p When they develop in conditions of detente, international relations acquire a democratic content, a circumstance which has a direct bearing on the developing countries as well. Detente helps the newly free national states to strengthen their international positions and thus broadens their chances for solving urgent problems of social progress. There are many pertinent examples, such as the Sixth and Seventh Special Sessions of the UN General Assembly (the spring of 1974 and autumn of 1975) which studied the problems of raw material resources and economic development. They had to be convoked in view of the struggle of the developing countries against inequality in international economic relations, particularly against imperialist exploitation, because unless these problems are solved, it is impossible to surmount economic backwardness and raise living standards, i.e., to achieve the goals arising right after the attainment of political independence. But it proved possible to hold such sessions only in the conditions created by detente. The intense confrontation at these sessions was yet another indication of the imperative need to set up an international economic order that would equally take into account the interests of all countries.

p Addressing the Sixth Special Session of the UN General Assembly, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko said: "Our country was the first in the history of international relations to renounce the advantages arising from inequitable treaties which tsarist Russia had enjoyed. We are still resolutely opposed to more powerful states, on the basis 53 of superiority in their level of development, in practice imposing inequitable cooperation on countries which are less developed economically.”  [53•1 

p Consistently applying this key principle of its foreign policy, the Soviet Union supports the anti-colonial struggle and also helps the newly independent states to strengthen their positions in the international arena.

p The struggle to democratise international law. For the majority of African countries the attainment of political independence and admission to UN membership inaugurated their independent participation in international affairs. But as soon as they emerged on the international scene they had to wage a determined struggle for equal participation in solving international issues. The success of this struggle largely depended on the nature of international law.

p The rapid democratisation of international law which started after the founding of the UN consolidated progressive principles of international intercourse and interaction as fundamental and universally recognised. But these principles have yet to be fully carried into effect. Experts in international law note that there are diametrically opposite and mutually exclusive views of some principles regulating international relations. For example, some bourgeois theorists claim that equality in relations between states is generally impossible, while others allege that some peoples, in view of the fact that they have always been objects of international law, cannot be its subjects.

p Obviously, there are still many people in the West who would have liked to belittle the political independence of African countries. And if we take into account that the policy makers of many imperialist states either sabotage or hinder the application of progressive principles of international law, it becomes clear that the struggle for their translation into reality is not an idle issue. For the peoples of the African continent it includes the need constantly to assert their sovereignty, prove the legitimacy of fighting arms in hand against the oppressors, and uphold their 54 right freely to choose any form of government, socio- economic, political and cultural model of development.

p It is very important that in this struggle the African states can rely on the support of the socialist countries which demand strict observance of UN principles and resolutions.

p The political and international law basis of the Soviet Union’s assistance in strengthening the international positions of the African countries is its recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. It was only thanks to the resolute efforts of the Soviet Union and of all anticolonial forces that this principle was included into the UN Charter.

p The inclusion of the principle of equality and self- determination of nations into the UN Charter as one of the basic principles of international law, for the first time in history provided the^colonial and dependent peoples with political and legal grounds to demand and assert their right to self-determination and independence. Legal experts connect this with the liquidation of the "presumption of legality" applied to the colonies. But the recognition and assertion of the peoples and nations of colonial countries as subjects of international law became possible not only as a result of their struggle, but also thanks to the consistent and determined diplomatic activity of the USSR and other socialist countries.

p A major role was played by Soviet initiatives which led to the adoption of documents asserting the equality of all states in international law and depriving the more powerful states of their dominating status.

p One of the more important aspects of Soviet diplomatic activity directed towards strengthening the equality of the young states in the system of international relations are its efforts to establish the legality of military forms of the national liberation struggle. Lenin noted that a Marxist’s attitude to the national-colonial question should not be confined to a mere recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. It was his duty, he said, to make the most determined efforts to support the revolutionary elements of the national liberation movements both morally and materially.  [54•2 

p In supporting the right of the African peoples to wage an armed struggle against colonialism and racialism the Soviet Union proceeds from the Marxist-Leninist definition of just and unjust wars. Such an approach by no means signifies that military methods are preferable to a political settlement. But when the colonialists and racialists reject all proposals to settle controversial issues peacefully, the enslaved peoples are forced to wage an armed struggle for liberation. It would be appropriate to recall that the decisive role in bringing about the collapse of the Portuguese colonial empire was played by the armed struggle of the peoples of Guinea-Bissau, Angola and Mozambique which began long before 25 April 1974, when the fascist dictatorship was overthrown in Lisbon.

p Economic independence and full sovereignty over natural resources. The struggle of the African peoples for genuine liberation is acquiring today an increasingly pronounced social content. Now that the destruction of the capitalist colonial empire has been completed in the main, the former colonial world has entered a new phase in its development: the struggle not only for national, but, and this is the main thing, also for social liberation, is moving more and more into the forefront.

p On the international scene this struggle is reflected in the African states’ increasing opposition to neocolonialism, in their fight against multinational corporations and the domination of foreign capital, in their demands for assistance without political strings attached to it and so forth. But there can be no success in the struggle for social emancipation without the achievement of economic independence, which in present-day conditions depends first and foremost on the recognition and application of the principle of sovereignty of the newly free states over their natural resources, a principle which is an inalienable part of the right of nations to self-determination.

