p On 2 February 1979, Nicaragua’s patriotic forces organised in Managua the National Patriotic Front, the NPF. That same day I interviewed NPF General Coordinator Sergio Ramirez, who stated:

p “The organisation of the NPF was suggested by our Group of 12 back in October 1977, when we created this group and discussed two basic options for the people of Nicaragua.

p “The first was to give every assistance to the FSLN. This was the first time a group of people in so prominent a position as we appealed to the people to support a guerilla movement.

p “The second option was to organise a united patriotic antiSomoza front. However, this did not succeed as planned. In May 1978 only the Broad Opposition Front (FAO) was organised, and on 5 July we joined it. Outside of FAO there came into being the MPU, the United People’s Movement, which brought together different Left-wing trends, including FSLN factions.

p “We joined the FAO believing that in it we would be able to discharge a positive mission. And that was really so. When the popular uprising erupted, we as a political group were in a position to analyse the actions of the two opposition movements of the FAO and MPU. During the September general strike and September armed uprising, we very successfully united all opposition forces to a degree unprecedented in Nicaragua.

p “However this unity began to splinter in October because of imperialist ’mediation’, because the only purpose of US ’mediation’ via OAS was to fragment opposition unity and militarily and politically consolidate the Somoza regime. On 25 October we decided to withdraw from ’mediation’ talks, and exposed this mediation as a vehicle for foreign intervention, whose sole aim was to bolster up Somoza or install ’Somozaism without Somoza’. In short, Somoza as a person was no longer of interest to the USA and imperialism, and could be jettisoned but on the other hand it was vital to preserve his system. To this day the USA still schemes to consolidate the Somozaist system, which relies on the National Guard, the National Congress, the bureaucracy, and of course, the untold wealth which the Somoza dynasty has looted and has available.

p “Thus, when starting to organise in December 1978 a democratic front, we distinctly realised that it must be antiinterventionist. We saw it as free of all foreign influence, and as relying on Nicaraguan democrats, on united democratic forces representing every segment of the population. In our view, it was to incorporate the MPU and other opposition forces that had walked out of the FAO.

p “In the NPF we shall advocate a three-plank programme seeking the effective democratisation of Nicaragua. The three basic planks are nationalism, democracy, and social progress.

p “These three planks are the foundation of a 22-point programme, primarily to completely expropriate all properties of the Somoza dynasty, democratise the army, dissolve the National Congress, nationalise such natural wealth as coal, gas, fisheries, timber, and mines, nationalise the transport system, and effect a genuine agrarian reform. This programme is democratic and paves the way for a transition government acceptable to all democrats, including the national bourgeoisie. It has the support, one may say, of all segments of the population, from the FSLN to petty- bourgeois and industrialist groups. We hope democratic forces still outside of FAO will take this programme as the groundwork to join the NPF, unite and thus spike imperialist ‘ 90 mediation’ stratagems, which imperialism has still no intentions of abandoning, and still hopes to actively promote.

p “There is no question that the Nicaraguan people are Sandinista in outlook. The Sandinistas are mostly young people, numerically the biggest category in our country, as 70 percent of the population are under 25. It is the younger generation who have borne the brunt of the revolutionary movement.

p “We are aware that it is vital to dedicate every effort to secure full unity. Somozaism will be defeated only if the country’s democratic forces unite.

p “That we still have two opposition movements in Nicaragua today is not our fault. It is consequential upon US intervention. One must be fully aware of that, as imperialist propaganda is trying to hoodwink the world into believing that the only way out of the crisis is through FAO and thus promote its ’mediation’ plan, oblivious of the FSLN as the truly real force. The USA seeks to ignore the Sandinistas as a political and military force. Which is absolutely unreal, which borders on the absurd.

p “The FSLN has today a general programme for unification. The Sandinistas are striving for overall unity, while consolidating their own unity. This is a point that must be emphasised.

p “The NPF will incorporate many labour organisations, whether led by Communists or by Sandinistas.

p “Sensing that the end is near, Somoza wants to internationalise the Nicaraguan conflict, and implicate other Central American countries. The USA also wants this, realising that an explosive situation exists in Central America Suffice it to take such other countries as Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. If the Nicaraguan conflict sweeps across national frontiers, uprisings may also flare up in those countries and jeopardise their dictatorships.

