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__TITLE__ Marx'sProgress Publishers Moscow
Translated from the Russian by Boris Rutyrei) Designed by Vladimir Gordon
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CONTENTS
Introduction
© Progress Publishers 1987
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Chapter 1. Condition of the Rise and Existence of Private
Commodity Production................ 17
1.1 Technology and the Labour Process........ 17
Technology (17). Negentropy as a property of technologies (18). The utility of the results of production (20). Expediency of technologies (21). Goalsetting (24). Unit technology (24). A system of technologies (25). The planned character of technologies (25). The realisation of technologies as a labour process (26). Labour power and the means of production (27). The two-fold nature of social labour (29). Technological input and output norms (30). The three epochs in the development of the implements of labour (32). Means of production of one-time use and of multi-time use (34). Time of production and time of labour (35). Natural ( nonreproducible) and reproducible means of production (36). Conclusion: a special, constituting role of labour in production; two primary factors of production (38).
1.2. Cooperation and Social Division of Labour .... 41 The social form of production (41). The agents of the economy (42). Cooperation (42). Division of labour
(43). The exchange of matter in the economy (45).
1.3. The Concept of the Commodity. A Necessary and Sufficient Condition for the Existence of Private Commodity Production............... 48
Equivalent exchange (initial definition) (48).Unit enterprise (49). Equivalent exchange (further definition) (52). The commodity (55). The evolution of commodity exchange. Commodity production (57). Money (59). The necessary and sufficient condition
for the existence of private commodity production (61). The functions of money (62).
0603000000-231
- 33---86
014(00-87
Chapter 2. Value and Surplus-Value
712.1. Capitalism: the Highest Form of Commodity Production ...................... 71
Capital (71). Capitalism (74). The capitalist form
of property (77). The three kinds of capital (78). Advanced capital and capitalist cost-price (79). Competition of capitals (81).
2.2. The Initial Conditions Under Which the Theory of Value Is Built................. 82
2.3. A Mathematical Description of the Subject: Firm, Industry; Input and Output .".......... 87
2.4. System of Industries. The Input-Output Table ( Interindustry Balance) .............. 98
The productiveness of the technological system (98).
The input-output model (102). The law of the conservation (not increasing) of output in the exchange process (104). The replacement fund and the net output (106).
2.5. The Magnitude of Value: Socially Necessary Labour
Input in the Production of Commodities..... 109
Total labour input in the production of commodities (109). Newly-created value. Individual and socially necessary living labour expenditures (110). Value transferred from means of production (119). Simultaneous equations for getting the total labour input
in the production of unit output (122). The period for which the magnitude of value has to be determined (125). Representation of the expenditure of all reproducible resources as those of social labour (126). The law of the conservation of embodied labour in the process of its transfer to the commodity. The value of commodities as that of their reproduction (127). National income (129). The law of the conservation of the value of commodities in the process of exchange and distribution (130). The individual value of commodities (132). The value of labour power (136).
2.6. Surplus-Value ................. 140
Newly-created value and the value of labour power (140). Necessary product and necessary labour (141). Surplus-product and surplus-value (144). Constant
and variable capital (146). Rate of surplus-value (147).
Chapter 3. Forms of Manifestation of Value and SurplusValue ..................... 149
The law of value as the general law of commodity production (167). Reimbursement of circulation costs (169).
3.2. The Inevitable Results of the Operation of the Law
of Value.................... 170
Unequal profitability of various technologies and firms (170). The differentiation and decay of petty commodity production (172). Technical progress (173). Regulation of the proportions of production. The mechanism of the law of value (176).
3.3. Forms of Surplus-Value............. 187
The price of production as a converted form of value (187). The profit of merchant capitalists, interest, taxes, ground rent (201). Involving nonreproducible resources in the system of equivalent exchange (207).
Chapter 4. Statistical Verification of the Law of Value . . . 210
4.1. Requirements of the Law of Value Subjected to Statistical Verification.............. 210
4.2. Calculations with National Accounts Statistics of the United States: Large Sectors of the Economy . . . 216 Estimate of real price deviations from value-level prices (218). Stability of the average relation of CE
to realised national income (227). Stability of the ratio of CE to realised income by large sectors of the economy and stability of its sectoral variations (230). Deviations of prices from value: dependence on the growth rates of output by sector (233). Dynamics of labour intensity of output and dynamics of prices (244).
4.3. Calculations with US National Accounts Statistics: Manufacturing ................. 261
4.4. Calculations with US Input-Output Tables .... 269 Statistical analysis (269).
4.5. Summary ................... 274
Chapter 5. The Theory of the Social Utility of the Products.
of Labour ..................... 277
5.1. A Methodological Approach to Studying the Utility
of Products in Economic Theory......... 277
The utility of products as a research topic in economic theory (277). The objective character of utility (281). The opposition and unity of the use-value and value of products (285).
5.2. The Basic Concepts of the Theory of the Utility
of Consumer Goods............... 288
Needs, effective demand, welfare, consumption (288). The subjective form of needs and chance factor in consumer behaviour (292). The concepts of total needs, the normal level of their satisfaction, and long-term needs (294).
§
3.1. Value as the Law of the Prices of Reproducible Commodities ....................
The law of expenditure of the reproduction of commodities (149). Prices and the reproduction of conditions of production (152). The first requirement of the law of value (157). The possibility of redistributing value between industries by means of prices. The second requirement of the law of value (164).
149 45.3. The Objective Consuption Function....... 296
The generalising function of the increase in consumption (296). The hypothesis relating to the form of
the consumption function (303). The formula of the consumption structure (306). The fundamental characteristics of the formula of the consumption structure (311).
5.4. Statistical Verification of the Objective Consumption Function ................... 313
INTRODUCTION
The aim of this book is to present the main points of Marxist-Leninist views on the political economy of capitalism using modern mathematical models. This presentation additionally substantiates the theory, scientifically and gives it new opportunities for further development.
When making increasingly extensive use of modeling as a method of cognizance the followers of Marx and Lenin rely, on the one hand, on modern.developments in mathematics and technical cybernetics, and the experience of using them in the other sciences and, on the other hand, on the fundamental methodological achievements in this respect accumulated by economic theory itself. The classics of Marxism-Leninism have left us a very rich legacy of ideas in this field. There is no room here to analyse fully the use of mathematics in the economic works of Marx and Lenin. Let us merely point to certain fundamental aspects of their experience in the formalisation of economic theory.
There is almost no chapter in Marx's Capital where he has not employed formalised methods, i.e., models, for-- describing the subject. First, there are the specific non-- mathematical formulae for economic phenomena and processes ( formulae to express the various forms of value; the formula for the social exchange of matter under commodity production C---M---C; the general formula for capital M---C---M'; the formulae for the circulation of the various kinds of capital). Second, there are directly mathematical models--- numerical and algebraic. With their aid, Marx in fact analysed all the major phenomena and processes of the capitalist economy studied in Capital. For instance, there are the formulae for commodity value (w = c + v + m), capital (K = c -f- I?), the rate of surplus-value, the value composition of capital, the velocity of the circulation of capital, the annual rate of surplus-value, the conditions for simple and extended reproduction, capitalist costs of production, |.he rate of profit, prices of production, etc. From his analy-
The first statistical test: increase in ratios
Axj;
(314).
Second statistical test: evaluations of the trajectories' degrees of curvature (321). Third test: a retrospective forecast for 1962-1971 (331). A sophisticated retrospective forecast for the item "Clothing and footwear". (341). A sophisticated retrospective forecast for the items "Transport and communication", " Culture and leisure" (346). A sophisticated retrospective forecast for the item "Alcoholic beverages" (348). General conclusions (348).
5.5. The Social Utility of Means of Production .... Two aspects of the social utility of means of production (351).
351Appendices to Chapter 4................ 357
sis of the characteristics of these models Marx derives the main laws and trends in the evolution of the capitalist economy, i.e., the laws of the changing rate of surplus-value and rate of profit, of the realisation of social capital, and the like.
Whole chapters of Capital are devoted to an analysis of formal dependences. For example, in Volume I of Capital (Chapter IX), three laws relating to the rate and mass of surplus-value are derived from an analysis of the formula for the mass of surplus-value in two specially developed modifications; Chapter XVII is based on the use of magnitudes of a partial derivative-type to examine the dependences of the relationship between the price of labour power and surplus-value on the length of the working day, intensity and productivity of labour (although Marx does not derive these partial derivatives formally).
In a number of cases, Marx made use of numerical examples and charts that are not generally expressed in the shape of formal models and, in this sense, retain the nature of illustrations. They are, however, brought to a level, the very next step beyond which would involve the building of a model. As an example, let us mention the charts used to analyse the formation of the average rate of profit and those of simple and extended reproduction. Marx also drew up a numerical chart of a four-sector economy constituting a prototype of the input-output table with more than two branches of business; in this chart, one branch of business is represented by two industrialists, the description being more general than in the usual modern input-output tables and representing the first step towards building a model of capitalist competition.^^1^^
Lenin, of course, generalised Marx's charts of the reproduction of social capital for the case of a growth of the organic composition of capital. Let us also point to the numerical chart of an economy consisting of three branches of industry, with six producers, which Lenin used to analyse the problem of the transformation of subsistence economy into commodity economy and then into capitalist economy.^^2^^ This
chart again leads to the verge of the creation of an appropriate model.
There are now, of course, much greater opportunities for systematic use of mathematics than at the time of the classics of Marxism-Leninism. These opportunities first of all result from the development of mathematics itself, especially from the achievements in the field of set theory, probability theory, modern algebra, and the theory of vector spaces, as well as from their application in describing numerous subjects in various sciences. They also result from the mastering of mathematics by economists and the involvement of mathematicians in economic studies. These processes have taken some time to develop. At the same time, it should be emphasised that the legacy of the classics of Marxism-Leninism relating to the methodology in the field of the employment of formal techniques retains its great importance. The main thing here is that, using relatively simple techniques, Marx and Lenin formalised not only the description of the technological component of the economy, but also that of the social relations constituting its form; moreover, the dynamic and probabilistic properties of the economy, generated by law-governed technological progress, are taken into account.
The legacy of the classics of Marxism-Leninism contains, above all, the principles of scientific abstraction, of constructing pure subjects, which is a necessary condition for creating productive models, especially theoretical ones. The attentive reader of Capital cannot but notice the thoroughness with which Marx, every time, points to specific features of the real economy from which he abstracts. He demonstrates in particular that, if they were taken into account, they would not change the conclusions of the corresponding step in the study; when further considering problems lying closer to the surface, in the substantial analysis, Marx consequently makes use of the factors he initially disregarded to specify and develops his previous conclusions on this basis, in accordance with the general methodology of ascent from the abstract to the concrete.
To illustrate this let us merely point to the transition from the formula for the rate of surplus-value to the formula for the annual rate of surplus-value---to that of the rate of profit without regard for the velocity of the circulation of capital---to that of the annual rate of profit---to that of the average rate of profit and the price of production---to that of
~^^1^^ See: Karl Marx, "Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy", Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 28, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1986, pp. 362-66.
~^^8^^ See: V. I. Lenin, "On the So-Called Market Question", Collected Works, Vol. 1, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1972, pp. 79-111,
the rate of profit with regard not only for productive capital but also to capital of circulation---to that of the rate of profit with regard not only to industrial but also to merchant's capital---to the formalised description of the division of average profit into interest and the profit of enterprise---to the formalised description of the transformation of a part of surplus-value into ground rent, with the appropriate specification of the description of the average rate of profit, etc.
It is of profound general methodological importance that Marx was able to present, in a formalised manner, such fundamental points of his socio-economic theory as the concept of the exploitation of the proletariat by the class of capitalists, the general capitalist production development trends (growth of the organic composition of capital and its effect on the general rate of profit), with the ensuing conclusions relating to the class struggle of the proletariat. To create theoretical socio-economic models to express the fundamental causes and inherent laws of the totality of phenomena observed as they develop is the only way to build up a methodologically sound theory. Such models cannot be replaced by empirical ones for formulating a theory. The latter models reflect only the surface of the phenomena, although these do have a certain role to play in science.
The formalised description of the subject at the level of its laws has opened up the natural way to relevantly expressing its probabilistic and dynamic nature. Marx repeatedly indicated directly that the economic laws of capitalism operate through a chaos of chance occurrences as long-term trends, as blindly acting law of mean numbers. The building of theoretical models to reflect the average result of numerous random fluctuations permits deterministic formalisation techniques (both relatively simple and the most developed) to be employed to describe the probabilistic environment.
As the models are built as theoretical ones, expressing the typical properties of the subject, their use means that the national economic nature of economic laws can be reflected. When considering private capital and formally expressing its specific features, Marx disregarded any branch or other local peculiarities; when examining the departments and branches (studying social reproduction, the overall rate of profit, ground rent) he took them as being interconnected with the other branches, and presented their system as a national economic whole. This saves his models from the iney-
itable shortcomings engendered when local subjects and individual parts of the economy are described separately. The methodological achievements of the classics of Marxism-Leninism in the use of modeling techniques are especially important because they employed them to build the actual theory of social production.
In order to distinguish theoretical models from empirical ones, the very concept of theory should be discussed as a certain stage in the cognizance of external objects. Science widely accepts the concept of theory in the form imparted to it by Albert Einstein. Theory is characterised, first, by the attribute of external justification, second, by internal perfection, the former, i.e., accordance with the properties of the facts that science already knows, being a general requirement that science must fulfil at all the stages of acquiring knowledge. Theory as such is specifically characterised by the fact that it reduces the whole set of well-known regularities to a substantially smaller number of their causes (inner laws); theory is the more perfect the smaller the number of assumptions with which the empirically given properties of an object can be explained. This concept of theory, being a formal one, provides a profound answer to the essential definition of theoretical knowledge within the system of stages of cognizance: this is knowledge of the essence of phenomena, which explains their surface and allows specific features of phenomena not yet observed, including the results of human practice, to be forecast.
Since theory explains and forecasts the set of the object's empirically discovered properties from its relatively small number of unobservable, internal properties, the work on building a theory logically consists only in, first, formulating some system of assumptions; second, analysing the properties of this system, deriving as an advanced system of conclusions as possible from the assumptions (for actual verification and practical use). That is why the mathematical form of the building, development, and exposition of a theory is, in principle, suited to its concept. The level of mathematical formalisation of a theory depends, of course, on the development level of mathematics itself, on the degree to which all the logical achievements of human thinking have been mastered. Mathematics seems, in its most general, abstract sections, to develop, in fact, as specific logical techniques created by science as suitable forms for building a theory. (This is but one aspect of the development of mathema-
tics which is, at the same time, abstraction of the quantitative side of various external phenomena and creates techniques for carrying out applied calculations.)
In striving to create sufficiently elaborated theories, economic science cannot but make use of the entire set of opportunities offered by modern mathematics. At the same time, special research justifies the assertion that economic theory cannot, today, be built up only in the form of a system of mathematically formulated axioms and theorems. Moreover, modern mathematics fails to provide the techniques required precisely for the most general and profound results of economic theory.
The most advanced sector of economic theory is the theory of the capitalist mode of production which, at the same time, contains the fundamental methodological ideas of economic theory as a whole. This theory answers the general concept to the highest degree: all the major properties of its subject are derived from one (certainly internally complex) assumption about the commodity as the cell of the bourgeois economy, i.e., they are represented as the development of the internal contradiction between the use-value and value of the commodity. Lenin saw this as a model of any theory in general.
A formalised presentation of the political economy of capitalism using mathematics broadly is, in our opinion, of special scientific importance. By giving a more sophisticated form to this theory, it opens up broad scope for its further development on the basis of the potent, multi-faceted, sophisticated, logical techniques of mathematics and computers. The path to the application of theory (in particular, for forecasting purposes) is substantially shortened when it is represented by models. Theory is directly involved in the flow of mathematically described research, which is of great importance for its comprehension by both economists and scientists engaged in other fields. This is also of importance for its creative mastering by university students in both economic and other studies. Lastly, it offers further opportunities for Marxists to succeed in the ideological struggle against bourgeois economic doctrines; in particular, it deprives bourgeois economists of the opportunity to play on the difference in the mathematical level of the two opposing theories.
Recently, the flow of mathematical economic literature has been swollen rapidly in the West by works devoted to
the fundamentals of Marxist-Leninist economic theory, i.e., the concepts of value and surplus-value; a number of books1 and many articles have been published. Generally we are dealing with a quite distinctly established special sector of theoretical economic literature. This can be seen as a reaction to the increased interest in Marxism demonstrated in scientific and student circles owing to the obvious bancruptcy of all attempts by bourgeois economists to propose a theory of prices and cycle that corresponds to reality.
This literature requires thorough critical analysis by Marxists. The difference in the authors' outlooks and the disputes among them must not be ignored. Some of them, for example P. Samuelson, J. Steedman, are obviously antiMarxists, whereas others try to understand Marx's economic theory and treat it as science (for instance, W. Baumol, G. Abraham-Frois and E. Berreby, Y. Fujimori). Various intermediate positions are taken by M. Morishima, G. Maarek, etc.
In this literature, most attention has been attracted by the works by P. Samuelson, M. Morishima, J. Steedman, and other authors who employ modern mathematical techniques in an attempt to refute Marx's economic theory, and the fundamentals of his theory of society as a whole. Outwardly this is usually offered in the form of attempts to expose Marx's theory strictly, to fix its assumptions and conclusions, and to demonstrate that they do not correspond to one another. In fact, the ``exposition'' either directly contradicts Marx's theory (and reality together with it) or reduces this theory to a particular, almost non-realistic case. In some or other way, the above authors try to remove Marx's economic theory concerning value and surplus-value from economics.
All these attempts to expose or refute Marx's economic theory demonstrate, in fact, that the latter is too much for them. The use of mathematical models merely lays this fact bare. Mathematics is a strict science and Marxian economic
~^^1^^ Michio Morishima, Marx's Economics. A Dual Theory of Value and Growth, London, 1973; Khoshimura Shinzaburo, Theory of Capital Reproduction and Accumulation, London, 1975; Jan Steedman, Marx after Sraffa, London, 1977; Gilbert Abraham-Frois and Edmond Berreby, Theory of Value, Prices and Accumulation. A Mathematical Integration of Marx, von Neumann and Sraffa, Cambridge, 1979; Gerard Maarek, An Introduction to Karl Marx's "Das Kapital". A Study in Formalization, Oxford, 1979; Y. Fujimori, Modern Analysis of Value Theory, Berlin---Heidelberg---New York, 1982; etc.
13theory is the same. That is why they are in deep internal mutual correspondence. If mathematical techniques are really used scientifically, it is impossible to refute the theory; on the contrary, its might can be repeatedly demonstrated, and it can be developed further. If, nevertheless, a certain author strives to refute Marxism using mathematical methods, he has to choose one of two ways: (1) instead of mathematical models identical to the subject of study and providing sufficient grounds for studying relevant problems, to propose inadequate models that ignore precisely those characteristics of the subject without an understanding of which the theory cannot be constructed; (2) build more or less adequate models, but interpret them at variance with their own properties.
Yet in either case, mathematical presentation hampers the bourgeois authors: their logical errors show through much more clearly and are uncovered much quickly than if they had chosen a less formalised exposition. In fact, extensive use of mathematics can only serve to convince any objective, unprejudiced researcher of the correctness of Marxism and the invalid nature of criticisms of it. Once again Lenin's words have been substantiated: "The development of science is providing more and more material that proves that Marx was right".^^1^^
All attempts, without exception, to refute the fundamental concepts of the theory of value and surplus-value mathematically are reduced to the above two variants of scientifically incorrect points. I have published papers refuting the main lines of mathematical ``critiques'' of Marx: attempts to demonstrate the existence of some contradiction between the theory of value and that of prices of production,^^2^^ attempts to demonstrate that social value can be a negative or indefinite magnitude, etc.^^3^^
In this work I shall not return to the dispute with Marx's ``critics''. The main thing that can be offered to the unprejudiced reader is a positive exposition of Marx's theory using modern mathematical techniques. At the same time, the book will demonstrate that the laws of Marxian political
economy are supported by mass statistics with great precision, the actual verification being, in any true science, the key criterion for evaluating theoretical conceptions.
