Savva Dangulov
__TITLE__ Lenin talks to America __TEXTFILE_BORN__ 2009-06-01T10:51:27-0700 __TRANSMARKUP__ "Y. Sverdlov"EED
Savva Dangulov
Lenin talks to America
Progress Publishers
Moscow
TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN DESIGNED BY L. SHKANOV
Contents
Caeea
JIEHHH PA3FOBAPHBAET C AMEPHKOH
(HO
TO MY READERS. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE MANDATE. Translated by Keith Hammond
THROUGH THE FLAMES. Translated by Keith Hammond
AN AUDIENCE. Translated by Keith Hammond
EYES. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE HEART. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE LETTER. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE FLAG. Translated by Keith Hammond
NIGHT. Translated by Keith Hammond
TWO MEN. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE BOY. Translated by Rose Prokofieva
THE PATH. Translated by Darya Yefremova
FRIEND. Translated by Keith Hammond
A DAY. Translated by Keith Hammond
FAITH. Translated by Keith Hammond
CHOICE. Translated by Keith Hammond
A BUSINESSMAN. Translated by Keith Hammond
COMING HOME. Translated by Keith Hammond
A FATHER. Translated by Keith Hammond
THE ROAD. Translated by Keith Hammond
6 11 31 49 61 73 89 103 115 127 147 157 167 177 187 199 213 237 253 269REQUEST TO READERS
Progress Publishers would be glad to have your opinion of this book, its translation and design and any suggestions you may have for future publications.
Please send all your comments to 21, Zubovsky Boulevard, Moscow, USSR.
First printing 1978
© Translation into English. Progress Publishers 1978, illustrated with photographs
Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
10302-458
A--------------91-78
014(01)-78
294NOTES
To My Readers
Lenin is a whole world in himself, a fine and enormous new world.
I have chosen for myself a modest goal: to light up on the map of this huge world one point---Lenin in conversation with America. The beginnings of the project lay in a story about Lenin and Raymond Robins, which originally formed part of a book I was writing on Soviet diplomats. As I re-read the manuscript I stopped at the section dealing with Lenin and Robins, reflecting that this story of an American who came to us an enemy and left a friend was an impressive example of how Lenin fought for the hearts and minds of men, winning over the best of those who came from outside our country. If one is to talk of America, then not only Robins, but also John Reed, Lincoln Steffens and Robert Minor come to mind. And only them? Why not write a book showing how Lenin sought and found friends in America? After all, America, which has been cast in the role of a direct opponent of our country, would serve as an excellent example.
The idea of such a book greatly excited me. I saw Lenin in company with his many notable interlocutors, Lenin standing with John Reed before a map of Russia and sketching out its future, helping Rhys Williams to speak Russian to the soldiers from the rostrum of the Mikhailovsky riding
school, sternly arguing with Lincoln Steffens about the revolution's right to punish its enemies. In these conversations Lenin is at once kindly and unbending with that absolute firmness that characterised him, never afraid to say ``no'' to a friend.
So Lenin Talks to America; but what sort of book should this be, what structure should it have, what approach should I adopt? In deciding these questions I was guided to a great extent by a chapter which had already been written. At the centre of each story must stand the life, with all its conflicts and upheavals, of some one of the Americans who spoke with Lenin; and the book must be in the first person. This was most important: the story must be told by a soldier, a businessman or, perhaps, a diplomat. A diplomat might even be the best choice, for Lenin's interest in America would be closest to such a man. This would be greatly advantageous in resolving the principal problem, which was to reveal the image of Lenin as others saw him. Looking at Lenin through the eyes of the diplomat Rybakov I discovered my own point of view, the words I needed and, in a way, my own voice; all these were suggested to me by the simplicity and sincerity inherent in the atmosphere surrounding Lenin.
The names of the Americans with whom Lenin talked are well known; I, however,
wanted to tell the reader something new. I wrote to fifteen writers, journalists, public and church figures in America, many of them known to me personally. All replied, recalling the whole galaxy of people who .were later to appear in my book.
But one needs more than letters, for all their indisputable virtues. Conversations with contemporary eye-witnesses proved extremely useful. I went to Leningrad and began an "on the spot" examination of diplomatic Petrograd: this was indispensable in recreating the atmosphere in which my characters had lived. I succeeded in compiling my own guidebook to Petrograd as the diplomat knew it, visiting the former British embassy by Troitsky Bridge, the quays where the former French and Japanese embassies stand, the former American embassy on Furshtadt Street and the Russian Ministry for Foreign Affairs at 6, Palace Square, among other places. As well, I wanted to find some of the ministry's former functionaries. From a handbook on Petrograd I worked out a list of the ministry's personnel and began hunting for them. In a modest little house on Kirochnaya I spoke with a man who, despite his more than eighty years, has retained the sharpness of his perceptions, the freshness of his memory and his capacity for work.
There were some failures. Despite help
from my American friends I was unable to unearth the text of an article by Bessie Beatty dealing with a conversation with Lenin. Had I been successful in this I believe I could have included in the story ``Faith'' material which it sorely lacks.
Working on this book was, in one way and another, the more instructive for me in that the labour of research was conjoined with that of literary creation. A significant role was played here by the small-scale investigatory expeditions I carried out, which I believe to be inseparable from the work of a writer engaged on an historical theme.
In fact, the writer may know his subject perfectly, but if he does not demonstrate this knowledge by the use of detail the reader will not believe him. It is by such use of detail that the reader is often convinced and therefore, in my view, it is extremely important for the writer to get the ``feel'' of his subject: he must take it in with his own eyes, as it were.
But this, perhaps, is only the first commandment, important but not exclusively so. However eloquent a detail acquired by the writer during one of his expeditions into "the world of the object" may be, a person can always tell him far more. There is no substitute for a conversation with an eyewitness. Accounts which, directly or indirectly led me to my main subject, that of
Lenin in conversation with America, proved invaluable. Among those whose advice and friendly help were exceptionally useful to me I must include Albert Rhys Williams, one of those Americans who, like John Reed, saw the October Revolution and heralded it to the world.
Finally, I must note that documents are no less important to the writer than they are to the historian. However, I do not subscribe to the view that a document can recreate an event with a vividness and intellectual vigour to which a novel can scarcely pretend: on the contrary, a document cannot provide a graphic general picture and no matter how strong it may be, the imaginative capacity of the reader to fill out a picture is powerless to confer this quality upon any document. However, a document, properly interpreted and absorbed, can help us see something new in a person or event. I experienced just such a feeling upon seeing a letter written by John Reed in the Paris apartment of the writers Lee Gold and Tamara Hovey. When I saw the characteristic ``Reed'' at the foot of the handwritten page, I seemed to feel the warmth of Reed's hand. A sheet of paper, written upon by someone dear to us, can forever preserve the vital spark that person has eternally lost.
At risk of appearing tedious, I must state again that for me, as a writer, nothing holds
greater fascination or exercises greater temptation than the work of investigation, especially when the result of that work is to reveal some new aspect of Lenin and the October Revolution.
I believe that the subject of this book---the new Russia and America---itself gives me the opportunity of touching upon the larger theme of Lenin and the October Revolution. In the account of one of those who appear in this work we hear the words Lenin addressed to the foreigners with whom he talked: "There is only one passport in the world which we require everyone coming here to hold: good will." To me it seems that Lenin built his relations with Americans in terms of good will.
Lenin aimed not merely at understanding the interest shown by Americans in revolutionary Russia: he wished, too, to explain the nature and origins of this interest. Naturally, common factors in the characters of our peoples and countries and in our historical fortunes had a role to play. But there were other and more important elements also at work, principal among them being the great and lasting quality those struggling for freedom in America discerned at the very heart of the Russian revolution. Lenin was convinced, on very strong grounds, that the Americans who came to revolutionary Russia represented the real
America, the creative genius of America and its dream of liberty.
The prospect of cooperation with America fascinated Lenin. The idea of coexistence, which has found such convincing expression in the USSR's current policy, was conceived by Lenin. It arose from conversations conducted with Americans, and first took concrete shape in active contacts with them. Raymond Robins, who returned to the USA in spring 1918, took with him a document setting out a plan for the development of Soviet-American economic ties, the true author of which was the leader of the Russian revolution. Lenin supported the idea of bringing about the participation of American capital in exploiting Soviet natural resources: his conversations with Armand Hammer were directed to this very end. Lenin nurtured the idea of inviting leading American scientists to Russia, in particular Charles Steinmetz, the famous electrical engineer. The breadth of Lenin's horizons in his contacts with Americans strike us even today by their range, depth and purposefulness.
This book first appeared almost fifteen years ago. It has been reissued many times,
both in a number of the languages of the USSR and in translations into foreign languages, and readers' responses to the work have included letters from America. The book has also been read by Albert Rhys Williams, to whom I had at an early stage confided the nature of my project and whose advice proved so essential. A letter from Williams represents one of the most treasured items in my modest archives, not for the kind words Williams has for the book but for something immeasurably greater: the feeling it radiates of the revolution as the most splendidly courageous period in a man's life, springing from the innermost part of his being.
"I have only now finished reading your story of Lenin's meetings and conversations with Americans," Williams wrote. "I felt that once again I was walking along the streets and through the squares of the revolution, crossing the bridges over the Neva, passing the gates of the Kremlin, walking through the gardens of the Kremlin...."
I hope that this feeling will, in some measure, be shared by my readers.
Savva Dangulov
LENIN in the Kremlin grounds. October 1918
The Mandate
remember the grey shimmering skies of Petrograd, the wind, the | ghostly rapping of autumnal branches on the roof, and the troubled A cry: "Who goes there?''
From the window one could see the huge Narva Gate jostled by a mass of whitish mist. The fog sometimes descended on the gate, hiding it completely. Even so, one saw its hazy outlines, a blurred version of tottering columns and ruins. The one thing that stood out sharply night and day, in fog and wind, was the warning cry:
``Who goes there?''
The entrance of the building bore the emblem of the International Red Cross, the snow-white disk with the ruby cross in the centre. The main stairway led to the second floor, and its narrow carpet, worn at the folds, carried the traces of boots hob-nailed or spiked with wood, of soles of patterned rubber, of some with metal heels, and others crusted with clay, or moss from the marshes along the Vistula and the Seine.