p “Naturally, Somoza will now be given financial shots in the arm and sundry other assistance to keep him in power. Somoza’s situation may be compared to that of a helplessly sick man who is given more and more injections, but without any guarantee of recovery. There comes a day 91 when injections no longer have effect. The same could be said of Somoza.

p “It must be re-emphasised that the USA has a stake in Somoza and Somozaism, and that Somoza himself, naturally, wants to keep going. Nicaragua’s economy is now virtually disrupted and the treasury is empty, but Somoza cares not a tittle for that, as his chief interest is his own wealth, his personal fortune, that of his family, all his loot. He has the National Guard, a big bodyguard, cars, and helicopters, and wants to keep all that. But what the USA wants is to keep the Somoza system going. It is no longer interested in Somoza as such. And so one sees a contradiction between the present system in Nicaragua and Somoza, who represents that system.

p “Let me repeat that what the USA wants is the system, not Somoza, but we want to rid the country of both Somoza and the system. All democratic forces joining the NPF organised today will strive to accomplish this, to abolish both the system and Somoza.”

p On 7 March 1979 there occurred in the Sandinista movement an event that will unquestionably be most instrumental in the struggle against Somoza. Its three factions signed an agreement to establish unity in the FSLN. For the Terceristas the agreement was signed by Daniel Ortega, Victor Tirado, and Humberto Ortega, for the GPP by Henry Ruiz, Tomas Borge, and Bayardo Arce, and for the Proletaries by Luis Carrion, Jaime Wheelock, and Carlos Nunez. These nine men make up the FSLN United National Directorate.

p The related communique published states that "from the moment the present agreements are signed, the United National Directorate will act as the supreme body of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)”. Henceforth, only this body may "sign official documents, communiques, etc., and nationally and internationally politically represent the Sandinista National Liberation Front".

p Among its functions will be "according as the movement advances to define the military and political strategy of the Sandinista movement, to direct the FSLN’s full 92 reunification, and create military and political organisations to carry out revolutionary tasks".

p As for the military setup, the related agreement says that every effort be taken to preserve and consolidate the three existing fronts—the Carlos Fonseca Northern Front, the Pablo Ubeda Northeastern Front, and the Benjamin Zeledon Southern Front, that another Roberto Huembes Front be created, and that several measures be taken to consolidate the Internal Front.

p In mid-March, Sandinistas conducted successful military operations in Matagalpa, Esteli, Chinandega, and several other cities and towns. On 18 March several coordinated guerilla assaults were mounted on National Guard posts in Managua. On 30 March in the Jicaro District, guerillas ambushed a National Guard force, killing 49 and wounding 60 officers and men.

p In late March the FSLN National Directorate issued a statement for Latin America noting that complete organisational unity had been achieved through the full integration of the three—GPP, Terceristas, and Proletaries—- factions under one leadership, which had worked out an overall strategic programme of action.

p On 21 February, the anniversary of Augusto Sandino’s tragic death, Sandinistas carried out the sentence on retired Colonel Federico Davidson Blanco, who exactly 45 years earlier had as a lieutenant been directly involved in Sandino’s assassination. According to Reuter, this took place in Matagalpa.

p In early 1979 Somoza frantically clung to power. On 26 February Newsweek noted under the heading, " Showdown in Nicaragua”, that "Somoza has built up the National Guard from about 7,000 men in September to its current level of 12,000, and hopes to have 15,000 soon. His forces include a crack 2,000-man battalion whose barracks adjoin the Presidential bunker. Nicknamed Somoza’s ’ Waffen-SS’, the unit shouts, "Kill! Kill! Kill!’ and ’Up with the Guardia, down with the people!’ ".

p As you may know, in command of the “Waffen-SS” is Somoza Jr., 27-year-old Anastasio Somoza Portocarerro. This 93 year in his Tiscapa bunker, the dictator signed an order promoting his son to Lieutenant Colonel. Karen De Young of the Washington Post wrote from Managua that Somoza was manoeuvring to have his family control the National Guard, should he resign as President.

p On 13 March it was reported from Washington that the US-controlled International Monetary Fund had agreed to grant Somoza a $40,000 million loan.

At a news conference, Ernesto Cardenal claimed the CIA had worked out a plan envisaging the bodily extermination of FSLN and radical opposition leaders, and the suppression of guerrillas and popular action by CONDECA (Central American Defence Council) forces, and that if the Nicaraguan bourgeoisie would not agree to Somoza’s remaining in power, he would be replaced by a more suitable figure, who could guarantee US interests in the country.