The theory of value and surplus-value not only explains the properties of capitalism. This inevitably suggests the conclusion that capitalism must be replaced by a new, communist system, where every member of society is free from exploitation and other forms of oppression, where all the conditions are created for complete satisfaction of material and intellectual requirements, free comprehensive development of the personality of everyone. It is these conclusions that are the reason that the bourgeois apologists strive to undermine the fundamentals of Marx's economic theory. We shall focus on the demonstration of validity precisely of these fundamentals of the theory.
I am sincerely thankful to I. A. Itskovich for long-term cooperation and valuable aid in theoretical mathematical economic research, and I will always keep in my memory this wonderful man and scientist. A tremendous amount of work on making the calculations published here and on preparing the manuscript was carried out by L. G. Krivoshapova, A. V. Shcherbinskaya and L. P. Veretennikova, and the author avails himself of this opportunity to express his gratitude to them.
~^^1^^ V. I. Lenin, "The Collapse of the Second International", Collected Works, Vol. 21, 1974, p. 222.
~^^2^^ See: Social Sciences, USSR Academy of Sciences, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1980, pp. 179-97, and Vol. XIV, No. 2, 1983, pp. 211-16.
~^^3^^ See: Social Sciences, USSR Academy of Sciences, Vol. XIV, No. 1, 1983.
14Chapter 1
CONDITIONS OF THE RISE AND EXISTENCE OF PRIVATE COMMODITY PRODUCTION
1.1. Technology and the Labour-Process
Every scientific theory is embodied in a system of concepts supplied with a special glossary. Only together with these concepts and glossary can the theory be perceived. In its concepts and terminology, Marxian economic theory differs substantially from the bourgeois theoretical conceptions that preceded it and exist alongside it. These concepts and terms have been thoroughly developed. A system of concepts describing some general characteristics of any process of production and exchange serves as an introduction to commodity theory.
In accordance with the nature of the object, no stagnant, extrahistorical categories exist in the theory. We shall formulate the general concepts in such a way as to make them correspond to the conditions of the fairly developed economy with which the researcher into commodity production deals. In their undeveloped, sometimes embryonic form, however, the phenomena expressed by these general concepts are characteristic of all the previous stages in the evolution of production, beginning with the primitive ones.
Technology. The initial observed general fact constituting the specific subject of the economic research is that Man continually, regularly creates from the objects occurring in Nature products that the spontaneous action of the forces of Nature either does not generate at all or does so only relatively rarely. The perception of this fact provides the initial idea of production.
The initial products purposefully manufactured by ape at the start of its protracted evolution into human were a more or less close imitation of certain natural objects (for example, sharp stones). The intentional manufacturing of them (in contrast to simple collecting) became entrenched in ape
2-0702
17
behaviour since experience showed this to take less time. In other words, the frequency of the natural occurrence of the stones of required shape over a certain span of time, for example during daylight, proved to be consistently smaller than the number that could be produced artificially over the same period of time. Here the fundamental difference between human production and Nature showed itself in embryonic form: the steady, in this sense law-governed, obtaining of results that are of low probability, or even completely improbable in Nature itself (without human intervention). In the case of sharp stones we are dealing precisely with a product of Nature that is of low probability (occurring rarely, though existing). At the same time, another property of any technology is felt here: man is acting in it as a force of Nature, using objects provided by Nature, and fulfilling the laws of Nature itself. Man does not create any new laws of Nature, all of which are applicable to human production. Human beings master the laws of Nature only by observing them. They merely make deliberate use in technologies of the laws of Nature existing outside their will. For this reason, technologies are natural (physical, chemical, biological) processes in the form imparted to them by Man. The content of this initial definition will be further elaborated.
Negentropy as a property of technologies. The reproduction of products simulating certain natural products (occurring, or at least having occurred in Nature) continues to be one of the segments of human production activities. For instance, people grow a forest (but in a place, at a time, and with such a composition that the probability of just such a forest occurring naturally is virtually zero). Yet on the whole, the development of production has gone the way of creating increasingly diverse kinds of products that never occur in Nature. Regularly created are things that do not occur in Nature at all.
People have created an artificial sphere for their habitation (a special flora and fauna, settlements, household furniture and utensils, enterprises of material and nonmaterial production, and the like). This sphere being involved in the natural environment of the Earth and space spatially is connected with them over time by the flows of matter and energy, yet is, at the same time, separated from them as being the creation of the human intellect and human hand, as well as by developing in a specific way. From the standpoint of information theory, the creating and developing of
18this artificial sphere is a process of ordering, of increasing variety, i.e., one in which the negentropic trend is clearly felt.
Modern science believes that in the known Universe (at any rate on the Earth and in near-Earth space), the predominant processes are of the transformation of less probable states into more probable ones, i.e., there is an increase in entropy and decrease in the level of ordering and variety. Yet production is the transition from relatively probable states of matter (for Nature as such) to very diverse, hardly probable and virtually improbable states (for Nature as such), i.e., the processes of increasing negentropy and the level of ordering and variety. In this sense, technological processes are opposite to Natural ones.^^1^^
An important, and complicated, question is whether the increase in negentropy in the artificial sphere of human habitation merely as a result of the increasing entropy in the environment is an inevitable characteristic of technologies. When deposits of iron ore are turned into hundreds of thousands and millions of diverse metal goods, negentropy increases; but, in this case, natural landscapes are destroyed, Nature is polluted by industrial waste and undergoes thermal pollution, corrosion and other processes that eventually lead to the dissipation of metal in the environment. Thus, entropy increases in relation to the level of the initial metal deposit.
There are a lot of technologies of this type. The secondary, tertiary, etc. utilisation of raw materials is, however, intensifying, together with the more wide use of solar and wind energy, the power of rivers, sea waves, and tides; for a long time agrotechnical methods have been used in agriculture that not only do not destroy natural soil fertility, but even increase it. It is not quite clear whether these processes of technological development are able to stop, or only slow down, that additional increase in entropy introduced into Nature by anthropogenic activities.^^2^^ This does not mean, of course, any artificial halt to the natural processes of increasing entropy.
^^1^^ Here we are abstracting from negentropic trends in Nature itself (these being, in particular, characteristic of the evolution of living organisms).
_ a Neither is it clear how the total of the negentropical and entropical properties of technologies may be summed.
2*
19To point out the fact that the results of production are improbable (of low probability) as a consequence of the spontaneous action of the forces of Nature is completely insufficient for understanding the form imparted by technologies to objects taken from Nature. This is rather a negative than a positive characteristic: the products differ from those that may occur directly in Nature. A positive characteristic of their specific features is given using the concept of utility.
The utility of the results of production. The quality of the objects provided directly by Nature and the results of production to meet human requirements is called their utility. Requirements are denned as those material, intellectual, and social living conditions the achievement of which is necessitated by the process of society's development and towards the achievement of which society, its particular groups and individuals actively strive. Strictly speaking, certain requirements have as their object living conditions that are not the direct results of production or Nature (for example, the requirement for labour, for a specific job, for contact with other people, and the like). Yet no requirements exist that may be met without using any products at all.
The utility of a thing makes it a use-value. Use-value is thus the totality of the diverse characteristics of products that make them useful, i.e., potentially able to meet certain human requirements.
We do not intend to discuss here the problem of the rise and evolution of requirements themselves (to some extent this is analysed below in the sections dealing with technical progress and private consumption). For the time being it is sufficient to state the existence of various requirements and their change in the process of mankind's development. The initial, basic classification divides needs into productive and personal ones.^^1^^ Both are always partly met by Natural products, which thus acquire a specific characteristic from man's point of view. The existence only of requirements satisfied by natural objects is, however, a property of living matter at an evolutionary stage prior to the appearance of Man. The very fact of the existence of technologies, beginning with the most primitive ones, shows that requirements have
~^^1^^ The more strict term for the second group of requirements is: nonproductive. It covers not only the personal, but also specific requirements for means of waging war. In this book, however, we shall not be studying problems of arms production.
arisen or are, at least, sporadically arising, that cannot be met by natural products alone.
Expediency of technologies. To impart to objects taken from Nature a form in which they meet (or acquire the ability to do so) certain human needs is the goal of any recurrent technological process. The concept of technology as formulated above now can be specified thus: technologies produce not only products improbable (hardly probable) as a result of the spontaneous action of the forces of Nature, but, precisely, ones that prove useful to Man. In accordance with the classification of requirements, these products have to be divided, with regard to their actual final use, into means of production and articles of consumption. Products exist that may be used in either way, for example sugar, salt, milk, meat, and the like. The natural form of products is, however, as a rule such that some of them can be used as means of production only (for instance, various machines, metal in ingot form, etc.), whereas others---as articles of consumption only (for example, clothes, footwear, many types of utensil, etc.). For the sake of pedantic strictness alone, we may specify that by this we mean the use of products according to their intended purpose.
The goal is the constituting principle of any technology in contrast to natural processes. The process itself, the combination and interaction of all its components, are subordinated to it. In this sense, one can speak of the accordance of technology to the product as its goal. If the products created by two technologies are different, we are dealing with different technologies. Yet no one-to-one correspondence exists between products and technologies: technologies differing in the elements used and in the way these interact can produce virtually the same output (as far as the aggregate of useful qualities and physical forms are concerned).
It is apt here to define the concept of virtually identical products. Obviously, certain differences between two units of products taken as identical are, in fact, inevitable: not only between two rams, but even between two metres of fabric from a single roll. These differences may even be significant from the consumer's point of view. Nevertheless, the products are assumed, in theory, to be the same if their differences arise technologically by chance, i.e., if, at a given point in time, there exist no technologies that regularly impart these different properties to the products in question. Moreover, theory ignores the fact that the different
20units of such products may not be equally efficient in consumption.
Identical products may be produced both by one and the same unit technology (in successive portions) or by different unit technologies.
Accordingly, products are assumed to be different if (a) they differ in their potential useful qualities (physical form); (b) these differences are regularly reproduced by technologies.
Some technologies, usually being the majority, produce strictly one kind of output, but there exist technological processes that inevitably generate a set of different products, all of these being the goal of such processes. A vivid example is the breeding of cattle for slaughter, the goal of which is to obtain a lot of useful products: meat of various sorts, hide, horns, hooves, etc. These products cannot be produced separately, but only as associated ones (i. e. co-products).
Such technologies should not be confused with multiproduct economies. One economy can evolve several different technologies. Nothing is changed by the fact that these technologies are somewhat similar with regard to the means of production and labour used. One and the same machinetool plant can produce completely different lathes. If the manufacturing of the different products is distinguished over space and time, it means that they are the results of different technologies.
The situation when really technologically associated propucts are produced (in contrast with multiproduct economies) are found relatively rarely. Below everywhere, unless otherwise specified, we disregard the existence of such technologies. But the offered theory will be shown to cover this particular case as well.
Real technologies very often generate, besides specified products, also ones that were not deliberate. Both useful and useless results can be found among them, and even ones harmful for humans also.^^1^^ We have already mentioned the negative effect of technologies on the natural environment. Technologies are not, however, brought about for the sake of these side effects but for that of obtaining a certain product. Note that it is only by this attribute of the correspondence with the preset goal that any distinction at all may
~^^1^^ Note at once that technologies the direct goal of which is to create harmful products are also usually called useful ones, i.e., ones satisfying a certain requirement existing in society.
be drawn between the primary products and collateral products of technologies.
In considering the utility of products, it is not out ot place to return to the concept of technology as the negentropic process of the transition from probable states of matter to ones of low probability, and completely improbable ones, from the point of view of the spontaneous action of the forces of Nature. Not only an outward similarity, but also a substantial fundamental inner correspondence with it can be seen in the concept of the order of use-value proposed by
Marx.
``Any use-value premised as an element for the formation of a new use-value is, in relation to it, use-value of a lower order, since it constitutes an elementary precondition for it; the order of a use-value is, meanwhile, higher, the more labour processes the elements out of which it is formed anew are subjected, and the more mediated, as it were, is its existence".^^1^^
Technologies acquire their goal-oriented, specific nature from being processes of human labour. Their purposefulness implies, first, goal-setting; second, the drawing up of a plan of action, in this case of technological operations, leading to the achievement of the goal; third, vigorous actions to carry out this plan. All these are innate qualities of subjects, human beings, endowed with consciousness. An objective property of technologies (as well as of the whole economy growing up on their basis), a property that determines their specific features in relation to spontaneous natural processes is the fact that human beings create them and act by means of them. Production can be correctly (objectively) understood only as a specific activity of a human being endowed with consciousness. The technological activities of humans are called the labour process.
``Labour is, in the first place, a process in which both man and Nature participate, and in which man of his own accord starts, regulates, and controls the material re-actions between himself and Nature. He opposes himself to Nature as one of her own forces, setting in motion arms and legs, head and hands, the natural forces of his body, in order to appropriate Nature's productions in a form adapted to his own wants. By thus acting on the external world and changing
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, "Zur Kritik der politischcn Okonomie (Manuskript 1861-1863)", in: Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Gesamtausgabe (MEGA), (I, Band 3, Teil 1, Dietz Verlag, Berlin, 1976, S. 51,
it, he at the same time changes his own nature. He develops his slumbering powers and compels them to act in obedience to his sway. We are not now dealing with those primitive instinctive forms of labour that remind us of the mere animal. An immeasurable interval of time separates the state of things in which a man brings his labour-power to market for sale as a commodity, from that state in which human labour was still in its first instinctive stage. We presuppose labour in a form that stamps it as exclusively human.''^^1^^
Goal-setting. This is conditioned by people's nonproductive requirements. Yet real production creates products to meet these requirements only as final results of entire technological systems, including a lot of unit technologies. Each of these technologies is provided with its own direct goal, and only at the end of long chains of these is the goal to produce goods for nonproductive consumption. All foregoing technologies are aimed at manufacturing various means of production.
Goal-setting is the initial step in any production, of the labour process. "A spider conducts operations that resemble those of a weaver, and a bee puts to shame many an architect in the construction of her cells. But what distinguishes the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect raises his structure in imagination before he erects it in reality. At the end of every labour-process, we get a result that already existed in the imagination of the labourer at its commencement.''^^2^^
Unit technology. Only by a system of goals can the concepts of unit technology and of the system of technologies be defined. In a certain sense, the goal is always a finished product, but the concept of the latter is not quite definite. Since a product that is intended for productive use, has not completely left the production process, it is not a fully finished, but, rather, some intermediate one. This applies to all man-made means of production. If, however, such an intermediate product has such a form that further processing may be stopped for a time, it may become the specific goal of an individual technology. Whether it will become such, or is regarded merely as a part, as a semi-- finished product of some unit technology, it is the matter of the
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974 pp. 173-74.
? Ibid, p. 174.
organisation of technologies, of their organisational division. Hence unit technology is a system of technological operations (processes) that yields a product of a certain independent form and is organisationally separated as a technology the immediate goal of which is just such a product.
A process previously considered as a component of some unit technology can then be separated out as a special technology, and vice versa.
The concept of unit technology should not be confused with that of an economic unit. The latter may operate several unit technologies.
A system of technologies. The technological system underlying the economy as a whole appears as a complex of interrelated unit technologies, ultimately producing products for nonproductive use. They necessarily include technologies for the primary production of raw materials, for producing instruments of labour, and for manufacturing final output; there are also technologies of the successive stages of the processing of raw materials.
No labour processes, nor, therefore, technologies exist that could be performed without employing the natural environment, its products and laws. There do exist, however, special processes of the primary acquisition of natural materials by human beings, the primary extraction of these substances from their purely natural relations. This means the extraction of minerals, the cultivation of plants and breeding of animals, forestry, fishery, and the like. A major specific feature of them economically is that purely natural peculiarities (different characteristics of mineral deposits, active natural fertility of the soil, its potential fertility depending on different methods of cultivation and the use of fertilisers, the natural relief of a fertile locality, as well as the location of all of these natural objects on the Earth and in the space around it) fairly tangibly tell on the level of labour input, connected with the carrying out of the technological process. On the subsequent stages of production the level of inputs is not so greatly affected by natural conditions. The major ones of these are manufacturing, transport (these two, together with the initial stages, make up material production), services and intellectual production (making up nonmaterial production). These stages are distinguished primarily by their goals and, for this reason, by some general characteristics of technological processes.
The planned character of technologies. The conscious aspect
25originating from the subject of production determines not only the goal of technologies. Technologies are a complex of physical (including mechanical, in particular simple spatial movement), chemical, biological, and intellectual processes, the natural outcome of which is the receipt of specific results. This combination of necessary processes consciously determined in advance by humans, first appears as a plan, the technological process always being the subsequent fulfilment of this plan. That is why technologies constitute the results of human knowledge and creative work.
``He [man] not only effects a change of form in the material on which he works, but he also realises a purpose of his own that gives the law to his modus operandi, and to which he must subordinate his will.''^^1^^
There exists a process of the mutual correspondence of technologies and their specific results. Not only should a technology correspond to its goal, but also the goal should be technologically adapted. It must imply processes that do not run counter to the laws of Nature. The failure of the attempts to create a perpetuum mobile were eventually understood as a result of the contradiction between this goal and the natural law of the conservation of energy. Situations occur where the goal can, in principle, be attained, but the way to do so for some time remains unknown or is not sufficiently developed. This can be exemplified by regulated thermonuclear synthesis to obtain energy.
The realisation of technologies as a labour process. Real technologies have, as a rule, always presupposed the direct involvement of human beings in the actual performance of the process, their vital deliberate activity. It is this activity on the part of humans in practically performing and regulating technological processes that is the labour process proper as defined above. Marx says in this respect: "This subordination [of the will of the producer to technological procedures! is no mere momentary act. Besides the exertion of the bodily organs, the process demands that, during the whole operation, the workman's will be steadily in consonance with his purpose. This means close attention. The less he is attracted by the nature of the work, and the mode in which it is carried on, and the less, therefore, he enjoys it as something which gives play to his bodily and mental powers, the more close his attention is forced to be.''^^2^^
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 174. ? Ibid.
So far there have been virtually no even unit technologies that could do without continuous human participation. Economic theory has always taken as its real subject production based just on such technologies. Below we shall in all cases assume that each unit technology needs a certain labour input in order to operate.
As a rule even unit technologies presuppose the participation of many people, who necessarily, therefore, enter into more or less complex relations of labour cooperation. (Here we are faced with one of the primary manifestations of the fundamental characteristic of production that it is possible only as a unity of the technological process and social relations between people.) Accordingly, besides the concept of the individual worker economic theory Tises that of the collective worker whose labour realises technologies, whereas the labour of an individual is not enough for this purpose.
Labour power and the means of production. Any technological process, in whatever sphere it is performed, implies the use by humans of things external to them. Accordingly, two kinds of necessary preconditions for production are distinguished: (1) its material, objective conditions---means of production, (2) its subjective condition---labour power.^^1^^
Labour power is defined as the ability of humans to work, i.e., the totality of their physical and intellectual qualities, knowledge, and skills sufficient to perform certain technological processes.^^2^^ This general definition omits, for the time being, any indication of the range of technologies the individual is able to use, or the answer to the question of the need for professional training in order to acquire a real ability to work. It should be pointed out that this ability, if not regularly utilised, is gradually lost, whereas real labour (if performed under conditions excluding excessive intensity and, let alone, mutilations) not just maintains but actually develops, and improves the worker's skill.
~^^1^^ "...In the process of labour, the use-values included in it break down into two aspects, strictly limited in concept, and opposites ... on the one hand, the material means of production, the objective conditions of production, and on the other, active labour power, purposefully revealed labour power, the subjective condition of production" (K. Marx, F. Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 49, Politizdat 1974 pp. 3(5-37, in Russian).
~^^2^^ "By labour-power or capacity for labour is to be understood the aggregate of those mental and physical capabilities existing in a human being, which he exercises whenever lie produces a useyalue of any description" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 164).