The second floor was sombre and quiet. Twelve tables formed a severe, almost martial square. All were well used; they were occupied by lawyers, retired diplomats---there were a lot of these---pharmacists, army doctors and ordinary docto'rs, career officials and administrators---influential chandlers in flour, bandage, sunflower seed oil, and iodine. We sat in a far-off corner, at the table for special sittings, four Bolsheviks from the Nikolayevsky Railway and the Russo-Baltic plant on the Malaya Nevka River. We
THE MANDATE
13THE MANDATE
had come the day before on orders from the Petrograd Soviet. Our corner and desk were called "The Red corner".*
"That's not so bad, really," remarked my friend Paramon Dementyev nicknamed Socrates for his high brow. "The Red corner is the most honourable in anybody's house."
He spoke loudly enough to be heard by all the twelve tables, but they made no comments, keeping an embarrassed silence.
It was not snowing that evening, but it was cold.
The door swung noisily open just then, admitting a man clenching his fists with a happy sigh of relief.
"Good evening, friends!" Dropping his heavy fur hat and shedding his Siberian cloak he stood massaging his cheeks for a long time. "Colonel Robins!" he announced offering a reddened hand to the nearest table. "Robins!" he reiterated at the next---he was evidently going to make the round of them all. "Robins...."
So this was Raymond Robins! His official capacity of American Red Cross representative had been dimmed, it seemed, by something else. By the circumstance that Robins, once said to have been a miner, and later a businessman and millionaire, had come to Petrograd. It was said he had linked his trip to Russia with far-reaching plans.
His big hand still exuded the frost of December.
"Colonel Robins...."
"Is our winter too cold for you, Mr. Robins?" I asked.
"Oh! Familiar accent! I can feel America! Have you ever been there?"
Had I ever been to America? I had, of course. I knew Nome, Sitka, Fairbanks, and even Fort Yukon, but why tell him that all at once? He had passed our desk anyway, and was stooping to open the stove door.
"There's nothing better than a northern winter," he remarked sinking into an armchair giving him a good view of all the twelve tables. "There's nothing better," he repeated absently, for he was thinking of something else now, something different and far more important. "What's the good of charity if its recipient has to sacrifice his freedom," he said unexpectedly and raised his eyes. He extended his white hands to the open door of the stove whose glowing coals already frosted with ash lit his swollen bluish eyelids.
He then expressed the opinion that prosperous America could well help devastated Russia to restore her economy. He was a businessman and felt that such relations could be very beneficial to both Russia and America.
The quiet room grew even quieter as he spoke. Someone shivered as if cold, while another reached for a handkerchief and mopped his forehead. Robins rose and looked round, his hands still hovering over the stove. I had the queer impression that the blue of his eyelids had spread.
``Don't you think I could have a talk with Lenin, gentlemen?" he asked looking sharply, as though trying to read all the twelve faces at once. Now I knew why he had taken the armchair commanding a view of all the tables....
* A pun on the Russian word ``krasny'' which means both ``red'' and ``beautiful''. The corner in which the icons were displayed in a Russian house was called "krasny ugol", i.e., red or beautiful corner.---Ed.
It was late when I went home. We lived in a wooden house near the Nikolayevsky Railway Station in those years. The little house stood in the depths of a vast wind-swept yard. One could see its five windows from afar. Four of them were dark but the fifth was usually lit, for my father was in the habit of reading in the evening.
He had developed a passion for books during our travels in America. The small volumes of Chekhov's short stories accompanied us everywhere, reminding us of home.
Beginning a book, he could never put it down, even if it failed to meet with his expectations. Finished with such a book, he would complain for a long time:
"Well, I've read it and ... it's as empty as a drum! What did I bother to read it for?"
But more often than not he would say something like this:
"Tell me, does the name of Pevtsov mean anything to you?... You ought to read his book about Kun-Lun and Jungaria. How it grips you!"
When he left his locomotive five years ago, he took the job of caretaker at the railway school. He was proud to be able to talk to the senior students on equal terms about Pushkin and Tolstoi, and even solve an algebra problem once in a while. That pride, a little childish perhaps, explained why he had spent every farthing he had ever saved in his travels over the world to put me into a technical school. He wanted me to become a locomotive builder and was grieved when I went to work in the depot instead. Like all fathers, he wanted his son to do the things he had been unable to accomplish himself. The degree to which I achieved my aims would in his eyes represent the fulfilment of his cherished plans, of those of his brothers and the whole long dynasty of Rybakovs sprung from the Upper Volga peasants whose bony but powerful frames had hauled the barges and rafts up the great river for centuries.
The news of the Revolution had made him wary, but then inspired and carried him away.
``Doesn't this spell the end of their kingdom?" he once asked me, and then significantly added: "Beware of the stray bullet." He had obviously meant to give those words more meaning than they seemed to have.
My new appointment to the Red Cross displeased him, but as always he expressed his irritation with a jest.
"Do they build any locomotives?" he asked.
"No," I said.
"Too bad," he answered with smiling eyes. "I wish the Red Cross built locomotives...."
It was nearly eleven. The fire in the stove had long since gone out. Father's unfinished book lay open, his spectacles marking the page he had got to. The electric light had been switched off an hour before, but an oil lamp was burning. Father listened to me, his head slightly bent.
Time had been harsh to him, after all. The furrows it had left on those features so dear to me were like scars. I suddenly felt that I had never noticed them before, or realised how deep they had become.
"Is that what he said?" reiterated Father. " `Don't you think I could see Lenin?'"
"That's what he said."
14THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
15Father was silent. He nudged his memory, probably remembering America, the timber trestle bridge he had helped build across the Yukon in 40° below zero. He had laboured on the bridge day and night, trying to finish it before the ice of the river got moving. The ice moved a day before, and he awoke at night to the tolling of a bell. The scene he saw then was engraved on his memory forever. There was no wind and the flames of the burning bridge seemed to reach to the clouds. The great fire flared to the sky and subsided, for the bridge melted like a candle. He could not come to himself for a long time after that: "What had made people burn that bridge? The savage struggle for gold, or sheer craving for destruction?" He also wondered: "Had the man who set that bridge on fire thought of the people who had built it? Probably he had. Then why had he done it?"
Perhaps, too, he was thinking of an early spring in 1903 when he headed for the Arctic Circle with a few others like himself. Straight across the virgin snow into the depths of the great white desert marched a party of miners. They were looking for a deserted, almost forgotten mine somewhere in the gloom under the pale sun. The snowy plains looked like hardened lead, or perhaps a great white sheet of zinc that glittered as the sunrays crossed it. They advanced in two-hour marches, pausing for respites from the slanting wind scorching their faces. A black dot appeared on the horizon on the third day. It seemed as if a
vast clean sheet of paper had been marked by a tack at that spot. We approached it.... It was a man, just one man. He stood in the middle of the snow-field with arms spread. "You can't go on!" he shouted, barring the way, trying to block the snow-field and the very sky. "I won't let you!" Nor was this at all romantic. His hands were black from frost bites. That memory, too, was one that would last a lifetime. Why had that man spread his arms that way? To protect something he had found, or to defend the very earth where he stood, and the land all around? Could that bridge have been burnt to protect the land from pillage? If so, what was the effort people had put into building it?
``We're in the habit of thinking America stands for range of enterprise and risk." He moved the oil lamp nearer, feeling it was not burning brightly enough. "Wide range of enterprise, hmm. But only if it pays.... As for the risk? Well yes, but only if there is no other way out." He lifted the glass from the lamp, turned up the wick and pinched the charred end from it with firm hard fingers unafraid of fire. "What I say is that things can't be so bad with us if America has come to Petrograd at such a time." He fitted the glass back on to the lamp, moving it away. The room grew brighter. "At such a time, mind
you
t"
That was all he said, but those few words kept me awake all night.
RAYMOND ROBINS
Revolutionary sailors check personal documents during the early days of the October Revolution
*•
16THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
17Moving slowly down the long vaulted corridors of Smolny, Robins' powerful figure ahead of me almost blended with the twilight.
We would soon open one of the doors and see Lenin.
But when we reached his door we found it ajar, and the room inside apparently empty. We could see his desk, a massive affair on carved legs. The autumn day outside was dreary, but the lamp on the desk was not lit. Still, I had the impression he had just risen from that desk, for the ink was damp on the sheets of paper covered with his racy handwriting. He was evidently used to working by daylight even on such a dark day as this.
"Why hullo, hullo," said Lenin entering from a side door. "Please come in!" His voice was cheerful. "This way.... You'll be comfortable here...." He indicated the big and roomy armchairs in white dust covers. He switched on the ceiling lights, driving the twilight from the room. "That's better." (Luchshe was the Russian word he used.)
"Luchshe... Luchshd" repeated Robins smiling; he thought he had understood that last word. Turning to me, he added with a worried air: "Would you kindly tell Mr. Lenin.... Yesterday evening I walked along Mokhovaya Street...."
Walking along that street the evening before, he had seen the following. A boy had been trying to sell books written by a supporter of Kerensky. A patrol, two soldiers with red armbands (Robins laid his hand on his arm, above the elbow), came along and took the books away. "That's counterrevolution," they said. (Robins tried to pronounce the word in Russian---"Kontr-revolyutsia!") The boy began to howl and a crowd gathered, all of them shouting at the soldiers, about thirty people. The books were immediately forgotten, of course. Everyone was shouting: "Impostors! Usurpers!" Those soldiers had seemed awfully solitary that evening, all alone, and Robins had wondered who those two could have represented, if there were thirty against them. Perhaps'they really were impostors?
Robins regarded Lenin sternly, unsmilingly.
Lenin's brows shifted. He was either considering the essence of what this man had said, or merely sensing the dislike in his tone. The room was quiet. The electric lighting was rather harsh, for there were no shades on the ceiling lamps. The silver pattern of the wall-paper came alive. I felt the talk was going to end before it began.
"You say it happened in Mokhovaya Street?" asked Lenin without raising his eyes.
"Yes," answered Robins.
"Well," said Lenin---and I could see that his argument had already taken shape, that he had only to put it into words---"well, imagine that this incident involving the patrol had happened, say, at Vasilyevsky, or along the river known as Chernaya Rechka at five o'clock in the evening. There, too, you would have found two versus thirty, but the thirty would have been on the side
of__" Lenin touched his arm above the elbow as if indicating the arm band of
the patrols guarding revolutionary Petrograd.
"But Mokhovaya is in Russia too!" objected Robins.