p In his speech at the Sixth Special Session of the UN General Assembly, Andrei Gromyko noted that respect for the sovereign right of each state to dispose freely of its natural resources was one of the fundamental principles of relations between states and included the right to nationalise and establish control over the activities of foreign capital.  [55•3 

p There is no disagreement between the theory and practice of Soviet foreign policy. The USSR took an active part in formulating the principles governing international trade relations and trade policies which were endorsed by UNCTAD in 1964 and by the 28th UN General Assembly Session in 1973 (in a special statement delegations of the socialist countries reaffirmed their policyTof encouraging socioeconomic progress of all countries). Firmly adhering to this course, the Soviet Government in 1965 unilaterally lifted customs duties on imports from developing countries, and is steadily increasing economic and technical assistance to them.

p Soviet assistance to African countries in their efforts to attain economic independence as quickly as possible is also of primary importance in strengthening their international positions. It should be borne in mind that some people in the West continue to believe that the foreign policy of the African states should be viewed only from the standpoint of the interests of "the mighty of the earth”, and that the claims of these states to equality in the contemporary world should be "cut short”. Certain circles in the West still suffer from nostalgia for the vanished colonial past. But unfortunately the remaining bonds of national dependence are also quite strong. The collapse of the colonial system did not demolish the economic basis for plundering the dependent peoples, and a mechanism of collective neocolonialism in the form of multinational corporations, has been set in motion. Foreign capital now plunders Africa under new conditions.  [56•4 

p An important aspect of USSR efforts on the international scene that has a direct bearing on the achievement of genuine independence by the developing African states, is the exposure of the exploiting role of the multinational corporations by Soviet diplomats and scientists.

p The activity of the multinationals in the developing world constitutes a serious threat to their budding economy. The monopolies resort to such forms of technological and economic mimicry which best conceal their exploitative nature.

p In its Economic Declaration the Fourth Conference of the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Countries which took place in September 1973 in Algiers had this to say about the transnational corporations: "The Heads of State denounce before world public opinion the impermissible practices of the transnationals which encroach upon the sovereignty of the developing countries and violate the principles of non-interference and the right of nations to self-determination that are the basic conditions for the political, economic and social progress of these countries.”  [57•5 

p The adoption of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States by the 29th Session of the UN General Assembly was a blow at the economic expansion of imperialism. There is no doubt that this document, approved thanks to the joint efforts of socialist and developing countries, will help the latter to strengthen their international positions.

p The policy of non-alignment. Soviet scholars who have written many works on this subject as a rule regard it not only as a movement, but as a principle of foreign policy. Let us examine only one aspect of this problem, namely how the attitude of the Soviet Union to the policy of nonalignment of African states strengthens their positions in the system of international relations.

p In spite of different interpretations of non-alignment principles and varying degrees of commitment to them, the policies of independent African countries have certain common principles: non-participation in blocs; anti- colonialism and effective support for the national liberation struggle; mounting anti-imperialist tendencies; increasing participation in world affairs; desire to restructure international economic relations on a democratic and equal basis and unite efforts with other developing countries; and support for the process of detente.

p In many respects these principles coincide with the foreign policy principles of the Soviet Union. This similarity objectively accounts for the Soviet Union’s positive attitude to the African non-alignment policy. Taking into consideration that in present-day conditions non-alignment strengthens the sovereignty of the developing states, the Soviet Union welcomes the constructive prospects for the 58 implementation of this principle. Difficult as the international situation of the African countries may be, nonalignment enables them to play an active role in world affairs. The bigger the successes of the anti-colonial struggle, the broader are the tasks of the non-alignment movement which is becoming increasingly anti-imperialist. The Fourth Summit of the Non-Aligned Countries clearly stated that "imperialism is still the main obstacle to the liberation and progress of the developing countries".  [58•6 

p Assessing the results of that forum and the intention of its participants to fight resolutely against imperialism, colonialism and racialism, for freedom, independence and peace, Leonid Brezhnev noted that "this position and its consistent implementation will be conducive to the further growth of the non-aligned countries’ influence in the world".  [58•7 

p The common stand of the socialist countries towards the non-alignment policy is recorded in the Communique of the Conference of the Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Treaty States which took place in April 1974: "The participants in the Conference have noted the heightened role of the non-aligned movement in international affairs, expressed their positive attitude to the antiimperialist trend of the policy of non-aligned countries, and welcome their growing contribution to the struggle for detente, against war and aggression, for peace and national independence of peoples.”  [58•8 

The Soviet Union’s positive attitude to the non-aligned movement strengthens the sovereignty of the developing states and upholds their independent foreign policy which, in turn, creates favourable conditions for broad interaction between socialist and developing countries on the world scene. There are numerous instances of joint action by socialist and non-aligned countries in the UN on disarmament, prohibition of testing and use of nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. Non-aligned leaders are becoming more and more aware that disarmament and regulation of the legal mechanism of the collective security system in the UN and similar measures are essential for strengthening the international positions of the independent 59 states and securing the consistent application of democratic principles of international law which stipulates the full equality of all members of the international community.