37Means of production are usually divided into objects of labour and instruments of labour. The former are the objects to which the person imparts a special form in the labour process adapting them to his needs; they also include numerous auxiliary materials that do not form the body or physical substance of the product created. It is largely arbitrary to speak of the direct objects for processing in such sectors of material production as power engineering and transportation as well as in the spheres of services and culture. Instruments of labour are the things by means of which a worker either directly influences the object of labour by changing its shape or its location, or creates the necessary conditions for this by insulating the object of labour and the technological process as a whole from the undesirable effects of elemental forces. The first group of instruments of labour, i.e., tools of labour, are sometimes called active, the second group which includes industrial premises---- passive means of labour. Yet there is no strict demarcation line between them.
Neither is there any gap between instruments and objects of labour. Many so-called auxiliary materials, such as dyestuffs, actively affect the major object to be processed and adhere to it, etc.
There are great distinctions between means of production and labour power participating in production. Human labour alone is the factor that imparts to the action of the laws of Nature in technologies a specific purposeful character. Unless employed by man means of production are not realised as such, and constitute nothing but ordinary natural objects, although with a specific shape, but in inaction liable to the destructive action of elemental forces. "... Products intended, as use-values, to enter the new process of labour, as it were, being either instruments of labour or unfinished products (i.e., products that, in order to become actual usevalues, require further processing)---these products, being, as it were, either means of labour or material of labour for the further labour process, realise themselves as such only when they come into contact with living labour, which removes their dead material nature, uses them and turns them from use-values existing only as possibilities into actual, operating use-values, expending and using them as material factors of its own live movement. A machine that is not used in the labour process is useless, is dead iron and wood. Moreover, it is subject to the destructive effect of natu-
28rai forces and the overall exchange of substances: iron rusts, wood rots. Yarn that is not used for weaving or knitting, etc., is only spoiled cotton, cotton that is also useless for any other useful application, the possibility of which it possessed in its nature as cotton, as raw material for yarn."1 Every production use is certainly inevitably associated with means of production losing their initial useful shape; but in this case, as already said, a useful form of a higher order arises.^^2^^
The alternative of being simply objects affected by general natural processes or of playing a special role as means of production is one that is decided not simply with regard to the characteristics of certain things, but also to the actions of human beings in relation to these things. "In the process of labour these things have no purpose except to serve as vital means of labour, as use-values of labour---in relation to living labour itself as its material and means, in relation to the product of labour as its means of production, in relation to the fact that these means of production themselves are already products---products that are means of production for a new product.''^^3^^ Marx fixes this specific relation of things as means of production to active human labour in the terms "objects of labour" and "instruments of labour".
The two-fold nature of social labour. Any of human labour to perform and regulate a technological process is, above all, the aggregate of purposeful, specific actions designed to transform means of production into a specific product, actions in which the skills and abilities to perform this given technological process are used. As such, labour represents concrete labour. In the labour process, which is performed under normal conditions and does not result in industrial injuries and the like, the skills and abilities of the worker
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Gesamtausgabe (MEGA), II, Band 3, Teil 1, S. 55.
~^^2^^ Let us also emphasise Marx's idea that, as the products of nature develop into increasingly artificial forms, they lose the range of further possible use and become, as far as their natural shape is concerned, more specialised, adapted to satisfying an increasingly narrow circle of human needs. In a certain sense, as can be seen, the entropical natural and negentropical production processes sometimes draw together: the final highly specialised form of a product can be just as much of a hindrance to its material substrate being used for production purposes as the dissipation of this substrate within the natural environment.
~^^3^^ Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 49, p. 52 (in Russian).
29are consolidated and improved, the latter acquiring more production experience so that his ability to work becomes increasingly developed.
At the same time, any labour process is associated with an expenditure of human labour power. It appears directly as the work of muscles, nerves, brain, the spending of the energy accumulated in the human body, i.e., expenditure in the physiological sense of the word. It can already be seen that all the versatile, concrete kinds of labour, totally different in the nature of the production operations performed and the skills themselves, have nevertheless something common, because all of them require the above physiological expenditure.
This fact plays a specific role, since any production is possible only as social production and is based on cooperation of labour, both within unit technologies and on a broader scale. In reality, humanity runs production being organised in societies and, within such societies, labour power is the common social resource of production which is, in a manner, allocated among the various unit technologies. The specific skills of the individuals making up this resource definitely impose limitations on its possible redistribution, but society, if necessary, retrains workers, and trains new workers in accordance with the changed demand for specific kinds of labour. In any circumstances, concrete labour is thus a specific manifestation of a certain common social labour power. Labour expenditure by individuals is accordingly the spending of this social labour power, of the social working time fund. In this quality, labour is abstract labour.
The abstract character of labour develops historically as the social cooperation of labour progresses, i.e., as the mutual isolation of societies is eliminated and they turn into national, international, etc. communities up to the appearance of a common world economy. Abstract labour is manifested in a particular form under conditions where commoditymoney relations develop; namely, it forms the substance of the value of commodities.
Technological input and output norms. Every unit technology is specifically characterised by certain extreme quantites of output it can produce and of production inputs. First, the maximum output is determined technologically. If a technology is based on manual tools, this maximum is defined as the quantity of output corresponding to the productiv-
ity of the workers employed by the technology, given the normal level of skills and intensity of labour in the society. If the technology is based on machine tools, the maximum output is determined according to the productive capacity of the implements of labour and other means of production, which is external in relation to the worker.^^1^^
The properties of unit technology also determine the necessary expenditure of various means of production and living labour per unit output (input norms). In part, these standards are already given by the laws of Nature themselves: one ton of cotton yarn cannot be obtained from less than one ton of cotton. Moreover, the entropy characteristic of Nature necessarily causes some waste. Even if the amount of it depends on the specific features of the technology used and is diminished owing to the special improvement of technologies, it cannot usually be reduced altogether. The material input standards are also determined by the capacities of the tools employed and their other properties, the durability of the materials from which they are made, etc. The labour input standards depend on the level of mutual adjustment of the means of production and the worker, the working area being thus determined, etc.
Input standards are determined technologically not only for situations where the output corresponds to its technologically possible maximum, but also where it is lower, with the input standards usually depending on the extent of approaching the maximum. Initially, as the output approaches the maximum, as a rule they decrease but, ultimately, it turns out that in order to employ the productive capacity to the full, the material and labour input standards must be increased. The problem of the extent to which it would, in this case, be rational to make full use of the potential ca-
~^^1^^ Certainly, not only the quantity hut also the quality of output depends on the character of technologies. It has already been pointed out that if a given technology can yield output of a certain quality not attainable for another technology, the products and technologies are different. Very often, society needs products of a similar purpose but of different quality; for example, there is a demand for cement of various rather than of only the highest grades. This justifies the existence of appropriate technologies. At the same time, the normal quality is fixed for every kind of product, and this is important in economic theory. "...The value of every commodity is determined by the labour-time requisite to turn it out so as to be of normal quality" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 169). In speaking of the maximum output in the text, we mean just output of a given kind and of normal quality.
30 31pacity of technologies is solved economically, rather than technologically, on the basis of an estimate of total labour expenditure per unit output. This problem is not to be analysed in the present book.
In all the above cases the maximum output and minimum input, by kind of input, were determined technologically. This means that it is certainly possible to produce smaller quantities of output, right down to zero, as well as with greater input (with no upper limit). Technology itself does not prescribe the volumes of output and input; it merely determines their extreme magnitudes.^^1^^ Every long-existent social form of production has, however, a social mechanism to accustom workers to technological discipline, i.e., to using technologies at the level of technologically possible standards. In this lies the quantitative definiteness of the concept of expediency and the planned character of technologies.^^2^^
The three epochs in the development of the implements of labour. At the same time, the processes of the technological development of society the ultimate objective of which is to increase labour productivity presuppose as the means for achieving this goal the transfer of more and more technological operations and even whole functions from humans to tools.
Any technological process implies the existence of (1) certain objects the shape of which is changed therein, which in turn means the existence of (2) a source of energy, (3) a transmission device, (4) a tool that is thus put into opera-
i, and finally (5) a regulating organ able to register arid remove the deviations from the planned operating conditions. The technological evolution of humanity may be divided into three major epochs, depending on the extent to which the components of the technological process constitute the direct use of organs of the human body. These epochs are defined as the stages in the development of the implements of labour.^^1^^
Manual implements leave for the human body the role of the major (in many labour processes even the sole) source of energy, the transmission device, and the controlling organ. In connection with this, capacity of the unit implement and the number of such implements to be manipulated by one worker, are greatly limited.
A machine consists of a motor mechanism, a transmission device, and a working tool. Although man remains, to one degree or another, the source of energy and the transmission device (especially if mechanisation is not comprehensive), this role is confined to auxiliary production operations. Owing to this, a machine may have several working organs that operate simultaneously; the unit capacity and operating speed of the working organs multiplies manyfold; machines are created that have no analogues among manual tools at all; finally, one worker is able, in a number of cases, to operate several, or even several dozen machines simultaneously. All this means a revolution in the productivity of labour, not a one-time revolution, moreover, but, as more and more sophisticated machines are introduced, one that is manifested in a continuous improvement in the productivity of the whole technological system. In this case, the production process continues to be controlled exclusively or mainly by operators, which again limits the opportunities for technological development given particular types of implements.
Finally, the automatic and automated systems of machines tend to remove man altogether from the process of regular control over the running of the technological process, too, leaving him the function of observing the correctness of the automated control (and, in the future, releaving him even of this function). Technological development is, in principle, limited only by the laws of Nature and, at each given stage,
~^^1^^ "It is not the articles made, but how they are made, and by what instruments, that enables us to distinguish different economic epochs" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 175).
~^^1^^ These extreme magnitudes are, of course, not understood here deterministically, as strictly fixed magnitudes but as those of a probabilistic nature, perhaps, as mathematical expectations of the highest possible output and lowest possible input.
~^^2^^ "The fact that the new product includes only such quantities of material and instruments of labour as are required for the formation of this product, i.e., that the product includes only necessary working time, which is dictated by these specific quantities, in other words, that neither material nor means of production are wasted here, ... this fact is a condition relating not to it as such, but to the feasibility and productivity of new labour, which uses them in the process of labour as its material and means; it constitutes the definition that should be borne in mind when considering this (new) labour itself. Here, however, it is assumed that, as instruments of labour and material of labour, they are included in the new process only in the quantities actually required, as such, for the accomplishment of new labour, are actual material conditions for the new process of labour" (Karl Marx, "Zur Kritik der politischen Okonomie", in: Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Gesamtausgabe (MEGA), Band 3, Teil 1, S. 65; see also op. cit., Ss. 104-105, 110-12).
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33by the level of cognition of these and the elaboration of ways to apply them productively. The time of the universal application of automated systems in production has not yet arrived.
The level of the automatisation of production excluding man from the direct technological process is the sphere of technical sciences and their practical application rather than of general economic theory. Some kinds of automated technological process have been known to mankind since the time when the simplest forms of plant-growing, cattlebreeding, and industry (such as, fermentation) first appeared. Omitting the history of automatisation, let us merely point out that exceptionally broad opportunities are offered for it by the use of micro-processors. The latter are able to control technological processes physically not accessible to human intervention and, in some cases, to maintain operating conditions with substantially greater precision than man usually can.
Let us also take a closer look at two kinds of economically important division of means of production: those of single use and of multi-time use. Moreover, they can be divided into natural and reproducible ones.
Means of production of one-time use and of multi-time use. Any production is, in a certain sense, discrete: there exists a form of output that represents an integral whole and its individual components are no longer output of the given kind. Like in physics, one can speak here of the concept of a ``quantum'' of output, but one usually speaks of the unit output. The units of a number of products are strictly fixed by their natural form: a ram, lathe, suit, etc. In other cases, the natural form represents some part of output consisting of several units (a piece of fabric); nevertheless, the primary unit makes itself felt (too small a remnant of fabric might be left that cannot be used for the usual purposes). Roughly production itself can also be viewed as a succession of single acts, those of manufacturing the units of the corresponding products.
Means of production of one-time use are those that, on being used to produce a unit of output, lose their initial form (are consumed) already in this single act, so cannot be used to produce further units of output. These are, as a rule, basic and auxiliary materials (even if, for instance, a fertiliser affects the harvest for a number of years running, i.e., a number of successive crops). In some cases, the length of
34service of means of labour also proves shorter than the time taken to produce a unit output: for example, many kinds of instrument used in ship-building are worn out before the ship is completed.
In a certain sense labour power also belongs to productive resources used only once, namely: the working time spent creating one output unit cannot be returned (simply owing to the natural irreversibility of time) and used again to produce any further units.
It is clear from the above that means of production of multitime use are those that do not lose their specialised useful form in a single act of production and, for this reason, are used in a number of successive production acts (sometimes, for example, in a machine-building works with a multiproduct specialisation, even for successive single acts of making different products). These are, as a rule, instruments of labour, but also in some cases objects of labour.
The time over which any means of production retain their useful form is finite, which is why the aggregate of the acts of production in which means of repeated use are involved is also finite. Economic theory employs the concept of the time of the normal operation of each kind of means of production (lifetime). Account is also often taken of the fact that this time for the same means of production depends on the technologies involved.
Time of production and time of labour. Any single act of production takes place over time, is performed with a definite speed resulting from the speed of the operation of the natural processes used in it. There thus exists a production time, being a value which is always strictly positive. Since technologies include automatic processes, the production time should be distinguished from the labour time. The latter never exceeds the time necessary for a single act of production; it may be either equal to, or shorter than it.
The maximum speed of natural processes is that of light. Production certainly uses processes with a speed close to this maximum, but the bulk of processes are considerably slower. This simple fact is very important for understanding economic problems: it fills with a specific content the concept of the limitedness of the possible volume of output produced on the basis of any technological system. This limitedness is such that the limit to the possible amount of output has, at least up to now, been consistently lower than the level of full satisfaction of the human requirement for
3*
35consumer products. Since the given technological systems cannot produce more output over a certain span of time, this is one of the premises, rooted in the logic of things, that make people invent more and more now, more efficient technological systems. The disparity between the capacity of production and human needs has not, however, been eliminated yet.
Natural (nonreproducible) and reproducible means of proauction. The primary source of means of production for man is Nature.^^1^^ Not only in its primitive forms but at any stage in its development, production inevitably asks Nature for more and more portions of matter. This applies, above all, to energy because this, having been turned into useful work, regularly assumes a form in which its further utilisation for performing work is impossible. This also applies to substances, because, despite all the special measures aimed at preventing its dissipation (diffusion) within the environment, such dissipation is inevitable. Thus, even the repetition of production on a constant scale and with the same structure requires more and more portions of natural matter. This is particularly true if an expansion of production takes place without a lowering of the material input norms for the unit of output. To prepare the objects provided by Nature for productive use, to separate them from immediate connection with their environment, human labour is needed. Nature, however, exists independently of humanity and the basic natural resources of production are not themselves the result of human labour.
Nothing changes even if, as already said, some products of human production are imitations of natural ones (so-- called reproduction of natural resources). An essentially precise line of demarcation may be drawn between resources if nonreproducible ones are distinguished from those reprodu-
cible by people, which they use in production and to meet nonproductive needs. The term natural will be used everywhere to mean ``nonreproducible'', by which we imply the actual absence of the reproduction of the resource in ques-
The development of production (and of society as a whole on this basis) is determined by that of reproducible means of production, especially tools. Production proper began when the ape went over from simply using natural objects and the organs of its body to manufacturing tools. "The use and fabrication of instruments of labour, although existing in the germ among certain species of animals, is specifically characteristic of the human labour-process, and Franklin therefore defines man as a tool-making animal.''^^1^^
The actual use of natural resources as means of production implies the creation by man of special tools for cultivating the land or extracting minerals. That is why, theoretically and practically, technologies cannot exist that use only a natural resource and labour power: certain reproducible means of production are always used as well.
When manufacturing tools and other means of production, man adapts them in advance to the requirements of further productive use, i.e., of those technologies in which they are intended to act as means of production. It is such specialisation that determines the effectiveness of these means of production, their productiveness in the process of use. From the economic point of view, there are two basic aspects to this specialisation or (the same thing) the utility of means of production which are essential: their ability in general to act as means of production to produce a qualitatively definite output, and the possible standards of material and labour input in producing the output, which is decisively determined by the technological quality of the means of production.
The specialisation of means of production is carried out precisely as a way to prepare the objective conditions for manufacturing output of a certain purpose and quality, moreover with minimum possible inputs. Accordingly technical progress consists either in the creation of means of production for manufacturing new products, being newly introduced into the rnan-made habitation environment, or in creating
~^^1^^ "The soil (and this, economically speaking, includes water) in the virgin state in which it supplies man with necessaries or the means of subsistence ready to hand, exists independently of him, and it is the universal subject of human labour. All those things which labour merely separates from immediate connection with their environment, are subjects of labour spontaneously provided by Nature.
``As the earth is his original larder, so loo it is his original tool house.
``...The earth itself is an instrument of labour, but when used as such in agriculture implies a whole series of other instruments and a comparatively high development of labour" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 174, 175).
36~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 175.
37means of production adapted to manufacturing traditional products with lower input.
Moreover, means of production are objective factors forming the conditions for human vital activities in the labour process, i.e., working conditions, and factors on which the influence of technologies on the natural environment depends. Their specialisation and technical progress can, correspondingly, be adjusted to certain requirements resulting from such anthropogenic activity.
What has just been said about the specialisation of means of production should not be understood as a simplified statement of the type: the narrower the specialisation of means of production the more effective they are. Efficiency always presupposes a certain specialisation. Indeed, technological progress is often manifested in a narrowing of specialisation of the means of production and, on this basis, the production of special output or a reduction in inputs. Yet everything has a limit. It often turns out that the latter goal can, on the contrary, be achieved with greater success if the specialisation of the means of production is relatively wide: its narrowness may prevent their regular use in mass production. Ecological and labour protection requirements set their own limits to the specialisation of means of production.
Conclusion: a special, constituting role of labour in production', two primary factors of production. The purposeful specialisation of means of production reveals the correlation between man and means of production as factors of production from a new angle. On the whole, this correlation appears as follows: by their labour, people impart to reproducible means of production certain useful qualities that comprehensively determine their potential production effectiveness; thanks to this the objective prerequisites are created for using nonreproducible means of production; by their labour, in employing means of production, people transform their potential utility into actual one. That is why human labour is seen as an active factor of production constituting production itself. Labour power is regarded as the main component of the system of productive forces.
Recognition of the special role of labour among all the factors of production distinguishes Marxism fundamentally from bourgeois economic theories. The theory of value is essentially based on this.
At the same time, as is quite clear from the whole exposition, Marx's theory counters any conceptions regarding labour
38as the only source of wealth. "The use-values ... are combinations of two elements---matter and labour. If we take away the useful labour expended upon them, a material substratum is always left, which is furnished by Nature without the help of man....
``...Labour is not the only source of material wealth, of use-values produced by labour. As William Petty puts it, labour is its father and the earth its mother.''^^1^^
Generally, the relation between the two primary factors of production is as follows. Production is subject to all the laws of Nature, particularly those of conservation. Yet there is no natural law conserving the form of matter. On the contrary, if, say, the law of conservation of energy is meant, we have in mind its conservation precisely during a change in form. A certain equivalence of mass and energy is also implied, etc. Production, however, is nothing but the transformation, the alteration of the form of objects given by Nature in order to adapt them to satisfying human needs. In changing their form, man relies upon the laws of Nature, acts like Nature itself acts, i.e., performs only transformation processes that are themselves common in Nature. The fundamental difference, however, is that man, in this case, selects and combines these processes so as to achieve the aims dictated by his own requirements.