"Yes, in Russia," said Lenin, "but if you're talking of Russia, you'll not find it in Mokhovaya Street, where the aristocracy used to live, but out there...." His eyes went to the window shimmering in the twilight. The Russia he was
speaking of lay out there, and he could see it as perhaps no one else had ever seen it before. "Those patrols in Mokhovaya Street," he went on, "were speaking on behalf of Russia."
It was evening when Robins left Lenin's office.
As was previously arranged, I saw him to his car, and returned to Lenin.
"Those bourgeois who have risen from the bottom at least know life," remarked Lenin. I had the impression that some side of Robins' character had pleased him. "But that's purely American phenomenon, I think," he mused. "Am I right?"
"Yes," said I.
"Did you really live in America?" he asked. I told him that my family had joined the emigrants moving to America from all parts of the world in 1902.
"Do all of you speak English?" he asked.
"Yes, Vladimir Ilyich," I said, "but my father keeps telling me: `Don't boast about your English, Mitya. That's no merit. Move Peter's bronze horse from Senate Square in Petrograd to America, to where you were, and he'll talk English too....'"
Lenin brightened.
"No merit, he says? Does your father speak English too?"
"Yes, but he doesn't like to."
Lenin remembered this talk two months later when he sent me to work for the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs.
I walked along the embankment. On the left the outlines of the embankment, the bridge and the buildings on the other side of the river emerged timidly, softened by the thin mist. The Neva River, cut off by the semi-circle of the bridge, gleamed dully. The foul weather had blotted out colours, leaving only a black and white picture.
As I passed Senate Square to my right the equestrian bronze statue of Peter the Great was wrapped in mist as if in the smoke of gunfire. I saw two men walking slowly towards me. I immediately recognised Raymond Robins, wearing, as usual, a heavy fur coat, but who was the second man in a sheepskin coat and sharply pointed cap? Coats and caps of that kind are worn only in the south of our country, on the Dnieper River or even the Dniester River. The man had the appearance of a peasant.
The two men were so absorbed in their conversation that I was able to approach them without being noticed. I could hear the man talking to Robins---he was speaking in English and there was no doubt that this was Arthur Ransome. Yes, this must be him.
What strange paths a man may follow to reach an understanding of revolution! Odd as it may sound, it was to his love of Russian folk tales that Ransome owed the fact that he had come to know Russia during both good times and bad. Ransome was a writer and at one time his name was synonymous in the minds of English readers with books for children. English girls and boys learned the history of their country, its way of life and, above all, its natural history from Ransome's little books: the bays, lakes and rivers of England were the writer's element, for he was a traveller and angler.
Ransome had come to Russia as a collector of folklore. That had been in
18THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
191913 and when the First World War broke out he had gone as a war correspondent to the Eastern Front, to the firing line and into the trenches. Together with the soldiers he had experienced the defeat on the Vistula, had felt with them hope for the victory of the February revolution and the disillusion that had followed. His hopes were shattered in the events of February, he had left Russia. The news of the triumph of the October revolution reached him while he was still on his homeward journey and he had immediately turned round and come back to Russia. There he had established himself in a hotel, half of whose rooms were empty, and sent cable after cable to London: "I want people, after parting the curtain of slander surrounding the Bolsheviks, to see the ideal for which they are struggling....''
When each busy Petrograd day was over and the last cables sent, Arthur Ransome would come out on to the embankment and stand with the wind blowing in his face.
Sometimes Robins would join him.
Late in the evening I went out to the sidings. Three trains stood there: the capital had been transferring from Petrograd to Moscow. They were fully loaded and waiting for the signal to start. But their lights were out---a precautionary measure quite justified in those days.
The evening was foggy, and warm. Some patches of snow still lay along the tracks. Puddles of water dimly reflected the ebbing light. Locomotives whistled somewhere far off; it seemed to us that the sounds were muffled for fear of disturbing the stillness of the night. The sparse light showed only on the faces around us, making them easier to distinguish.
Lenin arrived and walked slowly along the cars, the collar of his autumn coat raised. His gait was slower than usual. Mounting a step at the end of one of the cars, he looked far around. I had the feeling he was saying good-bye to Petrograd, and perhaps thanking the great city for its great exploit.
The train rolled off.
Lettish riflemen and armed workers stood everywhere along the tracks.
I began to walk rapidly towards the station.
``Mitya!" called someone.
I stopped and saw my father. Though in his short sheepskin coat, he seemed cold. He had evidently been standing there for a long time. I saw the snub'nose of his old army rifle protruding behind his right shoulder.
``Wait till the third train leaves; then we'll go," he said.
We got home towards morning, and the weather was still misty with a drizzle of rain. The tracks were shining. Father and I talked of the trains that had just left for Moscow. We also spoke of Moscow, now the capital, and about Lenin.
``This has been figured out right," mused father. "The frontier is more and more becoming the firing line. That being the case, why keep headquarters on that line? Lenin has moved the capital where it should be ... according to all the rules of military science, and not of military science alone.''
Father and I moved to Moscow two days later. He found it harder to part with Petrograd than I, but kept soothing himself with the idea that a Petrograd railwayman was a half Muscovite, and a Moscow railwayman, a half Petrograder. What was a mere five hundred versts, after all? Moreover,
the railway school, almost as big as the one in Petrograd, was near, and father took a job there at once.
Moscow's big hotels, the National and the Metropol, became the government offices.
Lenin lived and worked in the National, while the People's Commissariat ' for Foreign Affairs established itself at the Metropol.
I The Kremlin stood nearby. The Metropol was only a five minutes walk from
i the Nikolsky Gates, and ten minutes from the Troitsky Gates. The Smolny
i schedule was still effective and foreign visitors were received at the oddest
times---at noon and at midnight, at sunset, and sometimes even at dawn.
; Things were made easier by the fact that nearly the entire personnel of the
People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs lived right there, in the hotel.
At the Metropol it was Chicherin now who received Raymond Robins more and more frequently. "Our friend, Colonel Robins," was how he referred to him. The People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs knew that Robins had been visiting Lenin more and more often.
Lenin liked to talk to Robins, it seemed to me. The man had a sense of humour, a good knowledge of life, and the breadth of vision that always distinguishes the gifted man of the people even when he has amassed a fortune. There was something in Robins reminiscent of the old Urals industrialists, of the Demidovs and Stroganovs, though he was different from them in one way. The Russian industrialists acknowledged neither God nor the devil, more often than not, while this counterpart of theirs was pious, very pious. What was there in Lenin to attract him? That was the riddle. Robins, some said, had quarrelled with Francis, the American ambassador in Petrograd, but was fulfilling a mission for him, just the same. Others declared it was his piety that made the Bolsheviks attractive to Robins who was obsessed by the idea of reconciling the Communist Manifesto with the Bible. There were some, too, who had another notion: this millionaire who had sprung from the rural proletariat, they said, was fond of hobnobbing with the head of the first workers' government.
I think Lenin knew of all the three views when talking to Robins.
He knew all this, but felt that the man was capable of understanding a great deal in Soviet Russia. Lenin did not intend to convert him, needless to say, but banked on being able to neutralise him, to win his loyalty if possible, or better yet, his friendship. Robins sought to explain all riddles by the existence of invisible and mighty forces whose indestructible laws had been set down in the Bible. Lenin could have ignored such arguments that were anything but convincing to a materialist, but took another path instead. Religion, its origin and philosophy came to be their bone of contention for many hours. Lenin spoke as the revolutionary and discoverer. I can well imagine the scope and vehemence of his discourse. He was precisely the revolutionary and discoverer, though to some extent, perhaps, the diplomat defending the interests of the young Soviet state.
It was a sunny and calm April. The snow was melting and long, steep ``islands'' of white remained only in the Alexandrovsky Garden and in the dark little courtyards, cut off from sky and sun by the tall houses. ! The deputies of the Moscow Soviet had assembled in the Hall of Columns.
20THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
21There was reason enough for the meeting, for Moscow was short of wood.
``Could you help me to have a word with Lenin? I think he's in a room behind the stage right now. I only want a word or two, but it's about something very important.''
The voice was that of Robins, who had appeared before me.
Under his jacket he wore a woollen sweater, its high collar encircling his massive neck. Perhaps this severe garb was more in harmony with the harsh times.
``I've just seen Lenin," Robins said and extracted a note-book from his pocket. He wanted to be sure that the note-book was there, for he would have something of great importance to write down.
We went to the room behind the stage where Lenin was. The mirrors on the walls made it clear that during concerts this was used as a dressing-room. On the table coats and greatcoats were piled; there were no chairs---they were all on the stage---and Lenin had ensconced himself on a bench, which he had pushed up to the window-sill. The bench was very small, but Lenin did not appear to be suffering any discomfort; he was hard at work, his legs tucked under him and his arm resting on the broad window-sill. Before him lay an exercise book, filled with his energetic handwriting: evidently, these were the points to be made in his speech.
Lenin was paying no attention to the fact that his trouser turn-up was touching the floor, or that to sit with his legs tucked under him was not very comfortable or that someone might come into the room and see him in this highly unusual pose. None of this was of any importance to him. What mattered was to use every second of the fifteen minutes before the meeting to the full and note down everything that had to be said.
From time to time he would break off and rest his chin on his upturned hands in a somehow melancholy and, as I thought, tired way, sitting motionless as if fearing to break his train of thought by an incautious movement.
Robins and I stood by the door, holding our breath; I was even more apprehensive than the American. I felt that I had neither the strength nor the courage to approach Lenin and begin speaking to him, and Robins appeared to have lost his characteristic boldness. I don't know how long we would have stood by the door, shifting from one foot to the other, had not Lenin suddenly raised his eyes.
And then the storm clouds burst in real earnest.
Lenin's face darkened and he impatiently bunched the hand with which he was holding a pencil.
``No, no, my friends, excuse me.... I'm busy." He did not hide his
LENIN making notes on the steps of the rostrum during the Session of the 3rd Congress of the Comintern. 1921
The Hotel Metrppol which had earlier come under fire. OctoberNovember 1917, Moscow
22THE MANDATE
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23displeasure. "If I can, I'll see you in half an hour. In half an hour ... and now you must excuse me."
We decided to wait.
Lenin stood at the rostrum and quietness, broken by the restrained buzzing of voices, enveloped the hall.
