see us through the special period, the most difficult situation our country has had to face since the triumph of the Revolution.

p Of course, it has been impossible to continue the whole social works programme, key economic activity has been halted, and today the distribution of goods to the population is strictly rationed, with the aim of sharing equally what little we have.

p The priorities for this special period have been set in order to survive in an extremely difficult situation and to prepare the economic and social conditions for future development. This is the reason why highest priority has been given to the food programme, which is fundamental. Important and speedy steps have been taken in the fields of genetic engineering, biotechnology and the production of medicines. Concrete results have been achieved in these fields and we are now competing with the best in the world, despite the fact that we have had to force our way into market dominated by huge capitalist corporations. The great scientific potential created by the Revolution over the past 30-odd years—a genuine; product of the attention always paid to the scientific training of our 44 professionals—is an indispensable human element in order to apply the scientific and technological achievements to the country’s economic and social life with increasing speed.

p At the same time as the program for developing tourism guarantees our country revenues in freely convertible currency, it also makes it possible to create new sources of employment, in tourism itself and in the field of construction. Simultaneously, it aims to boost other sectors of the economy related to this now so important activity.

p Various forms of association with foreign capital are being encouraged, including joint ventures. We need to create favourable conditions in order to obtain capital, technology and markets so as to revive our productive forces, and in this re-insertion there are new avenues to explore.

p This process works on the socialist principles of centralized planning, while at the same time satisfying the interests of the foreign partners and benefitting our population. To this is also added a further reorientation of our foreign trade, under totally different circumstances in which experience and new terms of exchange continue to cause strain.

p Despite the complex conditions of the special period, the pursuit of greater participation for the population in Cuba’s democratic process continues with the improvement of the People’s Power institutions.

p The changes introduced early this year were carefully studied and made to meet our needs as an expression of our country’s reality and not in response to formulas aimed at pleasing others. The most significant changes were made to the procedure for nominating and electing delegates to the provincial assemblies and deputies to the National Assembly, as one more way of developing democracy in our socialist alternative.

p The U.S. campaigns to distort the facts about the Cuban elections made their presence felt as part of the constant harassment of a way of life that does not follow its hegemonic and imperialist interests. However, this did not limit or alter in anyway the course set for improving our democratic system.

p The final results speak for themselves. An absolute majority of the population cast their votes, both in the municipal elections held in December 1992, and in the elections for provincial delegates and 45 National Assembly deputies two months later. In these last elections, participation surpassed all previous expectations. More than 99 percent of the population turned out to vote, an exceptional figure in today’s world which proves that people in the society we are building support the Revolution. Moreover, 95 percent of the valid votes cast were for the whole slate, which confirms the identification between the people and their leaders and ratifies the consolidation of unity in our Revolution, an expression of the strengthened political power of our workers and people in general.

p Far from causing divisions due to any particular interest of one culture or another, in our country the mixing of peoples, races and creeds in the course of shaping the Cuban nation and nationality has emphasized that which is essentially Cuban and strengthened national unity. The participation of the most progressive forces in our society, from the first struggles for independence in 1868 to the Revolution in 1959, in the pursuit of solving our nation’s problems has contributed to this beyond any measure. This has brought about a unity that has been ratified by the historical process itself, in which there has been no room for interpretations that could weaken Cuban national integration.

p The triumph of the Cuban Revolution led by Fidel is the direct continuation of the grouping of revolutionary forces, their antiimperialist and anti-colonial thought which found its greatest exponent in Jose ‘Marti’. That is the origin of our tradition of rebellion, our national feeling and our struggle against imperialist forces, which have been constant features of our Revolution throughout these years.

p This vocation for national unity reflects at the same time in the unity between the Party and the masses in Cuba, which in turn guarantees the achievements made by our people and is proof that the vanguard has been able to set examples, persuade, convince and group all forces in favour of socialism. The style of communication, the open and frank dialogue, the acknowledgement of errors and the capacity to turn them into victories have all contributed to this. The way in which people’s basic needs are attended to is very characteristic of the Party’s relationship with the masses. In Cuba, to be a Party member has always meant more work, greater sacrifices and more dedication to the revolution and socialism— never a privilege.

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p Having become a ware of the extent of a circumstantial decision that excluded believers from the Party in our country, the 4th Party Congress, held in October, 1991, passed a resolution eliminating this practice.

p This decision, which means that in order to become a member of the Party one is not judged by one’s religious creed but by one’s desire to defend the achievements and welfare of our people with a communist attitude towards this task, makes the Party richer and strengthens its capacity to mobilize the nation.

p At the same time, the new approach that has been taken in the rectification process through the work of the Young Communist League is gaining ground. The mass mobilizations in defense of the Revolution that have taken place on various occasions throughout the country are eloquent examples of this. This fresh outlook, free of any stereotyped thinking and full of Cuban spirit, is today characteristic of the youth movement for socialism.

p Now beginning its fourth decade, the Revolution is confirming the role its historical leaders have played in the solution of the contradictions stemming from the generation gap. Unlike other experiences, the leaders of this whole revolutionary process and their building of socialism have been able to combine the traditional path of the Revolution with outside influences, at the same time, achieving the active involvement of its best cadres in order to guarantee a continued improvement of Cuban society. Thus, three generations are united in a single power of Party and State leadership. Proof of this, just to mention one example, is the composition of our National Assembly as well as of its executive, the Council of State, after the last elections.

p This has allowed young people to identify themselves even more with the revolutionary project. Because of its tasks and objectives, the vast majority of workers and students feel called upon to participate in the work required to further the Revolution and socialism in our country. There are contradictions, it isa natural process that is reborn with every new generation, but they are successfully solved.

p Ever since the triumph of the Revolution, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, another contribution made by socialism to the Cuban nation, have given the ordinary citizen unique opportunities for social participation.