``...The history of the development of society proves to be essentially different from that of nature. In nature---in so far as we ignore man's reaction upon nature---there are only blind, unconscious agencies acting upon one another, out of whose interplay the general law comes into operation. Nothing of all that happens---whether in the innumerable apparent accidents observable upon the surface, or in the ultimate results which confirm the regularity inherent in these accidents---happens as a consciously desired aim. In the history of society, on the contrary, the actors are all en-
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 50. Marx scoffed at the idea that "labour is the source of any wealth", introduced into the Gotha Programme of the German Workers' Party (cf. Karl Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme", in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works in three volumes, Vol. 3, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1973, p. 13). Attention would also bo drawn to Engels's ironic criticism of this statement by bourgeois political economists in his work "The Part Played by Labour in the Transition from Ape to Man" (Frederick Engels, Dialectics of Nature, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974, pp. 170-83).
39dowed with consciousness, are men acting with deliberation or passion, working towards definite goals; nothing happens without a conscious purpose, without an intended aim. But this distinction, important as it is for historical investigation, particularly of single epochs and events, cannot alter the fact that the course of history is governed by inner general laws.... But where on the surface accident holds sway, there actually it is always governed by inner, hidden laws and it is only a matter of discovering these laws.''^^1^^
In this way, while stressing the specific nature of the development of society and its difference from that of Nature, the Marxian theory at the same time draws a basic distinction between the concept of the conscious principle in society (and, consequently, in production) and the idea of arbitrariness. Production develops in conformity with objective laws, this implying not only the action of the laws of Nature themselves. There exist special social laws differing from natural ones, which manifest themselves in the conscious activities of people and determine the results of these actions. Like the laws of Nature, these laws are objective, i.e., they operate irrespective of whether people know about them or not, and whether they want just such laws to operate or not. By attempting to create a perpetuum mobile, people demonstrated that they did not believe in the law of the conservation of energy to exist. Nevertheless the law does operate objectively and realises itself even in the very attempts to create a perpetuum mobile. The same is also true of the objective laws of people's social life (including production activities). The task of science is to find such laws in this sphere as well.
This is precisely the goal Marx set himself in Capital. As he put it, "it is the ultimate aim of this work, to lay bare the economic law of motion of modern society...". Marx viewed the evolution of the economic formation of society as "a process of natural history...".^^2^^
The task of this book is to once more show that Marx has performed this discovery, having found the really objectively acting laws of the capitalist economy.
1.2. Cooperation and Social Division of Labour
The social form of production. Analysis of technologies and labour processes as such prompts the conclusion that production cannot be reduced to these, that it is not simply the totality of certain physical, chemical, and other processes, but is also a social phenomenon. The organisation of natural processes, in the form of technologies, their combination, the creation and use of means of production, all imply the existence of certain relations between people. Without such relations, technologies would be impossible. "...It is invariably only a definite social corpus, a social subject, that is engaged in a wider or narrower totality of productive spheres.''^^1^^ Any production is social production.
Thus we can assert, that production is the unity of technological processes and relations between people. "Production is always appropriation of nature by an individual within and with the help of a definite social organisation.''^^2^^ Technological processes are the content of production, while the relations between people for this purpose are its social form. Both are processes of people's conscious activities.^^3^^
Since production itself is nothing but appropriation, lo maintain that social relations in production are relations of appropriation, i.e., property relations, is tautological. Relations connected with ownership of the means of production and labour power provide the social form for combining these factors of production in society, without which any technological process is impossible. On this basis, further, relations arise of the appropriation of real working time, cooperation of labour, its division into necessary and surplus, the appropriation of the components of working time, the social form of labour discipline ("discipline of the slick" as noneconomic class compulsion to surplus labour, "hunger discipline" as economic class compulsion to surplus labour, and conscious labour discipline are distinguished). Lastly, the
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of J'olilical Economy, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1977, p. 191.
~^^2^^ Ibid., p. 192.
~^^3^^ "Wo have seen that value is based on the fact that people relate to one another's labour as to equal and general labour and. in this form, social labour. This is an abstraction, as is all human thinking, and the social relations between people are only possible lo the exteul that people think and possess (he ability to abstract from sensual details and random factors" (Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels. Gesamtausgabe (MEGA), II, Band 3, Teil 1, S. 210).
41~^^1^^ Frederick Engels, "Ludwig Feuerbach and tho End of Classical German Philosophy", in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Selected Works. Vol. 3, pp. 365-66.
~^^3^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 20, 21.
40relations of the appropriation of the output arise from all of these relations. This means its distribution and exchange, the relations that complete the process of appropriation and, at the same time, reproduce the initial relations of ownership of the means of production and labour power. When the question is raised of the objective laws of the economy generally (and of the capitalist economy, in particular), it is a matter of the objective laws governing precisely the system of relations of appropriation in its historically given and, at the same time, changing form.
The need for the social form in carrying out production and the historical changes of this form are ultimately rooted in the functioning and development of technologies. This connection has its general expression in the concept of the correspondence of people's relations of production to the character of the productive forces, this being the most general thesis penetrating all materialist Marxist-Leninist theory in general and economic theory, in particular.
The agents of the economy. People, considered as participants in labour process and property relations are persons vigorously acting in the economy, or economic agents. Below we shall extend this concept taking into account the existence of a special sphere of exchange in the economy ( commodity and money circulation).
Cooperation. A fact that has demonstrated throughout human history that people can carry out production only jointly is cooperation of labour. Cooperation is the form of labour "when numerous labourers work together side by side, whether in one and the same process, or in different but connected processes ...''^^1^^ The simplest kind of cooperation is the immediate joint performance of one and the same operation by a number of workers, i.e., in the same place and simultaneously. From primitive hunting up to many modern production activities, such joint labour has been a necessary condition for technological operation to be performed at all. The productiveness of technologies, i.e., the achievement of their goals, and, consequently, the productivity of labour too are conditioned mainly by the cooperation of workers in simplest or developed forms.
For further analysis, it is essential to note two aspects that make themselves known even in simple cooperation.
First, cooperation is a way to increase the productivity of labour, even if productive labour is itself possible as individual for a certain technological operation. The efficiency of joint harvesting, which cuts the time involved and consequently the losses, is but a vivid example.
Second, cooperation averages the quality of the labour power engaged in the technological process, making it virtually independent of the worker's individual specific characteristics. "Any average magnitude, however, is merely the average of a number of separate magnitudes all of one kind, but differing as to quantity. In every industry, each individual labourer, be he Peter or Paul, differs from the average labourer. These individual differences, or ``errors'' as they are called in mathematics, compensate one another and vanish, whenever a certain minimum number of workmen are employed together.''^^1^^
Division of labour. Specialisation of the workers in the production of different use-values (i.e., the performance of different technological processes in this sense) or in the performance of different technological operations is called the division of labour among them. Speaking of specialisation, we have in mind the fact that the worker is regularly, for a long time, engaged in producing a certain narrow range of use-values, or in performing a narrow set of operationsnarrow as compared with the total list of them; that the provision of the whole list of products and operations is, therefore, a function of a number of different workers; specialisation of workers is expressed in their acquisition of corresponding knowledge and skills for performing certain production operations, the knowledge and skills they do not possess in relation to the other kinds of production activities, or they possess to a lesser degree than the relevant workers. In its developed form, specialisation of the worker is secured as his trade.
A distinction is drawn between natural and social division of labour, though they are somewhat integrated and overlap. The natural division of labour takes as its basis the differences between people in terms of sex and age, their specific bodily characteristics. This used to dominate in the early stages of social production, when the implements of labour were poorly differentiated, and is felt to this day
^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 308.
42~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 305-308.
43through Llie existence of, say, predominantly male and predominantly female occupations and even industries.
The social division of labour is based on specialisation of the means of production, particularly the implements of labour. Its basis is, thus, not differences between people but those between the implements of labour resulted in the fundamental concrete differences in the nature of the production operations performed with their help and, further, in essentially different technologies. For instance, the technology of steel-smelting has nothing in common with that of weavering. The knowledge and skills of a steel worker have nothing in common with those of a weaver. It is quite rightly stated that: "Nothing but trouble will come from a shoemaker baking cakes and a baker stitching boots''.
Specialisation of implements of labour and the divergence of technological processes constitute a necessary but not sufficient condition for stable specialisation of producers. Such specialisation becomes a technical necessity when (a) technological processes chiefly presuppose the direct involvement of the worker in performing specific operations to transform objects of labour; (b) the knowledge and skills used here are mainly empirical in character. Technological opportunities for overcoming occupational narrowness appear as soon as the comprehensive mechanisation and automation of production are brought about. These opportunities can be realised only if corresponding social conditions are created subordinating people's production activities to the interests of their all-round development as individuals, the conditions of social ownership of the means of production. In contrast, private property in one form or another consolidates the occupational division of labour among factory workers. In anticipation, let us here point out that a simple commodity producer is attached to his specialised enterprise as its owner. Narrow specialisation of wage worker is, for the capitalist, one of the conditions for turning the worker into an appendage of a machine, for actually subordinating labour to capital on this basis; moreover any technology including highly mechanised and automated ones, is, in practice, put into operation more efficiently by a worker who has been associated with it in his labour process for a period of many years; as for the negative social effects resulting from this the capitalist does not care about them. All the forms of division of labour rely on cooperation of labour and represent a further development of cooperation.
44In particular, within the bounds of a unit technology, the workers' specialisation is usually a far I or that in itself requires their joint engagement iu the production process. The elements of simple cooperation as such are also retained, because the collective worker, serving the unit technology! consists of a group of individual workers, each with the same trade and the same production functions to fulfil.
Developed social division of labour takes cooperation beyond the bounds of a unit technology and the individual enterprise.
The exchange of matter in the economy. The social division of labour makes the exchange of activities among humans regular. This exchange takes two forms: that in the form of products and that in the form of activities as such (services). Exchange of activities arises as a further development of the exchange between Man and Nature, which constitutes the essence of the technological process in general.
Any unit technology implies the existence of the above objective and subjective conditions, which we shall call its input, and the obtaining of specific products, to be called output. In themselves, the physical, chemical, etc. processes of turning resources into output are completely unimportant to economic science. If you wish, it is completely sufficient for this science to see technological transformation as a black box. Yet input and output ought to bo examined in the framework of economic theory. Technology then appears as a specific mode of exchange of products of Nature and production, as well as of the working time of labourers, representing the ``input'' of the technology for its specific products. The completion of the act of production means that the resources used in it have been consumed (in relation to some resources, as already mentioned, this is true only after repeating of single acts) and no longer exist in their previous form, i.e., as resources for the given technological process. In their place, there is the product.^^1^^
Let us depict this technological exchange of resources for products as follows (Fig. 1).
The technological exchange of matter is an economic phenomenon, first of all because it forms the basis of the entire
~^^1^^ In some cases, the product iL-elf can again enter llie same technology as one of its inputs (for example, coat can be used as fuel to generate power for the further extraction of a new amount of coal). Such cases are, however, rare and, Ihe main thing, the output of a unit technology never includes the whole list of inputs.
45System of production proportions. By itself, it is a certain proportion between the product and the resources spent to create it.
If technology is based on an internal division of labour among the workers, the technological exchange includes a direct exchange of activities between workers.
As soon as the resources of a given technology have been consumed, for the performance of a new act of production they
oped division of labour that every one's needs have become very many-sided and his product very one-sided.''^^1^^
It is precisely the system of flows of products and activities from some participants in the system of the division of labour to others that is called exchange. The system of technologies, as defined above, implies regular exchange, without which it inevitably runs down as soon as the resources of each unit technology are turned into its output, this transformation itself becoming meaningless. The specific product of any unit technology is, given the social division of labour, intended not only to be used by the participants in the given labour process but also (and even in the main) to be used by other people. Its real utility is that not for the producer himself, but for the other participants in the system of the division of labour (in the initial stages of the development of this system, part of the output is intended to be consumed by the producer; in the advanced stages, the whole output of an individual producer is intended not for his own consumption, but for that of the other members of society). The social division of labour turns the use-value of output into social use-value.
The technological exchange of matter thus is inevitably social in nature.^^2^^ The technological system is reproduced thanks to the exchange of matter within itself, and is finite, closed provided on the whole it uses only products of Nature and products of its own technologies. Not only the unit act of production in each technology separately, but also the reproduction of their system as a whole are possible only within and by means of a certain social form.
Exchange in general and equivalent exchange have to be distinguished. Everything said above about the exchange characterises the need for it in any technological system. So far we have considered only the fact that each unit technology gives its product for use within the system as a whole and gets its resources from the system as a whole. Only under certain social conditions is exchange subject to the principle of equivalence.
Subjective resource -
. __
labour power
=3
C
Objective resources---
o
3the means of production
O)
cc
Natural
Reproducible
Technological combination and transformation
Product
(output)
Fig. 1. Technological exchange of matter
have to be reproduced in the natural form of the corresponding means of production and labour power. Further portions of nonreproducible resources are, in this case, drawn directly from Nature. Since, however, natural resources are subject to ownership, this process implies certain relations among the people permitting the producers access to the natural resources. All actual technologies use reproducible resources and labour power. In any case, this means that use must be made of the products of other technologies: they should enter the given technology directly as means of production and enter the consumption of workers as means of reproduction of their labour power. When there is a social division of labour, this means an exchange of the products of technologies among producers.^^1^^ The resources entering each technology are the products of workers operating in other technologies. "It is a prerequisite for a fairly devel-
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, "Outlines of the Critique o[ Political Economy'', in: Karl Marx, Frederick Erigels, Collected Works, Vol. 28, p. 180.
~^^2^^ "In so far as exchange is a process, by which commodities are transferred from hands in which they are non-use-values, to hands in which they become use-values, it is a social circulation of mailer" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 106).
~^^1^^ Under the natural division of labour, too, such exchange is observed, although in an undeveloped form.
46 471.3. The Concept of the Commodity. A Necessary and
Sufficient Condition for the Existence of
Private Commodity Production
Equivalent exchange (initial definition). Logically, the concept of equivalent exchange serves as a further specification of the concept of the exchange of activities in general. The exchange of activities consists of the flows of acts and products from those who produce them to those who use their useful qualities for meeting personal or productive requirements. The initial (qualitative) definition of equivalent exchange is that in any particular case there exist mutually inverse, counter flows, moreover, such that a necessary condition for each particular flow is a counter flow. The flow from producer A (participant in the system of the social division
can always be observed^under the division of labour within a particular economy (primitive commune, landlord estate, capitalist factory, and the like). The owner regularly organises the flows within such an economy, while the participants of the system of exchange fulfil the will of the owner.
0
Fig. 3. Circuit of the possible exchange under conditions of the equivalence necessity
The problem of social exchange therefore inevitably requires a special definition of the concept of the unit economy (enterprise) and unit property.
Unit enterprise. As has already been noted, even the concept of unit technology does not yield to a definition if it takes into account only the technological attributes of production. A unit technology is not just a technological, but also an organisational element of production. It is the simplest, basic cell of the cooperation of the workers, isolated organisationally to produce a given output. Its individual component operations do not, in the eyes of those involved, have any independent sense; they are subordinated to the united whole. This is true with respect to the workers performing the given technological operations; each of which is but a part of the collective worker. The above also applies to the conditions of simple cooperation, as well as to those of cooperation with division of labour. Here we face the border line where the technological and social facets of production are combined, where their mutual penetration, or merging, as it were, are given.
exchange. The latter is, on the contrary, not a necessary condition for the existence of the opposite, mutually-inverse flows of products
©
Fig. 2. Circuit of the possible exchange under conditions with no necessity of the equivalence
of labour) to producer B is possible only if there is a flow from B to A. The general concept of exchange and the concept of equivalent exchange can be represented by Figs. 2 and 3 (the arrows depict flows of goods and the circles depict producers).
In either case, each producer, as a participant in the system of exchange of matter, receives something from the system (resources for his production and personal consumption) and contributes something to it (product, actions). In the former case the flows from A to B, from B to C, from C to -D, from D to B and A may (as depicted by Fig. 2) lack the counter flows from B to A, etc.^^1^^ Such exchange
~^^1^^ Counter flows are not, of course, excluded from this kind of exchange, ton. Their existence is a necessary condition for equivalent
484-0702
49A higher form of the differentiation of production in society is the unit enterprise. As its lower limit it has a single unit technology, but it can include several unit technologies. To define enterprise, as a concept, property relations must be analysed.
Property is the distribution of factors and products of production among the members of society, to be disposed of their will.^^1^^ Its major forms are public and private property. The forms of public property in history have included group and state property. The latter is public only if the state itself is created by a society without antagonistic classes, i.e., is the organisation of the whole people of a country. The state form implies the existence of state borders within which a corresponding socialisation of property is only valid. Theoretically, property of the whole of the people is possible in the form of nonstate (nonpolitical) economic sell-- management, carried out by society as a whole; it may involve particular nations or, ultimately, embrace all humanity as a united society.
Unless it follows otherwise directly from the text, everywhere in this work private property is meant. Private property is, in its major forms (slavery, feudalism, capitalism), above all the monopoly of one part of society (the classes of slave-owners, feudal lords, capitalists, and landlords respectively) over the basic or all the means of production in the given society. Within this part of society (class of proprietors), the means of production are owned individually or jointly. Ownership of means of production may be supplemented by ownership of workers deprived of personal freedom (full ownership of the labourer---slavery, partial ownership---serfdom). Under capitalism, the worker is a proletarian deprived of ownership of the means of production, but personally free and with his labour power at his own
disposal. According to Marxism, state property is also private property if the state itself is the organisation of the minority of the members of society for the purpose of suppressing its working majority. Finally, there have existed forms of private ownership of means of production by independent workers: one or several unit technologies are operated on the basis of family cooperation, so that the family or its head has at their full disposal the corresponding means of production, as well as the family's labour power, and the output produced.
A distinction must be drawn between individual and group private property, the latter occurring when private owners associate to dispose jointly of some part of social production.
In this work we shall call a unit private economy (unit enterprise) a complete set of technologies at the full disposal of a single owner or group of owners. This concept thus covers the entire set of technologies subject exclusively to the will of some owner or owners. Any technology within this set and therefore any element of the corresponding means of production, any worker who participates in the given production cooperation and any component of the specific products produced by means of these technologies is a part of a single object of property. The object as a whole covers the multiplicity of partial ones united as belonging to one and the same owner. The most specifically characteristic attribute of a unit economy is that not just one technology, but the whole set of technologies within it (only in the particular extreme case is this set reduced to one unit technology) operates and develops on the basis of a plan, expressing the owner's goal and will.
Let us note, in anticipation, that unit private economies may be closed economies, i.e., cover a closed set of unit technologies consisting of all the stages of production from the extraction of raw materials to the manufacturing of the whole range of consumer goods to be used by the owners and workers in a given economy. Unit private economies may be open, i.e., where the input or consumer goods of the inner use constitute just a part of the output.
Like any other economic concept, that of the private unit economy develops historically. Two processes are fundamental to modern monopoly capitalism. On the one hand, a complex tangle of private enterprises has arisen: wealthy person may be a co-owner of different enterprises, so that,
~^^1^^ "Any distribution whatever of the means of consumption is only a consequence of the distribution of the conditions of production themselves. The latter distribution, however, is a feature of the mode of production itself. The capitalist mode of production, for example, rests on the fact that the material conditions of production are in the hands of non-workers in the form of property in capital and land, while the masses are only owners of the personal condition of production, of labour power" (Karl Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme", in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works, Vol. 3, p. 19. See also: Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, pp. 202-203; Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. Ill, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974, p. 879).
504*
51in each of them, he will be a member of a special, separate group of owners. Moreover, he may also remain the individual owner of some firm. On the other hand, the owner may have his exclusive property consisting of different firms whose managers fulfil some of the owner's functions. This property is thus internally subdivided not only organisationally, but also economically, in part answering the concept of relations of property, the relations of subproperty of a kind or localisation of the property. Irrespective of the reasons for such phenomena the concept of the unit economy is losing its definiteness. In such cases, the term firm should be applied to parts of social production independently organising their economic activities on the basis of commodity-money relations. But in this work, unless otherwise specified, unit economies are understood in the strict sense defined above.