He spoke of revolutionary Russia, roused to fierce struggle with the old world and of Russia's determination to defend its liberty.
As he finished applause swelled to a roar, slowly subsiding, as metal at white heat gradually cools.
Once again Robins and I went to the room behind the stage.
Lenin was standing by the window, the sun gilding the hair on his
temples.
"Well, now I can see you," he said, turning to us, his eyes stern. Perhaps he had not forgiven our incursion, or perhaps he was still under the influence of what he had said to the audience. "Please tell me what it is."
Robins had indeed quite lost his former boldness.
He said that he was returning to America and that it was in this connection that he had wanted to see Lenin. Perhaps Lenin's ideas on the broad development of trading ties, which had been expressed on more than one occasion, could now be put into practice? At any rate, Robins would take it upon himself to inform America of these ideas.
Lenin's eyes were fixed on Robins.
"You would inform America?"
"Yes." Robins felt that the idea had captured Lenin's attention. "I shall do everything to let America know."
Lenin moved away from the window and indicated with a glance that we should follow him. We walked across the room in silence.
"Well, then, we shall draw up our plan before you leave. I have already told you that the main thing for us now is new machinery for our industry and agriculture, new machinery! We are ready to order it in America in exchange for raw materials. This is the basic feature of our plan: America may regard it as an official proposal on the part of revolutionary Russia."
"Perhaps it should be officially addressed?"
"You mean?"
"I mean that it should be sent to the president."
"To Wilson?"
The American hesitated for a moment.
"I should like... to try."
Lenin began pacing the room again, Robins and I behind him.
"Well, then, if you think...."
Robins thanked Lenin.
"I think I shall leave in May, in the first half of the month."
"I shall give you our plan myself."
Robins left us and Lenin looked grimly at me (now he will read me a lecture for that unwanted incursion, I thought, there can be no doubt about that). But Lenin suddenly smiled.
"Why on earth did you burst in on me with him before the meeting? Were you afraid to say no? Come now, were you afraid to say no to him?"
"Yes, I was," I admitted.
Lenin laughed.
``You're wrong. In life one must say no when needed." He waved his hand. "Well, what can I say to you? Chicherin tells me that the last time you were in the Bolshoi Theatre you begged a column's pardon for brushing against it. Isn't that so?"
Now we both laughed.
A phone call instructed me to accompany Robins about to visit Lenin in the Kremlin. I reached the spot about fifteen minutes ahead of tune and saw Vladimir Ilyich leaving the narrow Kremlin passage near the Troitsky Gates. He was walking across the wooden pavements of the square towards the building of the Council of People's Commissars. Half-way across he paused for a moment, removed his cap and looked with happy impatience at the sky, filled with sunshine that day.
We entered Lenin's famous Kremlin study known from many photographs.
Lenin invited Robins to take the armchair at his left, the same low, black-leathered affair that later received all his famous guests from Lincoln Steffens to H. G. Wells.
The fact that Lenin spoke to Robins in English showed that he had grown quite used to his visitor in the past five months. Later, too, I noted that Lenin usually began with a simple theme, perhaps even personal, to "warm up" for the conversation, to give it spontaneity. Now, too, they were talking about some letters from Florida where Robins had an estate, and also, if I remember correctly, from London where Robins' sister lived. Lenin was in no hurry to broach serious topics, giving the impression he was interested in these trifles, and nothing more. Perhaps he was waiting for his guest to begin. He knew Robins had come on business.
"I hope to be in Washington this summer," said Robins.
Of course: the American had come to continue and, perhaps, complete that memorable conversation with Lenin at the Hall of Columns.
"As I promised," remarked Lenin unhurriedly opening a drawer of his desk, "here's a document that states our views on trade with America quite fully." He laid an unsealed envelope before Robins and shut the drawer.
Lenin had given Robins a document offering prospects for wide economic ties between our countries, thereby indicating unmistakably that he was to some extent authorising the American to speak on behalf of the Russians.
Robins opened the flap of the envelope and slowly drew out the paper. He held it in both hands.
``I'll do all I can.... So help me God! All I can...."
"Why, of course, of course," said Lenin with a touch of confusion and reached for his pen. "So you're going back through Vladivostok?"
"That's right, Vladivostok."
"That's a long trip, and not altogether safe," remarked Lenin looking for his pad with the seal of "Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars". Striking the word ``Petrograd'' from the form, he quickly inscribed the substitution: "Moscow, Kremlin, May 11, 1918."
24THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
25I was able to read the further words when I handed the document to Robins as we left the study. The message bore the clear instruction "to offer Colonel Robins all possible assistance to travel rapidly and freely from Moscow to Vladivostok". This unique mandate carried the familiar signature: "Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars V. Ulyanov ( Lenin)."
I accompanied Robins to the car.
I returned to the study, for Lenin was waiting for me.
"Well, we've sent our message to America!" he said. In his mind's eye he could see Robins travelling through the sea of hills of the Trans-Urals and Siberia, sailing over another, a real ocean, always eastward towards the flat and rocky shores of Oregon and California. "Now I wonder what Rybakov Senior would say to that?" he asked with a smile. "Is your father in Moscow with you, by the way?"
"Yes, Vladimir Eyich, he is."
"That's fine.... He's an old specialist on America. What does he think? Will we get anywhere with America?"
Late that evening I came out of the Troitsky Gates and strolled past the Alexandrovsky Garden in the direction of the river. The garden was dark and
filled with damp cold; the snow had only recently disappeared and the ground had not yet dried out. Birds were chirruping on the tops of the oaks and lime trees in its depths. They had clearly arrived too early this year---spring was late.
I had already passed the garden and was about to turn towards the bridge when, on my left, I saw two figures coming from the river. In those days friends followed the old Petrograd tradition of going down to the river in the evening. I realised that the two were Robins and Ransome (the latter more difficult to recognise without his sheepskin coat).
"We have just agreed that my modest missive will also be going to America tomorrow," Ransome said, turning to me.
"Your letter?"
"Yes, my letter to the most important address in America---to the president! I want to tell him how affairs here appear to someone who has lived several years in Russia and seen everything with his own eyes. I shall stay up all night to write it."
Robins was preparing himself for a far-ranging conversation with his president. It was most important that everything Robins wanted to say to him be said and in this connection the letter Ransome intended to write that evening to the president was of the utmost significance.
The building of the Council of People's Commissars
Lenin's office in the Kremlin
26
THE MANDATE
THE MANDATE
27They left me and I could clearly imagine Robins' room and the two men.... A suitcase, thrown open and ready on a chair. Travelling clothes laid out. On the table a thick envelope containing Lenin's letter and on top of it the mandate, folded in two. Robins picked up a stack of note-books, their pages filled, and unhurriedly looked through them once again. The note-books were numbered: the entire history of the Russian revolution as Robins had noted it down during the last six months was there.
He put the note-books into a folder and moved it into the centre of the table, where the letter lay.
What else had to be taken?
In the next room Ransome was impatiently pacing up and down, an empty glass on the nearby marble-topped table vibrating at his tread.
Then he sat down and began to write.
"I am writing so quickly that I am afraid my pen will break, but I cannot get it out of my mind that the man who will take my letter is leaving in a few hours' time...."
Ransome wrote of the leaders of the new Russia as men with pure hearts, whose noble ideals would outlive them.
"They added a new, courageous page to the history of mankind.... And when, many years later, people read this page, they will pass sentence on your
country and mine, according to whether we helped or hindered in its writing...-"
Ransome finished his letter as a pale May dawn lit up the clouds over Moscow.
He switched off the light and in the daylight now coming through the window re-read the letter, pondering---Pondering about what? Perhaps about his own fate.
There had been a man, a man enchanted by nature, who had thought that his true calling was to walk through dew-covered woods early in the morning, listening to the dawn chorus, or to sail along placid rivers. A man who had thought that nature fully revealed its secrets only to him and that it was his function diligently to note down everything that it told him---to note it down and impart it to the world. Then had come his journey to Russia and everything had disintegrated and blown away: the woods, the boat on the stream, the dawns. Only the watery gleam of the northern sun had remained and a stern voice crying: "All power to the Soviets!" The revolution had thrust its way into the life of this man and everything had shifted from its accustomed place.
What would be the future shape of this man's life? Would he go to the side of the revolution and make it his calling and the essential core of his life, or would he return to the unperturbed world of nature? What would be the future shape of his life?
The press announced that Robins had safely reached America and wanted to see Wilson. This was followed by the first blow: "President refuses to receive Robins," trumpeted the headlines. Then we learned that Robins was before a senate commission. Finally came reports that the newspapers had begun a campaign against Robins by tacit agreement.
Nothing remained of the project Robins had so enthusiastically conceived in connection with the president: on Wilson's orders America began active intervention against Russia.
Clouds floated over the Kremlin, brilliantly white, fluffy and bathed in sunlight. They floated over Moscow, lakes of sunshine moving over the wooden pavements of the Kremlin. Lenin stood by the window with Ransome and watched the sunbeams move over the ground, like a warm wave striking the white walls. If one moved to a higher floor one could see the smoky wave of sunshine rolling on and covering the dark-red brickwork of the Kremlin walls, the fragile gold of the domes, the trees, the stone staircases and the pavements.
Lenin recalled London and a stormy meeting that had taken place there. George Bernard Shaw had spoken.
"No, Shaw is no clown! No! Perhaps he appears as such in a bourgeois country, but he would not be counted a clown in a revolution. By the way"---Lenin's eyes were now on Ransome---"do you think that you would be permitted to tell the truth about Russia in Britain? Would you?" Lenin paused. "And how about Robins?"
Now Lenin had given Ransome an opening to say what he so much wanted to say about the American. Ransome pondered.
"Do you know what Raymond Robins said about Russia before he returned to America?" The Englishman was glad of this opportunity to recall his friend.
RAYMOND ROBINS
Lenin's note requesting Soviet organisations to help colonel Robins
28THE MANDATE
"Robins said: 'You must understand, Ransome, that I cannot be hostile towards an infant by whose cradle I sat for six months.'"
Lenin stopped by the far wall and looked at the map. It was as if he had cast his gaze over the infinite distances of the steppe or the ocean and satisfied the hunger of his eye and, perhaps, his heart for tall skies and sun. There is nothing more joyful for a person than the, consciousness that someone in whom he has placed his trust has remained a human being through and through.
"Well, then," said Lenin, his eyes glowing warmly.