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p The collective spirit of this organization has socialized ways of behaviour that mean not only commitment to but also involvement of neighbours in concrete tasks such as education, health, voluntary work, caring for children and young people and defence activities; just some of the necessary tasks in a system that requires more or less constant participation. Due to their efforts since the beginning of the Revolution, the CDRs are taking on activities specifically aimed at promoting cultural life in the neighbourhood and assist in the smooth-running of the election process. That is its multifaceted approach.

p Our way of building socialism also breaks traditional patterns by organizing our people into Territorial Troop Militias (MTTs), created as a result of the increased violence on the part of the US Administration against Cuba in the early 80s. In short, the MTTs are the people in arms, a legitimate continuation of the national revolutionary militia which in its times faced theattack at the Bay of Pigs and with great success fought against the counterrevolutionary bandits in the 1960s. And, asComrade Fidel has repeatedly stressed, its existence, is the best proof that there is a genuine democracy in Cuba.

p The defence of the Revolution is a permanent task imposed on us since 1959. The imperialist enemy has never ceased to attack us, always creating new pretexts when the traditional ones wear out. This defence has always been based on a principle: it is carried out by the Cubans and for the Cubans.

p Economically, the state of underdevelopment in which Cuba has faced the challenge of building socialism has made it necessary to break the traditional patterns that dependent capitalism generally created in such situations. The achievements made in the Cuban economy over more than three decades are a proof of this. The mechanization of the sugar harvest, the levels attained in the production of citrus fruits, the increased nickel and cobalt production, as well as the changes in the productive structure which favoured industry in relation to the production of raw materials, are among other indicators of how the Cuban economy has developed since the triumph of the Revolution.

p The economic policy aimed at creating a balance in the development of the different geographical areas is a genuine achievement of the Revolution with immediately visible results. The 48 changes brought about in the country side have to do not only with economic activity but also with new socialized types of communities. The creation and development of agricultural cooperatives— on a voluntary basis and not forcefully, as in other systems—and the attention paid to spiritual needs in rural communities, such as access to culture and information, as well as the influence from the cities, have created a city-countryside link which, although generating new contradictions, constitutesa new aspect of the Revolution’s agrarian policy.

p It is true that we still have not reached the desired levels of productivity in all sectors of the economy and that the service industry requires a substantial boost and quality improvement. We still have not been able to achieve a total identification between the producer and his/her means of production, which means we must make further progress in what we now call the sense of collective ownership.

p But apart from that we feel that we are masters of everything we are doing, masters of our country, of our Revolution and of our socialism, which are the most universal values for eradicating the differences that still remain.

p The social achievements are indisputable. The accomplishment in public health and education can be attained only through a revolutionary process like ours. The reduction of the infant mortality rate to 10.3 per thousand live births and a life expectancy of 75 years are indicators that are on a par with those of the world’s most developed countries.

p The Cuban educational system is true to our people’s best traditions. The combination of study and work, a legacy from Marti and Marx, is the right one and is entirely the work of the Revolution. The real possibility for children and young people to study is a result of what we have been capable of creating. The number of professionals graduated from our universities, with guaranteed employment, is a result of the educational and labour policy in our transition towards socialism; a specific way of progressing towards the transformation of humankind and our conditions of existence.

p In short, the Revolution’s social policy has been developed on the basis of a new concept of equity in human development, combined with an efficient use of all available resources.

p In this brief summary it is impossible to include all the fruits of 49 our work, along unexpected avenues, in our transition towards socialism as an underdeveloped country.

p For many years US imperialists labelled us as a Latin American satellite of the socialist bloc. We have always replied that the Cuban socialism is authentic and emerged from its own history and people, that the socialist ideal united us with Eastern Europe and the former USSR, and that our relations with those countries were a model of a new kind of relationship among countries.

p The Cuban Revolution is ours. We set its course and our project-based on the thoughts of Marx, Lenin and Jose Marti-has been conceived, built and defended by us with our own sweat and blood.

p Today the dramatic developments that led to the collapse and later on to the dismantling of the socialist model in Eastern Europe confirm this assertion. Cuba continues to build socialism as the only legitimate alternative that specifically combines the most sacred values of homeland, revolution and socialism.

May I conclude this lecture with the words of the leader and guide of the Cuban Revolution, Comrade Fidel Castro, on September 28th 1964: "Our Revolution has an obligation, we all have an obligation to the founders of Marxism, and—first and foremost—this is an internationalist obligation. And what is it? To struggle for the prestige of their ideas, to struggle for the triumph of their ideas".