Equivalent exchange (further definition). The requirement of equivalence does not arise in exchange within a unit firm for the very reason that the participants in the process of exchange are here not the individual owners of the products or services exchanged; they merely fulfil the will of the owner. In some cases, for example, as in the Indian community with advanced social division of labour,^^1^^ they are, at the same time, the joint owners of the products exchanged, but this means that such flows do not proceed from one owner to another. Systematic exchange is a real necessary and sufficient condition within a unit enterprise for reproduction of all the components of its internal system of division of labour. That is why the problem of equivalence itself does not arise. In reality, this systematic character reflects one of the forms of the economic realisation of property.
If, however, different owners enter into an exchange, together with the flow of products and services from one agent to another, the former inevitably relinquishes ownership of them, whereas the latter acquires it. This is the key point for understanding the whole theory of equivalent exchange.
Exchange is essentially, as already stated, the flow of products and services from the agents who produce them and for whom they are, at the same time, of no direct usefulness (constitute no use-values) to those who use them and thereby realise their potential utility. In this case the physical substance in which the products are embodied and by means of which the corresponding actions are performed, does not
~^^1^^ See: Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 49-50, 337-38.
52disappear. In consumption, however, the useful form acquired by the physical substance thanks to labour docs disappear. Together with this form, ownership also disappears. A person who gives someone else a product for consumption cannot remain the owner of that product: in the course of consumption the product (more precisely---its useful qualities) will be lost. A person who renders another person a service cannot remain the owner of this: in the process of rendering a service its usefulness is used by its recipient and no longer exists as the object of property. Since products or services flow from one owner to another, this inevitably means a change of owner.^^1^^
Since exchange between different owners is associated with a change of the owner, mutually opposite flows inevitably arise. The loss of ownership of some object should be directly offset by acquisition of ownership of another object. Equivalent exchange in the sense formulated above (see Fig. 3) becomes a necessary condition for the very existence of exchange and therefore the system of division of labour the reproduction of which it-serves.^^2^^ The concept of equivalence of exchange cannot thus be comprehended outside property relations and the problem of the reproduction of the system of the division of labour.
Consider particularly hypothetical situation in which agents A,B, etc. (Fig. 2) are the individual owners of their products, but they act only as shown in this chart: they hand over each other their products to be consumed free of charge. Because property is, in this case, lost, such flows are, in fact, those of gifts. Any individual agent, as an owner, can, of course, present the others with his products, but he has no
~^^1^^ Interrelations of a lease type, i.e., the transfer of the objects of property to another owner for his use for a given period of time are no exception to this statement. In this case, the owner retains his ownership of the given object only in the sense that, as soon as the contract term has elapsed, he regains this object with thn remaining useful qualities; for the duration of the lease, he has no access to use of the object. That is why here, too, flows are not, in fact, unidirectional; rather they obey the principle of equivalent exchange (because rent is paid).
^^2^^ To understand Fig. 3, it is essential that, in the comments on it, it is nowhere maintained that the mutually opposite flows between A and B, B and C, etc. are the mutually opposite flows of their corresponding products. The flows of usual products are here analogous to those shown in Fig. 2. Fig. 3 actually shows only the inevitability of the emergence of a universal equivalent for sufficiently developed equivalent exchange (see below).
53reason to reckon that he will, in turn, receive the necessary consumer goods and means of production as a gift from third persons who are not interested in his gifts (they are not even the recipients of these gifts). Assume that A has handed over his products as a gift, but he must receive the products he himself requires from D, to whom he has not given anything. If, however, A receives nothingfromD, A's enterprise will have no input and, thus, no output and A himself will cease to be an owner. The extinction of A's enterprise consequently results in that of the system as a whole. Its survival thus becomes improbable, a virtual impossibility. Reproduction of the system of the division of laboiir cannot rely upon gifts. It may have as its basis only either conformity to plan (and so is always division of labour within unit property) or equivalent exchange (and so is always the division of labour among different owners).
The principle of equivalence of exchange reads: / give in order that you give; I do in order that you do; I give in order that you do, I do in order that you give. It is necessary and given certain quantitative ratios (see below) sufficient for regular reproduction of the system of the social division of labour among different owners.
All this means that the principle of equivalence forms an objective law, the law of exchange of products and services under the conditions discussed. Its hypothetical alternative is, under these conditions, the exchange of gifts. Yet, as already shown, it is extremely unreliable even for a system with three or four agents, as it internally contradicts the very concept of different owners. Such exchange would mean that they obeyed a certain common social discipline, but this is equal to nonexistence of their exclusive ownership, i.e., is equal to the creation of ownership common to all agents. In such a case we are dealing not with gifts, but with regular flows that belong to the system's agents jointly.
The moral principles of the agents in such an economy are certainly not altruistic but egoistical. One should conclude in this respect: the social moral is here, as in all the other cases, but an inevitable consequence of social being, an economically necessary form of human behaviour under given social conditions. A society of altruists can, in conformity with the sense of this concept, be only that of people free from private property, i.e., participants in public ownership.
The receipt of some equivalent property by the agents in ex-
54change for the property handed over by them is the essential sense of the concept of equivalent exchange.^^1^^
It is important to comprehend relations of equivalent exchange as those of property for understanding this phenomenon. This is a fundamental distinction between Marxism and bourgeois theoretical conceptions. Ignoring this key fact leads to the construction of price ``theories'' that do not correspond to reality.
From the scientific point of view, there is, of course, no need to emphasise that property relations exist only among people, not between man and Nature. For this reason, no relation of equivalent exchange arises between man and Nature, although all production constitutes an exchange of matter between them. From Nature people derive the materials required for production, and, in the final count, inevitably give it back to Nature, owing to the natural laws of conservation. The changed entropy thus occurred here alters nothing from this standpoint: even if it is assumed that production ultimately increases entropy in Nature, people do not and cannot compensate it to help Nature. We are forced to speak about it merely because bourgeois theoreticians are, in their struggle against Marxian economic theory, prepared at any moment to pretend not to see the elementary differences in the relations between man and Nature and the interrelations among people.
The commodity. Any object of property actually involved in the system of equivalent exchange is a commodity. More precise definitions can be obtained if certain classification attributes of the objects of property themselves are taken into consideration.
Objects of property may be reproducible or nonreproducible goods, so a corresponding distinction must be drawn between reproducible and nonreproducible commodities. A person himself may also be an object of property, as a specific commodity, if he is involved in the system of exchange among different owners. Lastly, capitalism is based on relations in which the employee is personally free (is not part of another person's property), yet, at the same time, deprived of ownership of means of production; his personal freedom thus represents his ownership of a specific commodity, i.e., his labour power.
~^^1^^ Everywhere below, unless it follows otherwise from the text, we shall simply employ the term ``exchange'' to express the concept "equivalent exchange''.
55The usual reproducible commodity can be denned as a useful outcome of human activity (unit product in the form of a good or service) that actually enters relations of exchange according to the principle of equivalence. This definition means essentially that the reproducible commodity is a product of human labour with two characteristics: (1) social use-value and (2) exchange-value, i.e., proportions in which it is exchanged for other products.
The two cases when products enter equivalent exchange are distinguished according to the two stages in the formation of relations of such an exchange: (1) product is produced in the economy in which its use-value can be realised, where, therefore, similar products are regularly consumed but a given item is, instead of it, exchanged for the products of another owner; this product is produced not specially for exchange, but is in fact exchanged for some reasons; (2) product is produced specially for exchange from the very beginning, i.e., it has no use-value for its producer. In the former case there exists commodity exchange, but commodity production has not yet been established. In the latter, production is of a commodity type, and commodity exchange does exist on the basis of it. Commodity production may, in turn, cover only the excess of the output of a unit economy over internal consumption or it may be completely of a commodity type (all products produced as commodities of a unit economy). Historically and logically the rise of commodity production is preceded by that of commodity exchange.
Product can be produced specially for exchange but not actually enter into exchange, if there is no the counter equivalent flow of goods. Such a possibility arises as a natural result of property relations, which turn products into commodities: the mutually opposite flows exist only as a manifestation of the free will of two owners, the will of one of them not being enough for this. If the product does not realise itself in exchange as a commodity, it is not really a commodity. Yet a society of commodity producers can exist only if the overwhelming majority of products, being commodities in the opinion of their producers, actually realise themselves as commodities. For this reason, the main specific characteristics of such a society are economically analysed assuming that all commodities are realised. Only on the basis of a study of these characteristics should the real circumstances that cause deviations from the condition just formulated be analysed.
From the above follows the definition of the necessary and sufficient condition for turning products into commodities, as relations of the social division of labour among different owners. The social division of labour itself is necessary, but not sufficient for the existence of commodity exchange. If there exists a social division of labour but only within a unit economy, such an economy is of a subsistence type, the latter denoting the absence of any commodity exchange (but not the absence of the exchange within the given economy). If there thus exists a multiplicity of owners, but there is no division of labour among them, their economies are closed, subsistence ones. At the same time, if there is a division of labour among two or more owners, exchange arises among them, moreover, exchange precisely according to the principles of equivalence.^^1^^
It follows from the concept of the commodity that less than two kinds of commodity cannot exist in society. The quantitative increase in the kinds of commodity belonging to different owners forms the basis of the qualitative transformation of the subsistence economy into the commodity one.
The evolution of commodity exchange. Commodity production. Commodity exchange historically and logically passes through a number of formation stages. The history of commodity exchange's development confirms the condition for its existence as formulated above. The division of labour among different owners may appear by chance and, accordingly, exchange appears among them by chance. Such a division did occur sporadically among primitive communes giving rise to commodity exchange.^^2^^
~^^1^^ Note that a natural division of labour (by sex and age) can provide the basis for the division of labour among different owners only haphazardly. Any sufficiently steady division of labour among different owners implies that the agents involved in exchange ignore any limitations of sex and age patterns, but that they are specialised on the basis of differences in the means of production used. Sex and age differences may in this case, play only a secondary role, or even be economically unimportant at all.
~^^2^^ For understanding the general issues of equivalent exchange it is important to know that "...exchange between different tribes or peoples---and this, not private exchange, it is its first form---begins only when a surplus is purchased (obtained by trickery) from an uncivilised tribe, a surplus which is not the product of its labour but the natural product of the soil and of the region in which it dwells" (Karl Marx, "Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy", in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 28, pp. 102-103). Below we shall deal with the problem of equivalent exchange of nonreproducible goods but hero we'll note that this phenomenon
57Often it took the form of an exchange of gifts: the quantitative proportions of chance exchange are, in essence, themselves inevitably occasional.^^1^^ Nevertheless, the fundamental specifics of commodity exchange are seen from the very outset. Marx proposed an economic formula reflecting a unit act of exchange:
x (commodity A) = y (commodity B),
or, which is the same:
C -C.
\
Those involved assume the exchanged products to be equivalent to each other, i.e., equal in some respect, their usevalues being obviously different. The former specific feature is expressed in the formula by the equality sign, the latter by the different names of the commodities.
Not simply different use-values are engaged in exchange. In addition, exchange is worthwhile, appears and exists only due to the fact that both parties, as a rule, benefit from the use-value. "So far as regards use-values, it is clear that both parties may gain some advantage. Both part with goods that, as use-values, are of no service to them, and receive others that they can make use of. And there may also | be a further gain. A, who sells wine and buys corn, possibly * produces more wine, with given labour-time, than farmer B could, and B on the other hand, more corn than wine-grower A. could. A, therefore, may get, for the same exchange-value, more corn, and B more wine, than each woiild respectively get without any exchange by producing his own corn and wine.''^^2^^ This gain expresses the economic effect of the social division of labour.
The gain of both contracting parties in use-value specifically characterises exchange from the start. Under a sufficiently developed social division of labour among different owners, the gain becomes absolute, i.e., infinite in magni- | tude: the utility of a narrowly specialised producer's own com- j modity is equal, for him, to 0 (``non-use-value''), but in exchange he gets commodities with a strictly positive utility
for him. As regards utility, the proportion of exchange for party A is UA/0, where 0 < UA < ^>; for party B the proportion is UB/0, where 0 <C UB < <^>. This fact is crucial in explaining why the use-values of commodities cannot underlie the proportions of exchange.
A unit act of exchange is always carried out according lo the above formula. Given a sufficiently narrow specialisation of the contracting parties, however, the latter do not necessarily produce (moreover, they do not produce, as a rule) those products for which they have a mutual need for productive and personal consumption. The producer of looms (user of metal) does not produce anything that has a positive use-value for the steelworks owner. This situation is shown in Fig. 2: a direct exchange of products has no sense here. Nevertheless, equivalent exchange requires mutually counter flows (Fig. 3). The paradox is negated by money as a commodity, which is actually and regularly taken as the universal equivalent by commodity producers.
Even if the contracting parties (Fig. 3) have no mutual interest in each other's commodities, they may still effect the mutually counter flows of goods: each of them gets money (as the universal commodity) in exchange for their commodities. If, for example, money is represented by commodity A, commodity exchange can be shown as follows (Fig. 4). Producer A immediately becomes the owner of the universal commodity as his own product. He gives it, in exchange for commodity D he requires, to the producer of the latter. The universal commodity from D reaches C in exchange for his commodities; from C to B, etc.^^1^^ When agents B, C1 D act as vendors, they give their commodities in exchange for money; as buyers they get the commodities they need in return for money.
Money. We shall not here describe the history of the evolution of exchange which resulted in the appearance of money.^^2^^ Let us merely note that as Fig. 3 shows a universal
~^^1^^ Note that, in contrast to the situation shown in Fig. 2, ,4's commodity does not arrive directly at B: A is not interested in the opposite flow from B. Nevertheless, B receives A's commodity via the system.
~^^2^^ See: Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 54-75; Karl Marx. "Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy", in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 28, pp. 97-119; Karl Marx, "The Form of Value", in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 49. pp. 139-64 (in Russian); Frederick Engels, "The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State", in: Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works in three volumes, Vol. 3, pp. 317-23.
59may be understood only on the basis of the analysis of the exchange of reproducible goods.
~^^1^^ The chance component also remains inevitable for the proportions of a unit act of exchange at all the stages in its subsequent evolution. Their conformity to law has been gradually coming to the fore (in the form of historical continuity, as can be seen below),
a Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 155.
58equivalent may become necessary as soon as more than two kinds of commodity, belonging to different owners become involved in exchange: given three different commodities, it is already possible that their producers in pairs will not be interested in each other's commodities on a one-to-one basis and will transfer their commodities along a chain of exchanges. If the requirement of equivalence of exchange is not observed in this case, exchange will not take place and
direct use-value of its product for this labour, is also given.''^^1^^
The history of the formation of money, the role of which was played by various commodities, covers several thousand years. Its end may be taken as the time when gold and silver coins began to be minted by the state.^^2^^ This iirst happened inthe State of Lydia in Asia Minor, at the end of the 7th century B.tC. The formation of money is the historical process of the evolution of commodity exchange, leading to the rise of commodity production. Strictly speaking, commodity production is production specially for the exchange of products for money, i.e., for sale. It implies that a universal equivalent is operating regularly in the sphere of exchange.
The necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of private commodity production. While commodity exchange arose on the basis of communal property, commodity production was supported by private property. It is this that provided the social form for the quite deep division of labour that has necessitated money in exchange and engendered the manufacture of products specially for exchange for money. As a historical phenomenon, money may disappear if the conditions giving rise to commodity production die out.
Private property provided the form for the initial separation of crafts from agriculture and livestock-breeding, for the rise of a number of separate crafts and, thereby, of various specialised productive activities aimed (at least, in part) not at the producers' own consumption, but at consumption of products by everybody throughout the system. Given developed crafts, the number of contracting parties in exchange, differing in specialisation, is obviously far greater than two. That is why just the division of labour among private owners necessitated money, as well as the formation of commodity production. Given the substantial changes in the forms of private property that have taken place since it appeared and are continuing today, its general feature
Fig. 4. Circuit of the equivalent exchange with money as medium
the system of the division of labour among such separate producers will not reproduce itself. If such a situation is possible for the case with three different contracting parties, it is virtually inevitable for 5 or 10, to say nothing of a system of millions of kinds of various commodity belonging to thousands of specialised producers. In such a system, the division of labour covers vast areas and implies that the supply of commodites by contracting parties and the acquisition of commodities by them for their productive and personal use are separated over time and space. The formation of money is a necessary condition for reproduction and so, also, for further development of the system with a developed division of labour among different owners. "Together with money, the possibility of an absolute division of [labour is given, for the independence of labour on its specific product, on the
60^^1^^ Karl Marx, Grundrisse der Kritik der politischen Okonomie, S. 114.
~^^2^^ The social role of money has become attached to gold and silver owing to their natural form, which corresponds best to this role: they have a high value per unit weight and are, at the same time, extracted in considerable amounts; they can be subdivided into small ingots, the quality of ingots of equal weight being virtually equal; they are also physically long-lasting. This makes it possible for commodity exchange to cover various areas, and for the sale and purchase of commodities to be separated over time.
61is retained: the segments of the social division of labour exist as private economies, which can only be commodity ones.
Historically and logically, the social division of labour among private owners is a necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of private commodity production.^^1^^
Everywhere in this work, unless otherwise indicated, we take commodity production to mean private commodity production.
As long as the specialisation of economies was wide enough lo enable them to consume some part (as regards agriculture, most) of their own output, only the excess of output was involved in commodity exchange, while the economies remained mainly subsistence ones. Such production was partly commodity production. Commodity production became universal under the conditions dominated by a specific---- capitalist---form of private property.
The functions of money. According to the conditions that gave rise to it, in a society of commodity producers money performs certain specific functions that are in some way or another necessary for the continued reproduction and development of the system of the social division of labour among private owners. In the totality of these functions, the social quality of money is realised as a universal commodity by means of which any specific commodity may be easily obtained, meaning the quality of money as the social embodiment of wealth as such. The commodity acting as money does so only within the sphere of exchange.^^2^^
The first function of money is price-formation. Price is the name given to the proportion of exchange of commodity
for money, i.e., the exchange value of commodity expressed in money terms.^^1^^ Thus,
^ = -g-'
(I-*)
where /' is the index of commodities (/ = 1, ...,«, whore n is the total number of all kinds of commodity; n~^ 2); qg and QJ are respectively the quantities of money and commodities of kind / which arc acknowledged as equivalent.2 As all commodities / = 1 ,. . . , n have prices, the proportions of their mutual exchange by means of money are thereby given. For any two kinds of commodity / and ;", such a proportion (given qg) follows from the equation:
Pflj = Pi`li' •
(1.2)
The quantities of commodities qj and qy corresponding to this equation are seen, on the market, to be equivalent. The determination itself of the price of a commodity does not require the commodity to be exchanged for money directly: it is enough for the commodity to be equated mentally to a certain quantity of money. Shortly, we mean here not real, but ideal money. It is a different matter that the process of real exchange can alter the mentally fixed price, even to the extent that the commodity will not be sold at all. For this reason, an original seller's price (determined mentally by the seller when offering a commodity on the market), an original buyer's price (determined mentally when forming the demand for a commodity), and a real price, i.e., the proportion in the actual exchange of a commodity for money, must be distinguished.
~^^1^^ "...Social division of labour ... is a necessary condition for the production of commodities, but it does not follow, conversely, that the production of commodities is a necessary condition for the division of labour. ...Only such products can become commodities with regard to each other, as result from different kinds of labour, each kind being carried on independently and for the account of private individuals" (Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 49).
~^^2^^ A commodity representing money can, in accordance with its specific physical characteristics (in contrast to its purely social characteristics, which it possesses within the sphere of commodity exchange), be used for productive or personal consumption. A gold coin can become raw material for a jeweller, but it will then play the role not of money, but simply of an ingot of gold. Gold, silver, etc. are money only in the sphere of commodity exchange, including the accumulation of money to be exchanged later.
62~^^1^^ "The exchange value of the commodity expresses the totality of the quantitative proportions in which all other commodities can be exchanged for it... Exchange value expressed in money, i.e., equated to money, is pries" (Karl Marx, "Outlines of the Critique of the Political Economy", in: Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Collected Works Vol. 28, pp. 119-20).