"Robins is an honest man and more far-sighted politician than most. That remark about an infant---it's fine!"
Lenin laughed, his laugh revealing both his healthy spirit and buoyant mood. It is happiness indeed to have faith in someone and not to be mistaken in that faith! Then, when his laughter had subsided, Lenin said quietly:
"An infant.... Yes, there were millions of others who kept watch by the cradle of this infant. Millions."
That day Ransome entered in his diary:
"More than ever before Lenin struck me as a happy man. On the way home from the Kremlin I tried in vain to recall another figure of the same stature who lived life with such pleasure as Lenin. I still see this short man, with his slightly wrinkled face, rocking on his chair, laughing infectiously first at one thing, then another, and at the same time always ready to give serious advice to anyone who asked it, and such well-sounded and considered advice that it sounded more convincing to his adherence than any command.
"Every wrinkle in his face was a wrinkle of laughter and not of anxiety. This, I think, is because he is the first great leader who utterly denies the significance of his own personality. He is absolutely devoid of any personal vanity, and, moreover, he believes, as a Marxist, in the movement of the masses, who, with or without him will move steadfastly forward. He believes wholeheartedly in those elemental forces which arouse and lead the masses, and his believe in himself is the same as his believe in his ability to correctly evaluate the direction of those forces. He does not believe that one man has the power to achieve or to prevent a revolution ... and so he experiences such a universal feeling of freedom that no other great man has experienced before."
And what happened to Robins? He remained true to his friendship with our country, true to the end of his life.
In the 1930s Robins revisited Russia. Making straight for the Kremlin, he produced the mandate Lenin had given him.
There is a time-hallowed tradition of planting a tree in memory of a friend, a tree such as an oak or a cedar, which will live for many centuries.
It is as if the person planting the tree wishes to prolong the life of his friend: "Grow, tree, rustle your leaves and give rest to people in your deep shade! Grow, and let the sound of your abundant leaves, now grim and menacing, now mighty and grand, now militant and thundering, remind people of that
THE MANDATE
distant country on the other side of a great ocean and its great son, whose wise faith and strength of will, so long as men are enslaved on earth, will call people to struggle for liberty. Grow, tree...."
In Florida a "Lenin tree" grows.
It was planted by Raymond Robins, an American whom Lenin made a friend of Soviet Russia.
29LENIN with other members of the presidium at the 1st Congress of the Comintern. (To the right from LENIN is FRITZ FLATTEN.) Moscow, 1919
Through the Flames
The car passed us, its tyres leaving tracks in the wet snow. "There's someone else in the car," Robins said, when the vehicle had already passed the gates of the Smolny, "besides Mr. Lenin and his wife ... wearing a foreign-looking fur hat.''
``A foreign fur hat!" Williams replied with mock amazement, glancing at me as if seeking my agreement with the implication underlying his words: "These American bourgeois! Even here they see sinister overtones!''
My American friends were now, of course, well started on their never-ending dispute, and I could easily guess how it would proceed. Robins would say that journalism meant that one had to be able to use one's eyes and that the journalist was the only intermediary between events and the reader. He was acting as an eye-witness, which meant that he must always have his wits about him. Williams would respond to this by observing that Theodore Roosevelt had once made a similar assertion in an attempt at compromising the freedom of the press. The argument would be conducted in the good-natured way, free from ill humour, which always characterised conversations between these two, although one had never to exaggerate either of those qualities: if there was anything unpleasant Robins and'Williams had to say to one another their humour and good disposition would not stop them from saying it. This had always been so, and when they engaged in amiable but determined dispute, each upholding his principles, I found myself transported in thought to their native country. These were not merely personal arguments: behind each disputant stood America---his America.
32THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
33"If it's a foreign-looking fur hat, then the third person must be Flatten," said Williams.
"Flatten? But in America we say 'New Year dinner is a family occasion'," Robins observed, after a pause.
"We also say in America that 'All people are one family'," Williams smiled. "Besides, Flatten is no stranger to Lenin. It's not everyone who will go with you to meet danger half-way."
Yes, those were Williams' words: "To meet danger half-way." Robins was looking attentively and quietly at him.
"Now just a minute," he said, in a barely audible voice. ``Isn't that the same Flatten, the Swiss, who after the February Revolution?..."
"The same."
We walked silently along the road. Our car was waiting for us somewhere on Leontyevskaya.
"I remember now," Robins said. "Flatten began life in Russia and apparently speaks Russian."
"He speaks it well," I confirmed.
"Do you know Flatten?" Robins asked me.
"Yes, a little."
"What sort of person is he, then?"
We were going towards the Arsenalnaya Embankment, where Lenin was going to celebrate New Year, 1918, at a workers' ball attended by the citizens of the Vyborg district. Throughout our walk I talked about Flatten.
Flatten, Fritz. A man whose countenance had, in a curious way, taken on the severe charm of Switzerland's valleys and snowy ridges. Well-built, good-looking. It was hard to say when Lenin had met him, but in Zimmerwald they had already known one another. I would not have called Flatten one of Lenin's fellow-thinkers in those years, still less a friend: his movement towards the Bolsheviks had been steady, but it had also been quite slow. Lenin's works, as I later learned, contained criticisms of Flatten, sometimes severe in character; they also contained more than one passage in which Lenin encouraged Platten's actions and even defended them. When the February Revolution broke out in Russia and the question of Lenin's return to Petrograd had arisen, there were few among the Swiss who were willing to assume responsibility for the journey. Flatten had not merely agreed, but had
even volunteered for the job__ However, I have run ahead of myself.
Everything that happened at that time I learned directly from Flatten and it deserves a separate story.
I had become acquainted with Flatten soon after his most recent return to Russia. The first secret treaties of the tsarist government had just been
FRITZ FLATTEN
The coat of arms of the Russian empire is taken down from the gates of the Kremlin
34
THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
deciphered and the question of translating them had arisen. I had translated them into English and Flatten had helped me to polish up the German text. Once we had worked on a translation all night and had returned home together.
Nevsky Prospekt had somehow recalled the Neva River, along which we had just passed. Its pavements, like the banks of the Neva, were unwaveringly straight. The wind was whipping up flurries of snow here, but blew them not "from bank to bank" but along the length of the avenue. At that late hour Nevsky Prospekt had been quite deserted.
``I've noticed," Flatten said, "that when events you have been waiting for all your life take place, nature doesn't do much to put on a show. In Switzerland in March, 1917, for example, in Zurich.... It was a bleak day, the lake and the sky were grey. Lenin had already dined and was getting ready to go to the library. Apparently he had picked up an exercise-book and discovered, upon opening it, that he had filled the last page that morning. 'Nadya, give me a new exercise-book.' At that moment he saw that the Pole Bronsky was running across the courtyard towards his door, literally running, his legs catching in the skirts of his greatcoat. Lenin darted to the door and threw it open. Bronsky was already on the threshold, paler than death---he had run all the way across town. 'The tsar has fallen,' Bronsky blurted out, 'revolution has broken out in Russia!' So you see, you can judge for yourself whether nature knows how to put on a show when events a man has been waiting for all his life take place.... 'Nadya, put the new exercise-book away,' Lenin said, hesitating: he needed a moment in order to grasp, somehow, this great occurrence. 'Put the exercise-book away,' he said slowly, 'and we shall go to the lake---there are newspapers there!' We walked---no, ran---to the lake, where the latest Zurich newspapers were posted up under an awning. It was impossible to force one's way through: there had never been so many people here before. Lenin stood on tiptoes, so as to get at least a glimpse of the newspapers: 'Petrograd. Tsar Nicholas has abdicated from the throne....' Walking away from the lake shore, we stopped: beside the water stood another crowd, small and so closely packed that from a distance it looked like an outcrop of rock. But the rock was singing and singing in Russian: 'You fell in the sacred and glorious strife.' Yes, they were Russians, a group of political refugees, people who knew the inside of Schliisselburg and the Peter and Paul Fortress, who had walked, with fetters on their legs, down the Vladimirka, whose breath had warmed the cold flags of the Alexeyevsky dungeons. Lenin darted over to them and began singing joyfully, with a mixture of elevation and anxiety. `You've given your all to break through the black night!' It was not long before a telegram came from the Central Committee in Russia: 'Ulyanov must come immediately.'"
For a moment nothing could be seen, as the other side of the street was swept away in a white haze. Then the snow flurries died down and the dark masses of the buildings emerged. The snow had gone and the street seemed to stand revealed from end to end. Only the sky was still smoky, grey, and troubled.
``I well remember that, at first, hundreds of Russians wanted to go to Russia, but when it became clear that the only route lay through Germany their numbers dropped to a few dozen---the matter wasn't at all simple. I can
remember one conversation with Lenin at that time---not in Zurich, but in Berne. It was March and the young foliage was still delicate and pale green in the sunlight, but the sun already shone warmly and was dazzlingly bright at midday. The windows were wide open in the restaurant and the scents of spring filled the building. Lenin was sitting at the end table on the right. He had long since finished his meal and drunk the traditional cup of coffee---an empty cup stood in the middle of the table. Lenin was bent over a newspaper; he had evidently gone through it from beginning to end already and had read the cables that appeared in all Swiss newspapers under the same heading: 'Revolution in Russia.' Now he was reading the editorial commentaries. For a moment he tore his eyes away from the newspaper and noticed me. Folding up his newspaper, he stuffed it into the side pocket of his jacket and came towards me. `Isn't there somewhere we can be alone, my dear Flatten?' he asked. I invited him to follow me and we passed through the dining hall and along a corridor until we reached a quiet, secluded room. 'It is safe to talk here,' I said. Lenin began speaking, then, after a few words, opened the window. An old conspirator, he expected the street noises to drown our voices; but it was that quiet midday hour at which even a great city becomes still. 'I am asking you to be our agent in negotiations with Romberg, the German ambassador. More than that, I am asking you to speak with him on my behalf. Incidentally, we should be grateful if you would travel through Germany with us. An intermediary will be needed between Russians and Germans under all circumstances: if he were to be a citizen of neutral Switzerland.... Have you decided, Comrade Flatten?' he asked. 'And you, Vladimir Ilyich?' 'I?' he questioned. 'Of course, Comrade Flatten.'"
Flatten stopped, then went on more slowly.