~^^2^^ In accordance with formula (1.1) money itself also has a price if the monetary commodity is taken as one of the n kinds of commodity. Yet this price is rather conventional, being always equal to unity, and merely reflects the simple fact that some quantity, say, of gold of a given karat, is always equal to the same quantity of gold of the same karat. Logically, however, it is impossible to acknowledge the existence of relations of equivalent exchange without this simple fact. "Its (money) price, so-called coin price, is just a denomination of the definite quantities of its own material" (Karl Marx, Grundrisse der Kritlk der politischen Okonomie, S. 768).
63As a phenomenon of equivalent exchange to express property relations, the price can, by definition, be only a^ strictly positive magnitude: PJ >0 for all / = 1, . . ., n. Only a strictly positive price answers the requirement of mutually counter flows of the objects of property. A zero price for some commodity would, in essence, mean that the owner of this commodity simply presented it to the consumers: it has been already shown that the economy of such an owner would collapse (if he presented his whole output) thus demonstrating that such behaviour contradicts the laws of commodity production and exchange. A negative price is sheer nonsense from the standpoint of these laws: the owner not just presents the commodity, but also pays extra to the recipient of this gift, i.e., presents him, in addition, with some sum of money.^^1^^
The above applies primarily to the actual prices paid in acts of sale and purchase. Since the actual prices are such, however, so are those fixed earlier by buyers and sellers in their minds. These may differ from the final price but, given normal behaviour of the agents, they are positive magnitudes from the very beginning.
Note that the assertion of the price as a strictly positive magnitude is absolutely universal, i.e., irrespective of the ratio of the demand for the given commodity to its supply over a certain span of time. This assertion applies, in particular, to the case when supply exceeds demand. In this event, some commodities remain unsold, but this is not the same thing as selling at, say, a zero or negative price: the commodity has not been sold and remains with the seller. The commodities that are sold in such a situation have a strictly positive actual price. An excess of commodities over demand presses the real sales price, brings it down, but does not turn it into zero.
To point out the fact that price is a proportion of the exchange of commodity for money does not in itself characterise the magnitude of this proportion, since it is rather superficial statement of the facts observed, a formal definition of price. Accordingly, formula (1.2) merely states the existence of equivalent quantities of commodities. The task of the theory is not simply to state the fact of the existence of prices
but to discover the law lhal governs them, i.e., the basis on which the proportions of the exchange of commodities for money and, by means of money, of the exchange of one commodity for another may be fixed. The formal definition is the formulation rather than the solvation of the problem. In anticipation it is worthwhile pointing out that, once the law of prices is discovered, the prices of reproducible commodities can be determined as a monetary expression of their labour values. Accordingly, the first function of money is that of the measure of value. The demonstration of this forms the basis of the Marxist-Leninist theory of capitalism and will be expounded in detail in the next Chapter.
The second function of money is that of a medium of circulation. Money performs this function when being directly exchanged for commodities, i.e., is a means of purchase. Now a unit act of commodity exchange C---C is expressed in the specific form:
C---M,
where M is the universal commodity---money. The exchange of commodities in which each party of the system of the social division of labour introduces his commodities into the system to be used and receives the other's commodities for his productive and personal consumption is described as a tangle of equivalent exchange processes. These processes have the following form for each party:
C---M---C,
where the original C is the commodity the agent puts into the exchange process, and the final C is the set of commodities the same agent receives as a result. Such exchange of commodities by means of money is called simple commodity circulation. This is characteristic of any commodity production.
The place where interrelated acts of commodity exchange for money take place is called the market. Each such act is one of the sale and purchase of a commodity.
In each real sale contract for commodities, two parties are involved: the seller who provides a specific commodity and the buyer who pays money for it. The former relinquishes ownership of the commodity and acquires, in exchange, ownership of money and thereby also a real possibility of buying any other commodity. The seller's gain relating to use-value consists in the fact that, instead of a specific commodity of no use-value for him and not possessing the quality of
~^^1^^ A negative commodity price must not be confused with fines for emitting industrial waste polluting the environment. The latter are not commodities.
645-0702
65being directly exchangeable for other commodities, he obtains a special commodity possessing this quality. The usevalue of money means that it provides access to any commodity on the market. Yet money as such has no other usevaluej the single one being realised in the purchase of com-; modities. The gain relating to use-value is thus enjoyed not only by the seller who gives his commodity for money, but also the buyer who gives money for the commodity, while turning the potential possibility of purchasing the needed commodities into their practical acquisition. The general rule still holds: both contracting parties benefit as far as use-value is concerned.
The process allowing the seller to benefit from use-value passes, from his point of view, through two stages: the sale of his commodity---the exchange of a non-use-value for the universal commodity; the purchase of the commodities of others---exchange of the universal commodity for those specific commodities that are, for him, real use-values, i.e., meet his personal or production requirements. The process is completed only after both stages have been passed. The fundamental difficulty he has to overcome is just the first stage, when his own specific commodity has to be sold; at this stage, it is demonstrated whether this commodity has any real social use-value, whether somebody needs it for consumption, and, therefore, it is really a commodity. The second stage, when money has to be realised, raises no difficulties by the very definition of the universal equivalent.^^1^^
In fulfilling its second function, money plays a real but transient role: a commodity is sold in order to purchase others, so money is not held long but passed from hand to hand virtually continuously. For this reason it can, without causing any substantial interference or negative consequences, be replaced by special state symbols, i.e., coins which, in their natural form, have no utility outside circulation, and can serve practically only within this sphere. Strictly speaking, the way to this was already paved by minting gold and silver coins: coins of the same nominal denomination may prove to be unequal in weight be it simply because they were minted at different times and, for this reason, have been
worn down to different degrees. For the purposes oi' direct, commodity circulation, such coins may be assumed lo be equal. In this case, the role of the coin may be played by paper money and even just notes in the mutual accounts books of sellers and buyers.
Note that the formal description of the concept of price remains unchanged, but this time q? denotes not the quantity of the monetary commodity as such (e.g., gold) but the quantity of money in accordance with a certain state nominal.
The third function of money is that of its accumulation or hoarding. In its embryonic form it is connected with the second function: all economic processes, including those of commodity circulation, take place over time, and as long as the money is with a given owner, it constitutes a certain accumulated wealth, in the given case stocks of coins. The formation of such stocks is imposed on the contracting parties by the finite speed of the processes of circulation. Yet money may be deliberately withdrawn from circulation and, in just such a case, it constitutes money specially accumulated, i.e., treasure. Although treasure is money withdrawn from circulation it is still money: it has been accumulated not as a raw material or consumer good, but as a universal commodity. Moreover, it is in this function that the fundamental specific feature of money as the general social expression of wealth as such comes to the fore.
Strictly speaking, the transient function of commodity circulation money may perform (and historically has performed) not only as a stable universal equivalent, but also as chance universal equivalent serving only some series of acts of commodity exchange. In other series of acts of exchange other universal equivalent may then be used. Money is, of course, the universal equivalent and, as such, performs the function of the medium in commodity exchange. Yet not every universal equivalent is money. Money appeared historically much later than the series of acts of exchange with the aid of some general medium. Once money had appeared, however, other (chance) universal equivalents no longer came into being.
A certain commodity plays the role of money not simply because it has functioned as the medium in a series of contracts but because it plays this role steadily and regularly for a long time, i.e., it represents the complete social commodity wealth as such. Acknowledgement that such a com-
5*
67
~^^1^^ The commodity needed by the money-owner might be missing from the market, in which case the realisation of the money would take extra time. Access to all the available commodities is, however, open to the money-owner, which is not the case for the owner of a specific commodity alone.
66inodity really exists can bo seen just in tlie fact that it is deposited as treasure.
If some commodity is used to assess commodities in comparing them and to play the role of intermediary in their exchange, it does not necessarily become money, although money usually does play this role. The fact that a commodity constitutes money as such can be socially confirmed if it begins to be accumulated as treasure (and also to function as a means of payment). Yet the most widespread approach used in bourgeois general economic equilibrium theories and models in opposition to the Marxian theory of capitalism is precisely disregard for the functions of money as treasure and a means of payment, i.e., those without which no money exists.
Transient economic roles of seller and buyer correspond to transient money with the function of medium of circulation; the regular economic role of the collector of treasure, a specific economic person other than the producer (although one person can play either role) corresponds to money as such; treasure collectors form a special social group, as opposed to traditional producers and agents of circulation. Here, for the first time, the increase in the amount of money becomes a specific goal of activities, this making the treasure collector and the capitalist similar. Both historically and logically, the accumulation of wealth is a process leading ultimately to the emergence of capital. Thus as soon as money has appeared, it immediately begins to turn into capital. At the same time, there are fundamental differences between capital and treasure.
The fourth function of money is that of means of payment. It comes into being if the mutually counter flows forming equivalent exchange are broken over time, i.e., the seller gives his commodity to the buyer on deferred terms. The time factor, without which no economic phenomenon can be understood, here comes to the fore.
The function of means of payment obviously implies that the role of money is socially attached to a certain commodity: the seller needs to be assured that, having received money for his commodity after a given time, he will actually be able to exchange this money for the other commodities he needs.
The quite stable economic roles of creditor and debtor correspond to the function of means of payment. They persist over time for the parties of some unit credit-sales con-
68tract until the debt is repaycd; moreover, usually partner A, who currently plays the role of creditor in relation to partner B, continues to be the same even once B has repayed the debt, because he regularly enters into such contracts. Similarly, anyone in the red is often forced to run up even greater debts, not necessarily with a single creditor. New debts are entered into in order to repay old ones, and so forth. If, moreover, commodities are lent cum interest, this is a form of relations characteristic of capital.
In contrast to the first and second functions, the third and fourth cannot be without substantial difficulties for economic persons when fulfilled by simple bank-notes the purchasing power of which may change rapidly over time, irrespective of any processes in the sphere of production, simply owing to the oversaturation of circulation channels with such notes. It can be hampered if the state fixes a mandatory stable exchange rate for notes in relation to gold and silver (or if the stability of prices is maintained compulsor-
iiy).
Yet these conditions may prove unrealisable. Moreover, the second one cannot be realisable in practice for long enough, because this contradicts the characteristics of the structural dynamics generated by commodity-money relations themselves. For this reason the role of money as such cannot be attached to the notes issued into circulation by the state, this objective specific feature of commodity production having been repeatedly confirmed historically by all attempts to overcome it. The history of such attempts is no less instructive than that of the attempts to create a perpetuum mobile, though the former has certainly cost humanity infinitely more. "When paper money receives its denomination from a metal standard (of any sort in general), its convertibility into gold or silver becomes an economic law, irrespective of whether it is a law in the legal sense or not. Arguments centring on convertibility thus become purely theoretical---how to provide for this convertibility: by legislative means or not, etc.''^^1^^
A study of the last two functions in which money plays its specific role insistently leads the researcher to the concept of value. This is particularly clear when the, problem of the devaluation of soft money arises. But the concept of value has not so far been introduced here which is
Karl Marx, Grundrisse der Krltik der politische/i Okonomie, S 103,
why the theory of money has not yet been presented in detail.
Finally, the fifth function of money is that of world, or universal, money. Money with this function fulfils the same four functions but on a scale of world trade. Here it can be seen particularly clearly that money in its original shape should be distinguished from coins, which now play the role of simple ingots of gold or silver of a given karat and weight, irrespective of their nominal value. We should note that in this work we shall not deal with the special issues of world money.
Since money exists, in conformity with objective laws' it inevitably generates capital. We have thus come right to the problem that constitutes the actual subject of this work, that of the laws governing the operation and evolution of the capitalist economy.
Chapter 2 VALUE AND SURPLUS-VALUE
The essence of capital under capitalism is defined as follows: capital is value yielding surplus-value on the basis of the exploitation of wage labour. The purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate the truth of this assertion. To begin with, we'll give a brief outline of the general characteristic of capitalism as a torm of social production.
2.1. Capitalism: the Highest Form of Commodity Production
Capital. The theory distinguishes the concepts of capital and capitalist production. Historically, capital arose in the sphere of commodity-money circulation; for a long time it existed here alone and only afterwards began to dominate production. In its most general scientific description (and, moreover, formally^^1^^) capital is defined as money yielding extra money. This definition is expressed by Marx in his general formula of capital:
M---C---M',
where M and C denote money and commodities respectively, with M' standing for the money originally advanced plus a certain increment (M' = M + A/If, where AM denotes the increment in the quantity of money, i.e., profit; AM > 0); the dash in this formula, like that in the foregoing formulae by Marx, symbolises equivalent exchange.
Capital is thus a certain amount of money that its owner can actually and does use, not simply to serve reproduction
~^^1^^ It should bo kepi in mind that Marxian theory uses the concept of formal (definition, relation, etc.) in the scnso that it describes social phenomena in their external, i.e., superficial, form. Here we deal With a generalisation on the superficial level of phenomena.
in some unit economy (segment of the system of the social division of labour), but in a certain specific way, so that this quantity increases.^^1^^ The owner in this case does not hoard money as the collector of treasure does: he does not withdraw it from circulation but uses it repeatedly to buy commodities. The ultimate goal of this purchasing is the sale of commodities (the same or others, appearing as a result of productive use of the commodities bought), this sale being intended to yield profit. Compared with simple commodity circulation, only a rearrangement of the succession of the selling and buying acts takes place: in one place the sale precedes the purchase, in another, vice versa. Yet this formal rearrangement expresses a fundamental difference in goal: in the first case the ultimate goal of the process is obtaining the commodities from the market; in the second case the goal is to increase quantity of money as a result of market operations. A private owner who behaves according to the general formula of capital is a capitalist.
The process in which capital arises in its initial ( antediluvian, as Marx put it) forms is the same as that in which money arises. The existence of money is the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of capital. In order for money to become capital, it needs only the quantity of it held by one person to exceed the current demand for the commodities to be acquired for the owner's personal and productive use, and do so by an amount sufficient for purchasing commodities for the purpose of resale or lending them to yield interest. Yet an uneven distribution of money is inevitable in a society of private owners, because there is no mechanism to level this distribution. Precisely which participant in commodity production and circulation will come to possess the surplus money and in what way this will take place is, of course, a matter of chance. The fact is, however, that in conformity with objective laws, such a surplus quantity does accumulate in someone's hands. Strictly speaking, the accumulation of treasure is already based on this. Let us men-
tion that an inevitable characteristic of price-forming is deviations of prices from some normal level, unequal profitability of different technologies, and the like. In conformity with the laws is also the fact that having obtained a surplus money as above, the owner thereby gets a tool for further increasing the surplus money, perhaps by lending money on interest. Here we are dealing with the system of relations with a positive feedback displaying over time---a fundamental characteristic of commodity-money relations to be encountered incessantly in our analysis. It is this feedback that is, strictly speaking, represented by the general formula of capital: some cause (initial money) generates a process that strengthens the cause itself (increasing the amount of money in the hands of an owner). The rich become richer. That is the verbal sense of the formula, which is constantly confirmed by everyday life.
It must be emphasised that the laws of commodity production operate merely as general trends and not in each given case. There is the probability that any individual capitalist may be ruined, owing to the same laws of the market that inevitably engender capitalists in general. These laws will be discussed below. Here, at this point without proof, let us merely note that the probability of ruin, while being a strictly positive magnitude for each capitalist, is at every given moment for the majority of them much closer to 0 than to 1, i.e., such that most capitalists are at any given moment not going bankrupt; on the contrary, they are becoming richer.^^1^^ Individual capitals are destroyed, but not capital as economic phenomenon. It must be noted that to understand the laws of commodity production one must study the subject of the research as a probabilistic environment. This is an important logical point to consider.
Antediluvian forms of capital are merchant's arid usury capital. It is these that appeared together with money. The activity of the merchant who resells at a higher price the very commodities that he bought (for example, the commodities bought relatively cheaply wholesale and resold retail at a higher price; the commodities bought beneficially due to the price differences between the various local market places or due to seasonal differences, and the like) shows the gener-
~^^1^^ When speaking about an increase in the quantity of money as the goal of capital, they mean money as a universal embodiment of wealth opening the access to real wealth, i.e., commodities. The increase in the amount of money correspondingly means the increase ofrits purchasing power. The increase in the quantity of money as the result of the decrease of its purchasing power (devaluation) is an opposite phenomenon. The reason for the devaluation is not important he it a decrease in the value of the unit weight of gold of inflation of paper money not exchangeable for gold,
72~^^1^^ The reason, to put it briefly, is that, owing to exploitation of the working class, all capitalist industries and, therefore, most firms in them can be profitable and prices which are regulated by the law of yalue make them actually as a rule profitable. (See 3.2.)
73al formula of capital. The usurer lends money, and the formula of capital may seem here to be simply M . . . M'. Yet the borrower does so not for hoarding. It is not a way to make a treasure. The real purpose of the deal is to use the loan to buy immediately. For this reason, the usurer's money moves along the same way as described by the general formula (though it passes the stage of buying commodities in the hands of others).
Merchant's and usury capital existed for thousands of years before the rise of capital engaged in the production of commodities. These two kinds of capital were, at the same time, a necessary prerequisite for the rise of capitalist production. Under definite conditions, accumulated money capital began to be used to create enterprises to produce commodities; the existence of wholesale trade has served as a condition for ensuring the sale of commodities under mass capitalist production. In this book we shall not go into the history of the formation of industrial capital,^^1^^ but shall point out the conditions under which production becomes capitalist production; at the same time we also note that only on this basis capital becomes dominant over the circulation of commodities as well.
Capitalism. Capitalism is the highest form of the evolution of commodity production, where virtually all output is produced as commodities and labour power is a commodity too. Capitalism is a total commodity production.
Logically and historically, the transformation of all output into commodities and that of labour power into a commodity are mutually conditioned processes with a common source. While the existence of money is the necessary and sufficient condition for the existence of capital in general, the turning of labour power into a commodity is the necessary and sufficient condition for the rise and existence of capitalist production. Capital can penetrate production if and only if there is the possibility of buying labour power.
The history of the transformation of labour power into a commodity, i.e., that of so-called primitive accumulation, will not be considered here. We shall merely suggest a logical atialysis of the existing relations, given such a status of workmen.
The transformation of labour power into a commodity reflects an essential, specific feature of the property relations
~^^1^^ See: Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 667-715; Capital. Vol, III, pp. 324-27, 593-612.
on which capitalist production is based. This itself means dual economic freedom of the production worker: his freedom from means of production and circulation, and freedom from any personal dependence. The workers forced into a state of such dual freedom are called proletarians. While not being the owner of the means of production and money, the proletarian is also deprived of any immediate access to consumer goods and cannot set up a business of his own. He may be connected with means of production and create product only in an enterprise that does not belong to him, hence only by consent of the owner. Yet the worker himself forms no part of the property belonging Lo the enterprise owner; he is fully at his own disposal and hence disposes of his ability to work, which is not separable from himself. For this reason, the enterprise's owner cannot, in turn, directly connect means of production with labour power without the consent of the latter's owner, cannot carry out real production without such consent. While not producing any output independently, the proletarian can purchase consumer goods for himself and his family only on the market, i.e., for money. Money, however, may be obtained only in exchange for some commodity. In the situation under consideration, Ihe only possible commodity is his labour power.^^1^^
The system in which the connection of labour power with means of production has the social form of the sale and purchase of labour power is called the system of wage labour.
Since workers are deprived of ownership of the means of production and are personally free, the social prerequisites for the existence of subsistence, or even chiefly subsistence, economies are undermined. Such economies preceding capitalist ones were mainly the agricultural economies of feudal lords or peasants as private owners. The transformation of labour power into a commodity became equal to the destruction of the social basis of both economies: of the former owing to the freeing of the workers from personal dependence, of the latter owing to the freeing of the workers from the
~^^1^^ It is hardly necessary to point out specially that nothing essentially changes if the possibility of borrowing is taken inlo acrounl. Kven if some proletarian is able to obtain credit, he will have not only to earn money to continue to exist, but also to cancel the credit. Moreover, the majority of the working people cannot live, on credit: they have to work in order to produce the commodities that are bought for pioney by those obtaining credit.
74 75means of production. Proletarians have to acquire consumer goods on the market, hence most consumer goods produced in society should be commodities.
The social necessity itself of the dual liberation of the worker was based on the requirements of the development of production: labour power was required by capitalist manufactories. These production units were, in their technological basis, inevitably narrowly specialised enterprises massproducing a relatively narrow product mix. They developed in the towns, which resulted in migrations from the countryside to the towns. Their mass product could not be consumed within them; it was intended for consumption by society as a whole and was, therefore, commodity one; accordingly, such enterprises could not derive means of production from their own output and had to buy them on the market. With regard to their technological basis, manufactories could exist only as entirely commercial economic units,^^1^^ and the migration of labour power to the towns (which simultaneously saw the development of merchant's and usury capital) created the necessary social prerequisites for their diffusion. As a reverse action, these processes also transform agricultural economies from subsistence into specialised commodity ones: the latter supply the other sectors with raw materials and consumer goods.
All this means that the social existence of labour power as a commodity is, first, the necessary condition for the transformation of all production activities into commodity ( namely, capitalist commodity) ones; second, the sufficient condition, because any other production is impossible, given such a status of labour power. The system of wage labour can only be the capitalist system of production. The system of capitalist production can only be that of wage labour. It is impossible to separate them from each other. Rejection of the capitalist mode of production and its replacement by a new, more advanced social mode is possible only if the social form of the existence of labour power characteristic of it is also rejected.
The technological level of production reached before capitalism and further developed by the latter is character-
ised by the following socially fundamental property: the productivity of labour is such that it is possible to produce surplus-product. This is the name given to the part of the total output produced in society that remains (a) after the means of production used to produce this output have been replaced and (b) in addition to the set of consumer goods to be used as means of subsistence for productive workers and their families. This set should be sufficient to maintain the traditional (historically established) living standards of the working people, without which normal reproduction of labour power is impossible.
The necessary condition for the existence of all societies based on private property, including capitalism, is that the workers could produce output for their own consumption during less working time than they are able to devote to production. The actual extension of their working day in excess of these limits is no longer technological, but social in nature: it is achieved by compulsion to surplus labour, being non-economic under the slave-owning and feudal systems and economic under capitalism. The latter is exercised by capital by means of wages: the amount of money needed to buy a normal basket of consumer goods is obtained by the workers only if they work longer than necessary to produce that basket, i.e., they create a surplus-product. Compulsion to surplus labour in favour of capitalists is based precisely on relations between the two classes as regards ownership of the means of production and labour power: the workers can have the access to means of production only on condition that their labour exceeds the amount necessary for their own subsistence.
Compulsion to surplus labour is exploitation.
The capitalist form of property. Even at the risk of repeating ourselves, all this should be summarised by specifically characterising capitalist property relations as a specific form of private property. This form of private property is characterised by two major features.
First, property relations between the two classes, complete separation of the producer from means of production. The class of capitalists disposes of the means of production as exclusively their private property, whereas the class of proletarians, who constitute the majority of the population, is deprived of any means of production, though the capitalists' private property does not cover production workers. The latter are personally free and formally dispose fully of their
77~^^1^^ Such exceptions as the consumption by mines of their own coal as fuel or sporadical production of machine-tools by engineering firms for their own enterprise does not change this basic fact. Such cases are so exceptional that the accounts department records them as purchases by the capitalist of the components of his capital from himself.
labour power. By selling it on the market, they receive money for it. After this sale, capitalists combine in their hands, as their own properly, means of production and labour power (for the time for which the latter has been sold by the workers); these become components of capital. Accordingly, capitalists are the owners of the products arising as a result of the productive interaction between means of production and labour power, and the workers give the capitalists money to buy a portion of their own product as means of subsistence. After this, the capitalists remain the owners of the means of production and circulation, as well as of their own means of consumption and other products of nonproductive consumption.
Second, property presents relations within the class of capitalists. This is a distribution of means of production among them making each individual capitalist, or group of capitalists the private owner of one or several unit enterprises forming constituent parts of the system of the social division of labour. The output of these enterprises is produced specifically for sale and, being commodities, reach the final consumers (capitalists or workers) via market.
The reader can see that, in one respect or another, this form of property differs from any other forms of private property (for example, the private property of slave-owners, feudal lords, or simple commodity producers not employing wage labour). Social production undertaken in such a form is called the capitalist mode of production or, briefly, capitalism.
The three kinds of capital. Under capitalism, capital operates in three social forms: industrial, commercial, and loan capital. Industrial capital is the capital engaged in the production of commodities. The main economic formula to describe this concept is:
hiula for capital when it is engaged in producing commodities. In the first act reflected by the formula, the capitalist buys means of his production and labour power on the market, these are then used in production, and a new commodity comes into being, to be sold with profit.
The formulae characterising merchant's and usury capital remain valid for commercial and loan capital.
Advanced capital and capitalist cost-price. The universal formula for capital and, accordingly, the formulae for its three kinds show that any movements of capital begin with money being advanced to buy commodities. The term ``advanced'' is employed here to show that commodities are purch ased for the ultimate purpose of regaining the money, and in larger amount. The following sale of commodities allows this goal to be achieved.
The velocity at which the money is regained differs above all from one sector and firm to another. The velocity also differs for various elements of capital within a unit firm. The major differences will be shown with reference to industrial capital.
Money capital invested in purchasing means of production of one-time use, as well as in purchasing labour power, is completely recovered after the sale of each batch of commodities. Such capital is usually called circulating capital. The velocity at which it is recovered is determined by the time taken by the purchase and transportation of the required means of production and labour power, by the time of production and the sale.^^1^^ In the overwhelming majority of sectors, this part of capital is regained in a few weeks or months after being advanced. It rarely takes a year or more, though this does happen in sectors with a very long production time, such as the construction of such large projects as railways, ports, big industrial plants, etc.
In sectors where the circulating capital advanced is regained in less than a year, it may be used again during the same year to buy required means of production and labour power. Here we see the difference between the circulating capital (a) advanced and (b) applied during the year: the latter is equal to the former multiplied by the weighted year-
M---C
C'
\
MP
Here L denotes labour power as a commodity, MP---the means of production as commodities, P---production, C'--- the commodities that result. It is clear that the formula for industrial capital is a concrete variant of the universal for-
78~^^1^^ In determining these time spans, vital role is played by the piling up of normal (including reserve) stocks of raw materials, semifinished, and final products.
79ly avefage number of circuits of the components of this capital.^^1^^
Accordingly, the amounts of circulating capital advanced and of expenditure of it for producing commodities differ. Every new batch of commodities requires labour inputs and means of production to be spent at technological rates, i.e., they should be bought out of capital. For all further batches, however, the same advanced capital may be used, provided it is regained by the capitalist after the sale of the preceding batch of commodities.
Money capital invested in means of production of multiple use forms fixed capital.^^2^^ All of it is applied in the process of the production of commodities, but only a proportional part of it is included in the expenditure of capital on creating each unit commodity: for each element of fixed capital that part is equal to the total divided by the number of unit commodities produced by it.
Expenditures of circulating and fixed capital per unit commodity form the capitalist cost-price. After the sale of the commodities, the cost-price returns to the capitalist in money form. Until the time comes to replace a certain element of fixed capital in physical form, the corresponding amount of money received for commodities forms the depreciation fund. For some time it may be used by the capitalist for other purposes (to enlarge the scale of production, to make credit, etc.). When the elements of the fixed capital are actually withdrawn, more money capital has to be advanced to replace them.
Part of the capital advanced involved in the direct technological process of creating commodities forms productive capital. In addition, some part of any capital is engaged in the sphere of circulation as capital of circulation: labour power, premises, equipment and materials serving the circulation process, as well as commodities and money. Loan capital and commercial capital form capital of circulation only.
So far we have classified the elements of capital according to their superficial attributes. Marxian theory reveals the
indepth division of capital relating to the essence of phenomena, that into constant and variable capital. The former is capital advanced to buy means of production, the latter to buy labour power. It has been demonstrated that the real origin of profit is only its variable part. The following paragraphs of this chapter are devoted to theoretically demonstrating this point which is the essence of the Marxian theory of capitalism, its fundamental difference from all bourgeois conceptions.
Competition of capitals. Each commodity producer tries to gain as much money as possible on the market for his commodities. With regard to capitalist producers, this means attempts to maximise the total sum of profit. The producers are then operating under conditions when there is no attachment between producers and consumers, so any buyer may request a commodity from any seller and any seller is free to sell his commodity to any buyer. This fact is reflected in the concept of the single market.
In reality there exist, of course, numerous obstacles to the establishment of absolutely single markets. These are, first of all, state borders, as well as restrictions concerning the transportation of commodities within the state because of their specific physical properties. There may also exist a variety of obsolete forms in which consumers are linked to producers. Yet capitalism does its best to overcome such obstacles. Theory assumes that this task has been accomplished. If currently insurmountable barriers continue to exist for the formation of a single market for some kind of commodity, the latter is considered as a set of kinds in accordance with the set of its markets, irrespective of the affinity of their physical form.
On the single market a single price tends to be formed. The price is, of course, formed immediately in the process of each individual act of commodity sale and purchase, but the freedom to buy commodities from anyone at all and to sell commodities to whomever you like leads to all contracts over a given period ultimately being carried out at similar prices. This is an effect of the competition between sellers, trying to maximise prices, and buyers, attempting to minimise them. In the process of such competition, every seller is, of course, free to give his commodity at a lower price than that established earlier and every buyer is free to pay a higher one. Under certain conditions, this freedom would lead to an overall drop in the price and, under others, to an
~^^1^^ They circulate at different velocity owing to the differences in the time taken by transportation, stockpiling and the like.
~^^2^^ Different elements of fixed capital serve for different periods of time and are therefore involved in the production of different amounts of commodities. They are all classified in one group mainly because they are engaged in the production of more than one batch of each type of commodity.
806-0702
81increase (see below, paragraph 3.2, section "Regulation^ the_Jproportions of production. The mechanism of the law of value"). The processes of competition as a whole on the market for one kind of commodity are called intraindustry competition. The trend towards a single price for equal commodities is a consequence of this. s There also exists interindustry competition between cornmodi ty producers. This is the change they make in their firms' specialisation to maximise the amount of money to be made on the market. Here the unity of the commodity market as a whole thus manifests itself backed by the unity of all the sectors of commodity production, the unity of the economic system based on a broad division of labour. Interindustry competition gives rise to a tendency towards a single level of profitability in all industries. The concept of profitability itself tends to change depending on concrete historical conditions. Under some conditions, it means merely reimbursement of the money outlays of producers in each industry (on the average) on running production (conditions of simple commodity production). Under other conditions, it means that all industries obtain approximately equal profit on the unit capital advanced (pre-monopoly capitalism).
Interindustry competition, together with monopolistic effects, may also engender more complex principles of profitability, which will be considered below, at the end of Chapter 3 and in Chapter 4. The main content of this work will, however, be displayed without regard to the impact made by monopolies on price-formation.
The subsequent analysis will be devoted mainly to industrial capital. Loan and merchant's capital will be taken into consideration only in discussing the forms in which surplus-value is distributed. Yet to do this, the general sense of the concept of surplus-value itself needs to be clarified, this being created in the production of commodities as part of their value.
2.2. The Initial Conditions Under Which the Theory of Value Is Built
The theory of value may be initially built for a certain ideal subject, i.e., universal commodity production (the capitalist mode of production) taken in its pure form, which the theory obtains by ignoring a number of specific features of the economies of actual capitalist countries. There are
82two lines of abstraction: first, the economic components immanent to forms of social production extraneous to and made outdated by capitalism (primitive, slave-owning, feudal, petty commodity production, etc.) are ignored; second, some actual properties of capitalism as such are excluded from consideration, i.e., those that are historically and purely logically inevitable for this socio-economic formation but insignificant with regard to this work, i.e., ones that would not affect the outcome of the research even if taken into account but would complicate the process of obtaining this outcome in the course of the research and exposition. As regards the second group of actual specific characteristics, once the main results have been obtained, they have to be gradually taken into consideration in a certain order which makes it possible, first, to verify the truth of the assumption that taking them into account does not affect the conclusions, second, to develop further and specify these conclusions with reference to real economic affairs. In none of the stages of research are properties of the real-world subject neglected if they are incompatible with the conclusions to be drawn, i.e., no preconceived conclusions are forced upon the subject. On the whole, such an approach to abstracting is the essence of the method of ascending from the abstract to the concrete, widely employed by science in general and by the Marxian political economy of capitalism in particular.
Hence it is further assumed that the economy consists of only capitalist firms. It is useful to start with mentioning the specific characteristics of such firms and of the economy made up of them, these actually existing in capitalist countries but initially being ignored in a study aimed at finding out the law of prices.
(1) Actual capitalist society consists of three classes: capitalists, big landlords, and proletarians. In building the theory of value and the closely related one of reproduction initially only two classes are assumed to exist: capitalists and proletarians. Theoretically, it is assumed that all land is nationalised and the class of big landlords does not exist.
(2) The actual capitalist economy in any country is not absolutely closed: there are exports and imports of commodities, capitals, profits, labour power, etc. In building the theory of value, an absolutely closed capitalist society is treated first: it itself produces all the products it consumes and itself consumes everything produced, does not employ any outside resources (for example, it employs as labour
6*
83power only tiie corresponding part of the population of a given country and engages only the natural resources of the same country). In other words, at this stage all forms of international economic relations are disregarded.
(3) The actual capitalist economy is included in the system of social relations as a whole and is, in particular, affected in a variety of ways by the superstructural elements of this system, especially by politics. These impacts (for example, wars) may substantially disrupt the normal course of economic development. In building the theory of value and reproduction, the economic system is first analysed disregarding the non-economic spheres of the life of society in general, i.e., the system is taken as developing according to its immanent laws. Nevertheless, some impacts of noneconomic spheres of the life of society (for instance, the influence of the development of scientific ideas) are taken into consideration in this book, but they are analysed only as resulting from economic development and, in a sense, as involved in it.
Since the above-mentioned spheres of the life of society are not considered, the same applies to their demand for output.
(4) Actual production is, from time to time, confronted by limitations on certain natural resources; to overcome these limitations is an aim of technical progress. In building the theory of value and reproduction, we originally disregard the limitedness of natural resources. Moreover, at this stage the expenditure of natural resources in production is completely ignored and the existence of non-reproducible resources is disregarded. Accordingly, it is, first, assumed that, even if natural resources of different qualities are actually used, this does not mean that natural reserves of resources of a certain quality, including the most efficient, have been exhausted; second, in the initial stages, the theory of value disregards in general the differences in the economic quality of natural resources, i.e., the dependence of labour and reproducible resources input on the quality of natural resources used.
(5) Actual commodity production implies the existence of two spheres: the production of commodities proper and commodity-money circulation. In building the theory of value and reproduction it is initially assumed that, even if the sphere of circulation does exist, the time involved in the acts of commodity sale and purchase is equal to 0, since
84no time ex periditure is required, it is also assumed that other expenditures in this sphere, namely material and labour ones, are equal to 0; lastly, capital advanced to make deals in the sphere of circulation is accordingly assumed to be equal to 0 too.
Pure operations of circulation as such, i.e., changes in the forms of value (the commodity turns into money, money back into a commodity; see the formula for commodity circulation given above), and continuation of the processes of production in the sphere of circulation are distinguished here. At the beginning of the study, it is not expenditure in general in the sphere of circulation that is disregarded but expenditure (accordingly, capital advanced) on performing only pure operations in the sphere not related to changing the use-value of commodities.
(6) Actual commodity production covers sectors where the technologically necessary production time is more than a year (building of big ships, plants, etc.). The theory of value and the theory of reproduction (and at all the stages of the political economic research) are built on the assumption that any kind of product can be produced during a year. This assumption does not, at any stage, refute the conclusions because the production time is finite and precision would require only that the unit span of time be represented by a period equal to the maximum production time. Political economy simply takes this span of time as a year. Yet the essence of the problem remains unchanged, irrespective of what it is called.
The theory of value takes into account the fact that, in some industries, more than one period of production may occur during a year.
(7) Actual relations between the class of capitalists and the working class, in conformity with the objective laws of this society, imply that the proletarians receive wages after completing some set of labour acts (say, after a week, two weeks, or a month of labour), as payment for labour processes performed. This means that in fact the workers advance the capitalists. The theory of value is built on the assumption that, on the contrary, the capitalist pays the proletarian his wage for future labour, hence advances the worker. It is in this case assumed that the worker, having received his wage, works it off in the same way as lie would have worked if expecting to obtain his wage in the future. Since this condition is accepted, the above assumption
85does not affect the conclusions, but simplifies the reasoning and calculation.
(8) An actual capitalist firm usually produces not one but a certain set of kinds of output (if they are analysed in accordance with the concept of the unit kind of product given above). The theory of value initially assumes that the division of labour has led to maximum specialisation of firms in strictly a single kind of output. Accordingly, it may be assumed that each firm uses strictly one unit technology. Also, the existence of by-products is also ignored in the initial stages.
(9) Actual commodity production includes firms that use part of their own output in kind, as means of production or consumer goods for the workmen. The theory of value disregards such cases (occurring rather rarely under capitalism), i.e., assumes that all the firm's output is intended for the market. Any actual commodity production may thus be described by simply excluding the corresponding amounts of output consumed in kind both from the volume of output and from that of input.
(10) The actual development of commodity production embraces the appearance of new kinds of product and the cessation of the manufacture of ones produced earlier, as processes constituting inevitable elements of technical progress engendered by deep-running characteristics of commodity-money relations. But the theory of value, while revealing the inevitability of these processes, deals directly with the problem of the law of the prices of commodities produced at a given moment of time, hence the list of goods is taken as given.
(11) The actual ratio of demand to supply of commodities on the market is never a strict equality at a given place and at a given moment (or this equality may occur merely by chance). The theory of value and the theory of reproduction initially study precisely the situation where demand and supply are equal. The reason is that, as the theory itself finds out, discrepancies between demand and supply not only regularly appear as a result of the action of the law of value, but also, in conformity with the law, cancel each other out, so that the natural outcome as an average for sufficiently long time periods of its action consists in an equilibrium of demand and supply. It is demonstrated in particular that the receipt of this outcome in the theory is not a consequence of the fact that it has been originally taken as a premise.
86(12) A difference does exist between the capital advanced and expended during a year, as a result of that in velocity of turnover of the various elements of capital. The theory of value is usually exposed initially on the assumption that this velocity is the same, namely equal to one turnover per year; only subsequently (namely in a mathematical description of the subject) is the above difference taken into account. Below we shall make use of the assumption concerning the velocity of turnover of capital being equal for all industries, firms, and elements of capital (one turnover per year) just as an example.
(13) A difference really does exist between the annual total depreciation of fixed capital and the total amount of its removal per year. The theory of value disregards this difference. Below we shall assume these two as being equal.^^1^^
The reader will be convinced that neglecting the above features of reality does not affect the content of the main conclusions of the theory of value. Eventually, we"^ shall give the related generalisations in the course of the initial exposition of the theory of value. In other [cases, we shall additionally analyse the circumstances originally disregarded in the course of the further positive exposition of the theory. It will usually turn rout that the conclusions in given aspects are specified and developed, but their main content remains unchanged in all cases.^^2^^
2.3. A Mathematical Description of the Subject: Firm, Industry; Input and Output
In accordance with the above, a set E of private capitalist firms is analysed; k is the firm's index, k £ E. Since all firms are strictly monoproduct ones, the set E without in-
~^^1^^ This difference occurs under conditions of expanded reproduction of fixed capital, as a result of the accumulation of profit. Somewhat conventionally, it may bo assumed that the appearance of this difference is a result of accumulation, representing a decrease in expenditure on reproduction.
~^^2^^ In order to make it easier for the reader to see my idea I'll note that, in the subsequent exposition, the circumstances mentioned in points (1), (4), (5), (8), (10), and (11) will be taken into consideration in one form or another; note as well that points (6), (7), (9), (12). and (13) in their formulations already contain some arguments that seem sufficient for the conclusion that it is unnecessary to include the correspond ing circumstances in the analysis. For points (2) and (•'!) it. should merely be said that some additional investigations would be necessary to take the corresponding factors into consideration.