``As the train moved off," he continued, "Lenin suddenly asked me: `Aren't you afraid?' 'What is there to be afraid of?' 'What?' he queried. 'Your brother socialists will pronounce an anathema on you. They will accuse you of having sold yourself to the devil himself.' I smiled. 'And who is the devil?' 'Why, the Germans, of course.' I laughed. 'Well, they will probably accuse you of the same thing, Vladimir Ilyich.' 'To each his own weapons. Let them accuse me---I am ready.' The train was already passing over German soil. 'Switzerland sometimes seems to me an island in a sea of fire,' I said to Lenin. 'And to leave it, one must walk through the flames?' Lenin responded. 'Yes.' 'Then one must walk through the flames,' Lenin said. I think he realised at that time that he was going through the flames. The Provisional Government had just declared that anyone who dared to cross Germany would be accused of treason. Yes, obviously he was passing through the flames.''
I finished my story when our car was already at the Liteiny Bridge.
``Through the flames?" Robins' heavy brows were knitted and he continued thoughtfully: "I believe that it was a risk, and no small risk. Flatten risked not only his name, but his life, too. But if you stake your life like that, you must receive something in return.''
``What in particular?" Williams asked.
Robins became excited.
``You know that as well as I do, Albert. Water lies at a depth of one hundred feet in my home area, in Florida, and before you go down into a well to scrape the bottom clean---you have to do this at Christmas and Easter, otherwise the
36THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
37bottom will become clogged with sand---you want to know what you will get for doing it: because at the bottom there are layers not only of sand but of bad air as well. What you get for doing something---why, that's an American article of faith! But what have the Russians to set against it? It is easy enough to say: "Through the flames!' If you are in your right mind, then, before you throw yourself into the flames, you give yourself some sort of account of what the prospect holds out for you.''
``Is that really the point?" Williams grinned.
``You mean it isn't? Then what is the point? What, then?" Robins insisted. "Lenin was returning to his homeland, he wanted his people to be free. But Flatten ... whom was Flatten setting free?''
Williams did not reply. Apparently he was waiting for the moment to tell Robins everything he wanted to say.
My friends fell silent. Each was trying mentally to digest in his own way what he had heard about Flatten. For both this was the more important in that before the night was out they would have seen Flatten and Lenin.
We passed Nikolayevsky Station and continued our journey along Nevsky Prospekt. Robins suggested that we make a brief stop at Number 28: he had business to attend to in the American consulate-general.
The person Robins wanted to see was evidently not in the consulate, for our friend returned immediately. We saw him running swiftly down the steps of the main entrance, then unhurriedly approaching our car, which had stopped to one side, across the snow-covered pavement.
``Hallo, Robins!" a baritone voice, deep and rumbling, hailed him. "You must agree that there is nothing in the world to compare with a Russian winter!''
``Quite, Mr. Ambassador, nothing in the world," Robins replied confusedly and stopped, not knowing whether to go on or wait for the ambassador, who was now slowly emerging from his car.
``Nothing in the world...." The ambassador walked a few steps and looked round at his car, as if checking that it was still there. "Ah, the Russian New Year, like the Russian snow.... It's so cold!" The ambassador again glanced towards his car, clearly apprehensive that it would suddenly streak away, leaving him at the mercy of fate. "At such a gloomy time, why shouldn't one celebrate one more New Year?" He impatiently shifted from one foot to the other, creating a little island of trodden snow around himself. "The whole diplomatic corps is at Furshtadt Street today---Russian guests, too: it is an evening of friendship with the Russians, so to speak." He shot a glance at Robins. "That Kukorikhin or Kukovikhin will be there with his associates. They're all deputies, absolutely all of them!" he concluded.
``A Constituent Assembly at Furshtadt Street!" Williams cried suddenly, and a silence, that primeval silence absent here since the first builders of the city had driven their crudely hewn piles into the wet earth of the Neva's banks, spread over Petrograd.
The ambassador was taken aback and clearly did not know what answer to make.
``Well, then!" he said, turning briskly as if wishing to show how safe and at home he felt on his little island. "I am going to Kukovikhin! And you?" The ambassador was serious: this play of ambiguities did not come easily to him.
Robins was again embarrassed.
``Where are we going?" The ambassador's question had quite nonplussed him. "My friends say that we are going to see Lenin.''
``Well, I wish you a good journey then," said the ambassador, mastering himself with some difficulty. "I still hope that I shall see you this evening at Furshtadt Street," he added, raising his hand in farewell and seeking by this expressive gesture to show how unshakeable his good humour was.
The two men passed each other and the ambassador disappeared behind the heavy door of the consulate.
Robins walked towards the car, anxiously sunk in thought, his heavy boots dragging through the snow. Behind him stretched a long strip of broken snow: the footsteps of a man who was tired to death.
He got into the car and it was as if he had brought the silence he had dragged along over the broken snow and his tiredness with him.
When we arrived at Arsenalnaya it was already after eleven o'clock, but Lenin had still to appear. A concert had just ended and dancing had begun. The strains of this workers' waltz on the eve of 1918 had an unusual ring in the
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The cause for which the people have fought, namely, the immediate offer of a democratic peace, the abolition of landed proprietorship, workers' control over production, and the establishment of Soviet power---this cause has been secured.
Long live the revolution of workers, soldiers and peasants'.
ilAKTlETM:
38THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
39white hall, its windows looking out to east and west, a hall which had seen the flash of uniforms and heard the ceremonial clink of spurs. I glanced at Robins. His eyes were fixed on the parquet floor: felt boots, high boots of thick leather, suspiciously noisy light shoes, evidently wooden clogs which had come into fashion at the end of 1917, low boots capped by puttees, dull-green soldiers' ``koty''---high boots with cut-off tops (the tops had gone to make a second pair)---and more felt boots, clogs and boots. No, the white hall of the Mikhailovsky junkers' college, with its twelve windows to the west and its twelve windows to the east, had never seen such a waltz.
But the music had hardly begun when the orchestra stopped in mid-note and the hall was immediately filled with the sound of applause, at first uncertain and confused, then, suddenly, warm and unanimous. Lenin was standing at the left corner of the stage. He was wearing a greatcoat and his collar was bedewed with drops of melted snow: evidently wishing to enter the hall without interrupting the celebrations, he had looked for a side entrance and found himself on the stage.
"Did you come here from Arsenalnaya?" cries greeted him from the hall.
"Why come from Arsenalnaya Street when Simbirskaya is next door!" Lenin replied and laughed. He could not resist the temptation to utter once again the name Simbirskaya Street reminding him of his own home-town Simbirsk.
Either the hall had grasped the meaning of these words or was delighted simply by the opportunity of hearing Lenin's voice, for it exploded with applause.
Lenin took off his greatcoat and approached the footlights.
"Comrades---my dear Vyborg comrades!" He pronounced ``Vyborg'' with a characteristically rolled ``r''. "I wish you all a happy New Year!"
He began talking to the audience and as he spoke the earth, the Russian earth, huge and so unsettled oh this eve of 1918, seemed to turn before him with all its misfortunes and calamities. Along a deep trench girdling the steppe, like a sabre-cut across a face, soldiers walked almost upright, as they had not walked since the beginning of the war. A factory stood, its windows blackened eyes, enormous and dead---how could it stay on its feet after its heart had stopped? An old man walked across an unharvested field, the crop flattened and black, stopped and looked around him for a long time, his eyes, like huge pools of water, full of sadness. Lenin spoke of the difficulties of the past year and the trials awaiting them in 1918; the workers they should not lose heart, however, but should close ranks more tightly.
"Long live the proletariat of Petrograd!" Lenin cried Concluding his speech. "Long live the people of Vyborg!"
The band thundered out the Internationale.
Lenin's face, genial a moment before, now became solemn.
Dancing began again and a girl in a bright green blouse and a scarf wound round her neck ran up to Lenin and asked him to partner her.
Lenin raised his hands to his chest in an embarrassed gesture.
"I should be delighted, young lady, but in truth, I...." He looked around, as if searching for someone to take his place. ``We'll find you a partner."
He led the girl to the bandleader, his look informing the latter that he was Lenin's only hope.
The bandleader put down his baton---the band continued to play without him---and extended his hand to the girl. Ceremoniously, they swept into the waltz.
Lenin's gaze followed them for a long time, until they disappeared into the crowd of dancers.
The young people were still circling the floor when refreshments were announced.
"But what a spread you have!" Lenin exclaimed, looking round the table.
"It comes from soldiers' rations," a girl standing beside him said.
The treat included a cut-glass tumbler containing a drop of wine, which barely covered the bottom, a round slice of sausage, a ring of onion, a tiny piece of herring, a plate of thinly sliced, transparent cheese and a crust of black bread (which last I knew went down very well with red wine).
"So the food comes from soldiers' rations?" Lenin queried.
``We're off tomorrow, Vladimir Ilyich."
Lenin thought for a moment.
"Tomorrow?"
"We shall be holding a meeting in the evening at the Mikhailovsky riding school. They said you would be there, too."
Lenin rose.
"Yes, I promised Podvoisky. I shall be there."
We moved along the windows, trying not to get in the way of the dancers, and approached the stage. Lenin was standing by the footlights, his back to the dancers, talking with Flatten. The latter, unable to raise his eyes to Lenin's face, was slightly tense, his figure expressive of cordiality, agreement and an attractive clumsiness. To me it seemed amazing that these people should now be standing side by side in front of me, just as once they had stood side by side in a secluded room somewhere in a Berne hotel, when first they had talked about a journey through Germany, and later before the window of a railway carriage travelling across German soil, and later still in the little Finnish border town of Tornio, when the Provisional Government had refused Flatten permission to enter Russia.
"You said 'through the flames'," Robins said, speaking quietly but somehow very distinctly. He was evidently a determined debater, forgetting nothing that had been said about Lenin and Flatten and mentally continuing his dispute with Williams.
``Don't you see, Colonel," said Williams, his eyes remaining fixed on Lenin and Flatten, "that while we were scraping sand from those wells in Florida, these people had conceived of an ideal, whereby an American would gladly sacrifice his life for the good of a Russian and a Spaniard would go to his death to save a Serb's life?"
"All that is too good to be true!" Robins exclaimed. "In life things are simpler and harsher."
"In life, yes, in life..." Williams observed thoughtfully.
It was already after one o'clock when we left the ball. "To Furshtadt Street!" Robins said to the driver, after we had climbed into the car.
40THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
41``Do you want to take up the ambassador's invitation?" Williams asked. The car was still moving slowly and he was able to speak without raising his voice.
``No, why should I? But it will be worth while to drive along Furshtadt Street.''
``Well, all right---if it's to Furshtadt Street, then so be it!''
The night was clear and quiet. On our way to the ball everything had been blurred in the Petersburg murk and the outlines of everything lost---the embankment, the bridges, the angles of the houses along the Neva. But then the snow stopped falling and the picture before us acquired firm configurations, the stonework set off by a white border that returned to it its former lines. The newly fallen snow had brought with it freshness and light to the city.
The car entered Furshtadt Street and we slowed down. Before us was the red shelf of the grim, unlit Elyseyev house and across the way the lighted windows of the ambassadorial residence.
The car stopped and Robins, sighing and grunting, got out and went to the front door.
The broad glass expanse of the windows could not keep in the bursts of sound from a brass band, which seemed to be making the walls of the house bulge outwards. (Ambassador Francis was convinced that band music was synonymous with Russian music.) On the milky-white ornamented ceilings of the residence the shadows of dancers moved: the hall was either lit from below or the main lights had been switched off and it was illuminated only by the quietly flickering wall-brackets, for shadows ran across the ceiling like waves during a flood tide.
Now the green gioom in the windows of the ambassadorial residence faded out and a violet twilight flared up, to be replaced by pale-rink, then blue. The snow in front of the house, too, became green, pink, then blue, the stonework of the Elyseyev house also changing colour.
Sometimes it seemed that the ambassadorial residence was smiling at the house opposite; more, was winking conspiratoriously at it. But the Elyseyev house remained impenetrably grim.
Robins returned and we drove on.
``Who were the guests? Russians?" Williams asked.
``Yes, almost all of them.''
"But who were they? Assembly deputies?" The last two words were said in Russian.
"Yes, deputies to the Constituent Assembly," Robins replied also in Russian.
"But why?"
``January 5 isn't far off," Robins replied, after a pause.
Indeed, January 5, the red-letter day on which the Constituent Assembly would be opened, was close at hand. Since the October Revolution, no date had seemed to hold out more promise than this on Furshtadt and Morskaya streets and French Embankment (there is no need to trace the path between the ambassadorial residences of the allies). If something of moment was fated to happen, it would happen on January 5.
Perhaps this was the reason why there were so many people today at Furshtadt Street and why the Russian New Year, which does not figure in a
single American calendar, was suddenly being celebrated on a grander and more extravagant scale even than July 4.
No one spoke in the car as each of us was carried in thought to the residence on Furshtadt Street.
The steel-grey marble of the staircase is overlaid with a carpet so deep that one's heels sink agreeably into it, as if into springy turf, the bronze gleams sombrely and the card tables, over which the white, prominently-veined hands of old men move, are covered with green baize.
``Cards love a reckoning. This is my game---I suppose you pass?''
The round table in the drawing room seems fringed with beards: six men, six respectable deputies' beards, a white wedge, a rounded ``besom'', a pronged ``plough-share'', a white ``spade'' (of the kind used to scoop up snow and grain), a flat ``scoop'', elongating and squaring the chin, and a ``spoon''---naturally wooden. Six beards and six solid men of affairs.
Francis does not wear a beard; on the contrary, his carefully shaven and liberally powdered cheeks rival the whiteness of his starched collar, which is of an unbending and rock-like inflexibility and seems to have been specially made to support the ambassador's flabby neck and prevent his head from slumping to one side.
The Decree on Peace, adopted by the 2nd AllRussia Congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, October 26, 1917
The Decree on Land adopted by the 2nd AllRussia Congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies, October 26, 1917
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THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
after the other!"---"Was Lenin in the car?" "In the back seat, as always."---"But death rode beside him."
The car standing at the entrance had arrived at the Smolny an hour previously. Lenin had been speaking at a meeting in the Mikhailovsky riding school, the very meeting which had been referred to at the workers' ball the previous evening. His car had left the riding school and driven towards a bridge over the Fontanka River: this was the simplest and shortest route. The marksman had evidently been at the meeting and it would not have been difficult for him to reach the bridge before Lenin's car. The vehicle was obliged to slow down as it mounted the bridge, the more so since there was fog at that hour. Four shots at point-blank range, four holes in the body of the car and the windscreen: Lenin had been saved by a miracle. Or was it a miracle?
It was after nine o'clock when I saw Robins on the main staircase of the Smolny.
"I heard about it in the town," he said, indicating what he was referring to by a glance in the direction of the entrance, where Lenin's car stood. "They say that four bullets made it almost impossible to miss."
"Yes, luckily all the shots failed to reach their target."
Robins looked at me in amazement.
"Why talk about luck when it was due to a particular person? They say that he pulled Lenin's head aside and in doing this his hand was grazed by a bullet. But who was he, the person who saved Vladimir Eyich? Who? Lenin drove from the riding school with his sister Maria---was it her?"
"No, although she was in the car with Lenin, too."
"Perhaps Podvoisky, then? He opened the meeting and he's a military man."
"No, it wasn't him. Besides, he wasn't in the car."
"The driver, then? He was in the car?"
"Yes, of course, but there was a fourth person as well."
"Who?"
Robins was annoyed by my deliberateness in answering.
"It was Flatten," I said finally. "That same Flatten, the son of tiny Switzerland, who has already once at the risk of his life...."
"Walked through the flames?"
"Through the flames."
I never saw Robins and Williams together again, so I do not know how their dispute ended; but they met and talked and in the course of their conversation something was said that resolved the dispute. What? Perhaps Williams said that a new belief had come into being and was triumphing in the world, the great belief in communism, for which an American would go to his death for the sake of a Spaniard and a son of tiny Switzerland was prepared to sacrifice his life for the sake of a Russian.
Robins and I mounted to the third floor where, on the right side of the building, was Lenin's office.
"What a day," Robins said in embarrassment, "and we have come on business." He indicated the folder he was holding. "Will it be convenient?"
"If Lenin will not receive us...."
43Francis does not wear a beard, but in the shifting gloom of deputies' beards he feels quite in his element.
"And would you not admit of the possibility," Francis says, moving his hand, unwontedly obedient, to the middle of the table, "of the deputies being invited to the Tavrichesky Palace and requested to ratify the decrees of Soviet power---and first of all, the Decree on Land."
The beards seem ruffled by a breeze. They bristle threateningly.
"But that is extremism!"
The ambassador's hands, which had been lying on the table, come to life, the fingers trembling; his hands are on the point of thumping the table.
"But the October incident testifies to the fact that it is dangerous to underrate extremism."
The beards are motionless, frozen in their grief.
"There is obviously one means," rumbles the ``spade''.
"Which is?..." The ``plough-share'' trembles impatiently.
"Extremism...." The dried-out twigs of the ``besom'' rustle.
The beards bristle solemnly and the yellow Petrograd electricity gilds them---as best it can.
The ambassador rises and with a scarcely perceptible movement of his head, respectful and simultaneously impatient and imploring, invites his guests to the dinner table.
The ambassador walks slowly and the six beards honour the inestimable value of his silence, just as they honour the inestimable value of the squeaking of his boots.
The starched tablecloths are so white, so clean that they seem to shimmer with golden haloes. The square table at the far end of the dining room, to which it is the ambassador's custom to invite especially favoured guests, is laid so elegantly and with such profusion that one wants to throw a glass case over it and put it on general exhibition. But no, this is not cardboard, not papier-mache---all this is real, genuine, with a natural smell, a natural buttery texture. This food can be crisply cut up, poured or crumbled: oranges, preserved ham, golden slices of cheese; red caviare, blanched with lemon and gleaming with a golden sheen; tender, pink, rich sausage; sprats liberally covered with oil; sturgeon and most miraculous, most inconceivably amazing of all---bread, white bread, with only the faintest brown outline of crust. Even the notion of such bread seems to have been lost in the last century---had it ever existed, bread such as this?
"You said that there was one means?" the ambassador queries.
"Extremism, Mr. Ambassador," the ``besom'' repeats gratingly.
There is something most unusual in the way the Russian New Year is being celebrated in the American Embassy.
The following evening I saw Lenin's car at the entrance to the Smolny. I did not immediately understand what had happened. A young telegraphist went up to it and ran the sensitive palm of her hand over the windscreen. A man leaving the Smolny carrying a courier's leather bag stretched out the tips of his fingers to the glass of the windscreen, then took his hand away. Soldiers, standing guard on the right side of the Smolny, appeared and their hands slowly moved over the glass, as if wanting to feel its firmness. "Four shots, one
44THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
45I had intended to finish my sentence with the words: "...then you will realise that it has not been an easy day", but Robins interrupted me:
"I understand---I understand perfectly."
We began to walk more slowly, although the time of our appointment was approaching.
"I think I can see Mr. Lenin," Robins said.
I peered into the dim half-light of the corridor: yes, it was Lenin. He was walking slowly, trying to adjust his step to that of his companion who, it seemed, was moving with some difficulty.
Both Robins and I spontaneously slackened pace, not wishing to intrude into the conversation of those in front of us. Lenin and his companion had in any case reached a side corridor leading to Lenin's office, down which they disappeared.
As we ourselves turned into the corridor we almost collided with Lenin and the man accompanying him: the two had evidently stopped as soon as they were round the corner to finish their conversation.
"Ah, Mr. Robins!" Lenin cried warmly (I noticed that his voice contained no trace of what had happened earlier that day). ``You're not acquainted, are you?" He looked up at his companion.
Only then did I see that it was Flatten. He greeted Robins, inclining his head.
"I was saying to Comrade Flatten," Lenin said, turning to Robins as if seeking to enlist his support in resolving a dispute, "that if Poincare had not held businessmen by the arm"---here Lenin energetically grasped his own left wrist---"no power on earth could have kept them from trading with us."
Lenin cast a glance at me. "Comrade Rybakov, please translate 'no power on earth'."
"And what was Mr. Platten's reply?" asked Robins, looking intently at Lenin's companion.
"He supposes..." Lenin began, then stopped abruptly. "But why should I quote you in your presence?" he said, laughing as if he wanted to provoke Flatten a little and, perhaps, to egg him on. "What did you suppose, then?"
Flatten smiled: Lenin's vigorous manner appealed to him.