87tersections is divided into subsets Ej to represent the industries, i.e., aggregates of firms specialising in the production of a single kind of commodity /(/ = !, . . ., n, where n is the quantity of all kinds of commodity classified in some way). Ej •=£. 0 is further assumed for all / = 1, ... re, i.e., in each industry there is at least one firm. Under the conditions under study, there exists a one-to-one correspondence between commodity kinds and industries, so the latter may be denoted by the commodities in the production of which they specialise, i.e., indices/ = 1, . . ., re can be taken as representing not only commodities, but also industries. Note that the one-to-one correspondence does not exist for individual firms and the commodities produced by them; every firm produces one kind of commodity but, in principle, every kind of commodity is likely to be produced by many firms.^^1^^
It is assumed that the adopted classification covers all kinds of commodity produced and consumed in a given capitalist country over a given period of time (a year). Since we disregard the cases when some commodities stop being produced, it is assumed that all of n commodity kinds will continue to be manufactured in the future.
Set E is assumed to cover all those and only those firms that actually operated during the given year. The annual outcome of this set of firms is considered, expressed above all in commodities produced by each of them. Let Q j denote the volume of output of commodity / by firm k (Qhj > 0, k 6 Ej) Each kind of product has its own, specific physical unit of
measure (weight, length, area, or piece, pair, etc.). Then the output of each sector is:
Qi =
(2.1)
Also, all kinds of input of reproducible material resource and of living labour by each firm are summed annually. Lot A*j be the material input of kind i made by firm A- to produce amount Q* of commodity/; Lhj be the corresponding direct labour input. Let us emphasise that, in principle, one can assume a material input in the form of any commodity n produced by the given economy. If a certain firm does not consume some kind of commodity, then for corresponding i, A\J is equal to 0. It may turn out that magnitudes AIJ = 0 for some i for all firms k 6 E. In this case we are dealing with a kind of commodily of strictly nonproductive use. In a general description, however, material inputs may be assumed to have the same set of kinds as the commodities produced, so it follows that: i = 1, . . ., n. It is assumed that
. = 0 for ? = /, k£E,
(2.2)
this being the mathematical description of the thesis of the completely commodity character of the output of each firm (and hence of each industry).
In accordance with the analysis made in paragraph 1.1, we everywhere assume that L* >• 0 for all k 6 E and that, in any technology k 6 E, some reproducible means of production are expended, i.e., there exists i such that A\j ;> 0.
The theory of value considers labour input with regard to the difference between complicated (skilled) and simple (unskilled) labour, namely, when complicated kinds of labour are reduced to simple labour, "skilled labour counts only as simple labour intensified, or rather, as multiplied simple labour, a given quantity of skilled being considered equal to a greater quantity of simple labour. Experience shows that this reduction is constantly being made. A commodily may be the product of the most skilled labour, but its value, by equating it to the product of simple unskilled labour, represents a definite quantity of the lattor labour alone. The different proportions in which different sorts of labour are reduced to unskilled labour as their standard, arc established
~^^1^^ Let us mention the possible result of a mathematical description of multiproduct firms combining technologies to produce the various commodities in the hands of a single capitalist (we do not consider here technologies producing by-products). The simple correspondence between commodities and industries would then be disrupted. At least some firms would find themselves classified under different industries, if the classification were made with regard to kinds of commodity. This is, however, the only classification principle that can be applied consistently, so that no mixed industries would remain. Thus, it would be impossible to obtain the industry subsets of firms without intersections. Yet the calculations, in order to determine value, could be carried out in the same manner if the inputs of each firm were distributed in advance among its commodities. Such a distribution is the common practice in bookkeeping, so nothing substantial changes in the calculations if the existence of multiproduct firms is simply ignored; however, the assumed condition naturally simplifies the exposition by releaving it of the unnecessary details of calculations for multiproduct firms.
by a social process that goes on behind the backs of the producers, and, consequently, appear to be fixed by custom".1 The unit of measure of the labour inputs is thus the duration of labour with regard to the reduction to simple labour inputs.
Below for the sake of convenience we shall measure labour inputs by the number of annual full-time equivalent employees (reduced to those of simple labour).
For the time being, we shall not consider a method for statistically determining the coefficients for reducing complicated labour to simple one. Such coefficients are practically used and constitute, as assumed in the theory of value, dimensionless multipliers for the quantities of labour measured initially simply in terms of time (i.e. of annual full-time equivalent workers). Accordingly we may write:
hour input to simple labour one, it may, however, bo pointed out that, in the real economy, the input of more intensive labour is, in fact, equalised to that of less intensive one; this is evidenced by the exchange of commodities produced in industries with obviously different intensities of labour, although such differences cannot be measured accurately. Hereinafter, unless otherwise indicated in the text, we consider labour in all industries as being of the same intensity which in the given period is viewed as the socially normal one.
Above we have already used the notion of the output of each industry / as a whole (see formula 2.1). Material input and labour input may also be summed up, first of all on industry scales. Then we obtain:
i, /=!, ... , n;
(2-4) (2.5)
] = S L
A
k <E E,, j = i, ..., n,
(2.3)
, n,
where A, is the index of the kinds of labour differing in complexity: A = 1, . . ., A; Lhj>, is the quantity of labour of kind A expended by firm k to produce commodity / during a year (in terms of working time) ; i|r ^ is the coefficient ( multiplier) for reducing labour of kind A to simple (unskilled) labour; this coefficient for a given A is the same for the whole economy.^^2^^
Below we mainly shall use the resultant quantities of
labour input Lj.
We shall indicate that labour inputs, seen as the expenditure of the physical and mental forces (of the brain, nerves, muscles, etc.) of the employee may differ in intensity over time. That is why working time as the unit of measure of labour inputs is adequate only if the intensity of labour does not change during the time period under consideration. The complex problem of taking the intensity of labour into account in measuring labour inputs has not yet been solved theoretically.^^3^^ Like in the case of reducing complicated la-
'-}
where Aij, Lj are material inputs of kind i in industry / and labour inputs in industry ;' respectively. Further, the inputs may be summed up on the scale of the economy as a whole. We obtain:
7 =
(2.6)
that have not, however, been elaborated. Nevertheless, a general notion of the intensity of labour may be approximately formed if account is taken of the quantity of time during which the worker is not performing technological operations in the course of the working day, and an assessment is made of his energy expenditure and, at least, by means of a point system, the exhaustion of his nervous and muscular system during the working day. If the given level of intensity is mentioned, this means the totality of these characteristics that remains unchanged during some period of time (for example, a year).
~^^1^^ Labour input may also be calculated without reducing labour: for the industries:
~^^1^^ Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, pp. 51-52.
~^^2^^ It is natural to accept the labour reduction coefficient for simple, unskilled labour power as unity. Then ^ > 1 holds.
~^^3^^ There is as yet no strict indicator of the intensity of labour capable of meeting the requirements of practical measurement. Usually, the intensity of labour is defined as the quantity of labour spent during a unit of working time. In this case, the quantity of labour itself needs to bo measured not in terms of units of time, but by some other units
K,
for the economy as a whole:
(the sign above symbol L indicates that the calculation was made without reduction of labour).
91 90where At, L are material inputs of kind i and labour inputs respectively, within the economy as a whole (in corresponding units of measurement).
The reader should take note that, in formulae (2.1), (2.4)---(2.7), summing is carried out. Generally speaking, science requires a specific justification of the use of any mathematical operation with basic magnitudes (i.e., those obtained by means of direct measurement), including summing. In this case, the question of what the total magnitudes correspond to in reality certainly needs to be discussed.
A necessary objective prerequisite for such summing is the unity of the economy. Under capitalism, this is a sort of contradictory unity formed by the market. The existence of a unified national market is the objective condition that not only justifies, but also directly requires mathematical representation in the form of the summation of the indicators for individual private firms. First of all, this is the existence of unified social labour power.^^1^^ Every commodity exchange sets the products of individual private enterprises on the same footing and thus represents them as an expression of unified social labour. Overall commodity production, i.e., capitalism as a social system, is based on the transformation of labour power into a commodity, at least on the national scale, that is, on the formation of at least a unified national (and, further, international) market for labour power.^^2^^
The summation of the commodity output of the firms in one industry implies that any consumer has a real chance to demand any kind of output / from any of the producers k £ Ej. In other words, each unit of any commodity / is really given in a depersonalised manner, as a unit of the to-
tal mass of these commodities Qj, not as a special kind of commodity. The social mechanism depersonalising the commodities of different producers is given by the operation of merchant's capital, which buys up the commodities of all producers and sells them to any consumers. The existence of merchant's capital is known to be a historical and logical prerequisite for the dominance of capital in production. Although, at this stage in the study, the existence of all kinds of capital but industrial one may be disregarded, this consequence of the operation of merchant's capital, i.e., depersonalisation of equal commodities in the marketplace, is assumed to be given.
Any general theoretical examination certainly simplifies reality by omitting many practical circumstances. The actual existence of a unified (even national, not to speak of an international) market for all commodities is not achieved even in the highest stages of capitalist economic development. Suffice it to say that many commodities (services, perishable and nontransportable commodities, etc.) are inevitably sold on local markets merely owing to their use properties. Wo must at once emphasise that, in this case, they should be considered as different commodities with different social values, though they are equal in their use properties (for the sake of logical accuracy let us merely note that, occasionally, their value may also prove lo be equal).
Also, complete unity of the labour power market is, of course, achieved nowhere in reality. To demonstrate this suffice it to note that specialised workers are not, of course, able to perform every kind of labour. That is why the labour power market is always structured, at least according lo I he special features of the workers' skills. Tntranational, and especially international, labour power migrations encounter many obstacles as well. Yet there do exist some social mechanisms for overcoming all these internal gradations of unified labour power: the training of new workers in newoccupations, retraining, reducing production operations lo the simplest movements requiring a minimum of training, the development of means of transportation, relations of the simple leasing of dwelling space, etc. They generate a tendency towards unity of labour power, one that never leads to ideal unity in reality but serves as a basis for ideal theoretical analysis of the properties of the capitalist economy. In theoretical studies the conditions are assumed to be extant when, in reality, they only reflect the dominant trend,
93~^^1^^ "All the labour power of a given society, as represented in the sum total of the values of all commodities, is one and the same human labour power. Thousands upon thousands of millions of acts of exchange prove this. Consequently, each particular commodity represents only a certain share of the socially necessary labour time. The magnitide of value is determined by the amount of socially necessary labour, or by the labour timo that is socially necessary for the production of a given commodity, of a given use-value" (V. I. Lenin, "Karl Marx", Collected Works, Vol. 21, p. 60).
~^^2^^ For a detailed theoretical and statistical examination of this process and of how a unified national market is formed in general, see Lenin's work "Development of Capitalism in Russia" (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 3, 1977).
92which is modified by iniiniteiy varied specific circuinstarices.^^1^^ The theoretical consideration of the law of value itself as a trend only, and nol as a directly realised law (see below), corresponds to this. It is more interesting, as will be shown later, that the law of value manifests itself in modern price-formation with rather high accuracy.
The totals obtained from formulae (2.1), (2.4)---(2.7) will be used below to find the magnitudes of socially necessary labour inputs for commodity production. This means that the items themselves have to be interpreted in some sense as quantities corresponding to the notion of necessity; namely, as the absolute maximum output volumes producible by the technologies employed by given firm k [the items of formula (2.1)]; as minimal material inputs [the items of formula (2.4)] and labour inputs [the items of formula (2.5)] under such conditions. It is not the social necessity of all technologies in use that is meant here: in accordance with the law of value, it covers not all of them. It is assumed that, since a given technology is actually used, it operates with its own minimum input-output ratios achievable under its specific properties, i.e., on the condition that no excessive expenditures or losses of output occur.
In every form of society sufficiently viable to reproduce itself for an extended period and thus to form a socio-- economic system, there exists, as an objective property of production relations, some mechanism for realising the necessary (in the sense formulated) level of inputs and outputs in operating firms. Under capitalism, this is, first, the competition-induced interest of proprietors in reducing their inputs and expanding their share of the market; second, labour discipline of hunger, i.e., economically forced labour by proletarians.
Really it is only the highest limit of output (and, to note in passing, of its quality) that is, in fact, determined technologically, i.e., by the productive capacity of the firm. The real output may be less than this limit, even falling to 0, yet there is no technological determination of such a decrease. Similarly, it is only minimal standards of production inputs that are determined technologically. If production engineering is inadequate, inputs may be infinitely high:
there are no technological limits to its increase above the minimum.^^1^^
Thus, the socially necessary productive inputs are based, first of all, on the individually necessary ones (for the technologies operated by the given firms). Given this assumption, socially necessary inputs could, in first approximation, be represented by the average weighted individual input quantities, provided, as we assume here, the entire output reaches the consumer and the expediency of its production is thus socially confirmed. These average weighted input quantities could be derived simply by dividing the total inputs in the industries by the total outputs obtained in the latter:
/= 1,
n;
(2.8) (2.9)
where atj is the average coefficient of material I inputs in producing /' output; l} is the similar average coefficient of direct labour inputs.
Similar individual input coefficients by firm are as follows:
4(2.10)
/ = !, ... , re, k
(2.11)
It can easily be demonstrated that coefficients atj and 13 are merely the average weighted ones resulting from cor-
~^^1^^ In this connection the following three circumstances should also be briefly mentioned. First, productive capacity could not be normally utilised at the level of 100 per cent in the long term, but to a somewhat lesser degree; this results from the properties of the technologies themselves. Capacity is here determined as maximum output produced in the short term by a given firm. Second, there exists a technologically determined minimum of inputs of all kinds, even if capacity is utilised to a degree below the long-term normal limit; then it is production engineering and not technology as such that determines the degree to which the minimum is exceeded. Third, there is the problem of choosing the conditions for the utilisation of technologies so as to lake into account input-output ratios and levels of prices for input and output components. To solve these problems, the prices actually established in the previous periods are used and their trends extrapolated. Existing price dynamics are not, however, dependent on any one producer, even if the market is monopolised.
95~^^1^^ See: Karl Marx, Capital, Vol. I, p. 19; Vol. Ill, pp. 153, 161, 175, 211, 232, 235, 238-39, 365.
94responding a^ and Lj, the weights being output volumes Q}.
The reader may examine the formation of all these magnitudes for the conventional case with a three-industry economy with three firms in each industry (see Tables 2.1-2.4).
Table 2.3
Interindustry Balance of Labour Power (in units of working time)
Labour input by industry
Total
1 2 3Without reduction of Reduction of labour count (Lj)
labour (Lj) taken into ac-
140 28080 120
160 160
380 (I) 560 (L)
Table 2.4
Average and
CoeJficients for Direct Material Labour Inputs by Industry
``\;'
i ^\
1 2 3atj (input units to produce a unit of output)
1 2 3
X 0.25 0.15
0.30 X 0.15
0.75 0.05 X
Table 2.1
Input and Output by Firm
Industries (i)
12 | 3
Firms (ft)
i 2
3 4 5 6 7 8 9Material
input by
kind of means of
production (A^.)
1X
X
X
6 48 18 24 56 40i
214.4
4015.6
X
X
X
0.8
4.8
2.4
37.2
2410.8
4.8
247.2
X
X
X
Labour
input
L
}K
45 80 15 24 48 8 48 76 36Lk-
90 160 30 36 72 12 48 76 36Output (Q^)
60 160 60 44 160 36 32 80 48X
lj (units of working time, with reduction of labour taken into account, to produce a unit of output)
1.0
0.5
1.0
Note: Output is measured in corresponding physical units, labour Input in units of working time, material input in the same units as output, i.e., in physical units of the respective means of production.
Table 2.2
Input-Output Table (in output units)
Below we shall employ this example. It is structured so that proportionality of the output of all commodities is directly observed: their volumes correspond to the demand for corresponding products. At this stage of the study, simple reproduction is considered, i.e., it is assumed thai no excess of any product exists that could be used for productive accumulation, in other words, the whole surplus-product is privately used by capitalists.
Inputs of means of production (that is, those with the coefficients ahij, atj) cover not only expenditures on raw materials, but also those in the form of the replacement of instruments of labour. At this stage of the analysis, to simplify the calculations, all means of production are assumed
Output flows compensating for material input in the industri-
Industries
Gross output
es (Atj)
Net output
(Qi)
to industry
Total
<Yi>
1 2 3(A.)
i
280X
72 120 192 88 2 240 70X
8 78 162 3 160 42 36X
78 827-0702
97to serve the same period of time, namely, exactly a year, and the production cycle in all firms is also assumed to be strictly equal to one year.
In this example, we shall disregard the intraindustry differences in the workers' skills (the complexity of labour). That is why a unified labour reduction coefficient is used for all workers of the same industry (and a specific coefficient for each one): 2 for industry 1, 1.5 for industry 2, and 1 for industry 3. The complexity of the labour of all workers is thus described by its ratio to that in industry 3, where only simple unskilled labour is assumed to be employed. Accordingly, index K has the sense of the industry's number: A, = 1, 2, 3 (similarly i and /).
2.4. System of Industries. The Input-Output Table (Interindustry Balance)
The productiveness of the technological system. The theory of value deals with multisectoral technological systems capable of producing more output of all kinds than is required for their production. In other words, the technological system is able to produce output exceeding the material inputs in the form of the same products it consumes and therefore has to replace for the purpose of simple reproduction; it is capable of producing net product. Mathematically this means that such output structure X = (Xlt . . ., Xt, . . ., Xn) may be obtained that Xt > 0, Xt > SazV %j> i-e->
It should not be thought that statement (2.12), which clearly describes real facts, contradicts the laws of nature. All the physical laws of conservation hold, of course, in the economy. No greater quantity of materials can be produced from a smaller quantity, this is not contradicted by the fact that more products of all kinds can be manufactured than the quantity of the same products spent on their production. It is precisely for this reason that humans inevitably require more and more materials from nature. This demand can, to a certain degree, be reduced by cutting waste, utilising secondary raw materials, etc., but the appeal to nature for resources is unavoidable.
The concept of the productiveness of a technological system was expressed by comparing input and output, so it cannot be seen immediately that this is nothing but a specific expression of the concept of the productivity of labour. Meanwhile, as has already been demonstrated in detail, technologies acquire specific features through labour; so the net product of a technological system must be suitably considered as the specific result of labour; the volume of the net output is merely the net gain of labour. Material means of production (both nonreproducible and reproducible) cannot themselves turn into product in general, or a net product in particular. The workers in production operate a given system of technologies not simply in order to turn means of production into output Q, but merely for the sake of gaining a net product.
The productiveness of the technological system is shown in (2.12) as potential one, which is why the vector of possible output X is taken instead of the vector of real output Q = (Qn • • M Qii • • -i Qn)- Even for a closed economy, it is not required that
Xi-2X^>0 for all z = l, . . . , n-
in vector and matrix form: there exists a vector
X>0:X>AX, i.e., X---AX=Y>0,
(2.12)
Qi > S atjQj for all i,
(2.13)
where A--- {«;/} is the matrix of the average coefficients of direct material inputs; X is the gross product vector; Y is the net product vector. Matrix A satisfying (2.12) complies with the mathematical notion of productive matrices.^^1^^
In the general case of multiproduct technologies, the notion of the productiveness of a technological system means the following. Let (J* be the output i, given the unit intensity of applied technology k (k = i, . . ., E); A* is the material input of kind i, given the same
unit intensity, Xmax>k is the maximum possible intensity of employment of method k. The system is productive if and only if the vector of intensities X = (X\ . . ., XE) (0 < Xh < Xmax-h, for all k)
exists, such that S QiXk > 2 ^XAfor all i. ft
ft
~^^1^^ Matrix A with non-negative elements is called productive if and only if matrix (/---A)-^^1^^ covers only non-negative elements. The equation
(/ _ A)-^^1^^ = I + A + A* +
which we shall employ, holds.
987*
99