"We were talking about trade diplomacy," he began with some confusion, then smiled again: the opportunity to put forward his ideas before so unusual an audience had robbed him of all his confidence.
"Just a minute: why do we have to talk about this in primeval gloom, like conspirators? I think it was Gorchakov who said that noble goals did not require secret means. Incidentally," Lenin went on, turning to Flatten, "after you are finished with your business with Podvoisky, drop in. And don't forget that Mr. Robins and I are equally interested in your ideas concerning trade diplomacy. Isn't that so, Mr. Robins?"
"Yes, of course," replied Robins.
Flatten inclined his head with the same courtesy.
We entered Lenin's office. After the semi-darkness of the Smolny corridors the yellow glow of the lamp illuminating the room seemed dazzling.
Lenin invited us to sit down.
"And you sit beside me, Comrade Rybakov---closer!"
He liked me to sit between him and the person with whom he was talking. His conversation always developed rapidly, a series of brief, business-like questions, each expanding upon the point made in the previous answer succeeding one another, and such unremitting and vigilant attention was required that it would have been scarcely possible to follow the discussion had one not been beside him. I took a chair and sat by Lenin. It was only then I noticed that the skin of his face, usually a golden-white hue, looked ashen-grey: the day had been too much for him.
Robins half-rose from his chair:
"There's no prospect of that chart becoming a map of war?"
Lenin looked up---he found it hard to tear himself away from the broad sheet of paper lying on his desk.
"I am a direct man, Colonel Robins," he said and stopped. He had chosen the more official ``colonel'' rather than the genial "my dear Robins".
"So far you, too, have not denied me this quality," the American responded.
"Then the chances of our conversation being a frank one are even better," Lenin said.
"it would have no point otherwise."
"You suppose, then, that those four shots on the Fontanka Bridge mark the beginning of a new stage in the Russian revolution and that the name of this stage is civil war?"
Robins looked keenly at Lenin.
"I would not wish to deny you a quality I have very much valued in our President Lincoln. He knew how to avoid being deceived by his successes."
"And he was the first to foretell the coming of the civil war?"
"He not only foretold it, he also tried to forecast its outcome."
"Well, then, I want to take full advantage of the privilege of a frank conversation. Don't you think, Colonel, that if America did not want it, there would not be a civil war in Russia?"
Robins' face darkened.
"You suppose that those four shots?..."
"I suppose nothing beyond what I have said: that if America does not wish it, there will not be a civil war in Russia."
"Then what follows from this?"
"What follows?" Lenin queried, and moved the map forward. "What I want to say to you now is not easy for me to say, and today less so than ever, but it is that Russia wants good relations with America."
"Is your position that you want to trade with us?"
Lenin returned to his desk.
"Our position? There it is." He looked at the map, in his eyes a forthrightness, an obstinate implacability---and a challenge. "There it is---our position! Do you think I am going to talk about flax, hemp, bristles and unprocessed skins, about all those things that since time immemorial Russia has hauled westward over its sledge routes, along its wild rivers and across the seas? Of course, flax and horse-hair and horses' hooves will still be traded; so will manganese ore, platinum, oil and furs! Certainly! But I can see something bigger than that. I am not thinking of Russia's tomorrow but of today when I talk about the new railways in Siberia and our European north, about new hidroelectric plants on the Volkhov and the Svir, about a short,
46THROUGH THE FLAMES
THROUGH THE FLAMES
47efficient canal from Sestroretsk to Petrograd, about coal in the Komandorskiye Islands and timber in South Kamchatka---That is our programme for technical competition."
"You believe that the experience of American technology can take part in Russia's second birth?"
"Yes, I think that any participation by America in the industrial advance of Russia would be welcomed by us and on this basis we are ready to give all our orders to America: generators and turbines, pipes and cables, locomotives and machine-tools....Russia, socialist Russia is ready to trade and cooperate with the most powerful capitalist country without prejudice: our only concern is business! The breathing space we have could not be briefer---no more than today. Tomorrow, perhaps, the guns will begin to speak and war will break out; therefore, we must say to one another that there is no need for us to settle our dispute sword in hand."
"You believe the time has come to talk frankly about this?" Robins asked.
"Yes, the time has not only come, it is already slipping away. The tune to talk is today."
For all that, January 1, 1918 was an unusual day, an island amid fire, with roaring flames behind and, perhaps, ahead. Everything that one wanted to say, had to be said then there, before the raging fire reached one's feet.
What was to be said? Robins was standing over the map. "I believe that we can do business." "I believe that, too," said Lenin. "America and Russia can do much that is good."
"Good words cannot survive without a firm business framework to support them," Lenin said.
"How do you think it will work?"
"This is my plan," Lenin replied, looking at the map.
They bent forward over the map---
When Robins left it was almost midnight.
Lenin went out with him, throwing open the door to find Flatten standing by the wall; he had evidently returned long ago but had not been able to make up his mind to come into the office.
Why are you standing here?" Lenin said. "Come in! You, too, Comrade Rybakov. Have you been here long, my Flatten?"
"About an hour and a half, Vladimir Ilyich. Why?"
"And have you been sitting all that time in the outer office?"
"No, I was in the corridor."
Lenin flew rather than walked across the room, his shoes clattering on the floor.
"Why on earth have you been standing in a dark corridor for an hour and a half when ... I needed you here? I needed you, and not just from some personal considerations. Not at all! I needed you from considerations of business!"
Flatten was quite disconcerted.
"But perhaps it is still not too late? You can ask if it is not too late."
Lenin went up to Flatten.
"Well, perhaps it is still not too late." He looked at Platten's bandaged hand. "Does it hurt?"
"Not any more."
Lenin carefully took Platten's wounded hand and placed it in his own.
"We are Marxists and it is not for us to swear by blood." His hand, clasping Platten's, trembled. "It is not for us to make compacts, but the rage that has built up over the ages is not exhausted and our strength is ready to rise as never before."
Lenin gazed sternly at Flatten, as if seeking something he had not seen before. I could see Platten's hand: not a drop of blood had penetrated the absorbent bandage.
Flatten had grown pale and seemed to be re-living everything that had taken place at the Simeonovsky Bridge. He repeated after Lenin:
"Our strength is ready to rise as never before."
LENIN. 1918
An Audience
t began to snow heavily and a white blanket quickly covered the ground. T Through the murk the cupolas of the Smolny Cathedral glimmered, then
disappeared. The river seemed to shrink before vanishing in the whiteness.
"How disturbed nature has become!" Lenin observed, stopping. "They seem to have switched on the lights in the Smolny. Well, that is the end of our walk: it's time to be getting back. The diplomats are coming at four o'clock?"
"At four, Vladimir Ilyich."
"We should be at home," he said, quickening his pace. "So they are coming about the Diamandy incident?"
"Yes."
"This Marshal Averescu runs true to form, eh?" The path was narrow and I fell back, so that Lenin was walking a little ahead of me. "Averescu, Averescu..." he said to himself, his figure almost disappearing in the falling snow.
Perhaps he recalled 1907 and the peasant uprising in the Rumanian steppes bordering the Danube, when a cruel whirlwind of artillery fire had swept from village to village. The name of Averescu had often figured in the European press then, for he was the first person to use quick-firing artillery against peasants. Now this name was again in the headlines, for the marshal had decided to intern Russian troops returning to their homeland. We had responded by extending the same measure to the representatives of Rumania in Petrograd and it was evidently this act which had led to the visit by the
4-801
50AN AUDIENCE
AN AUDIENCE
51diplomats, their first to the Chairman of the Soviet of People's Commissars.
``And what arguments are the diplomats going to forward in Diamandy's defence?" Lenin asked suddenly, without slackening pace.
"They will obviously say that the right to diplomatic immunity has been violated," I replied.
``Well, that argument is easily refuted: before relying on diplomatic immunity, Diamandy must first possess it.''
Narrowing his eyes, Lenin looked in front of him. The lighted windows of the Smolny were already before us.
``After all, no diplomatic relations subsist between our countries and Diamandy's position in Petrograd is rather dubious.''
He pondered, then observed:
``But we had better not say that to the diplomats.''
``It would be to throw down a challenge to the rest: in the final analysis all of them are in a dubious position.''
``We will keep that argument in reserve," Lenin decided quickly. "In reserve.''
We entered the building and Lenin, turning to me, smiled.
``Just a minute, though, is the whole diplomatic corps to present itself to us? That's unity for you!''
He stopped, his face becoming stern. "But I think that their very nature makes complete unanimity among them impossible.''
He walked forward rapidly, as he usually did only in the open air.
``Think about it: this is a job for a diplomat.''
At four o'clock I met the diplomats at the entrance to the Smqlny. A cavalcade of cars, flying the flags of twenty nations, drove through the main gates and stopped close to the central porch. David Francis, the American ambassador and doyen of the diplomatic corps, was an impatient man and even on ceremonial occasions opened the door of his car himself. Today, however, he did not hurry, but waited until his chauffeur, a portly Texan, left his seat at the wheel, walked around the vehicle (the Texan had his dignity, too) and, without bending his majestic bulk, drew the door open. Even then the ambassador made a leisurely exit. First his boots, topped by velvet gaiters, were extended from the car. Then the ambassador carefully felt the ground with his foot. Finally he stood, looking around him, like a goose waiting for its goslings. The first to approach was Joseph Noulens, ambassador of "la belle France" in Petrograd. His cheeks, pinched and reddened by the frost, gave his face a youthful and imperturbable look. After him came Alcibiades Pecanha, the Brazilian envoy, whose swarthy skin gave clear evidence of his mixed Indian and Spanish origins. Francis' patience finally deserted him and with a wave of his hand he walked forward, but stopped on reaching the main entrance. Directly in front of him stood a soldier dressed in a greatcoat and a tall fur hat. No, this was no doorman in gold-braided livery of the kind guarding the entrance of Number 6, Palace Square; this was a soldier in greatcoat and fur hat. Francis hunched his shoulders and advanced, the others following behind him. By some imperceptible means the sentry on duty at the Smolny had deprived the ambassador of his former confidence. He passed the soldier, becoming a head shorter as he did so.
The diplomats passed through the corridors of the Smolny, observing their own hierarchy: first came the American ambassador, while somewhere in the middle of the cavalcade was the Swedish ambassador, General Brandstrom, dressed, naturally, in civilian clothes but retaining his upright carriage and military gait. Among this company of civilians, unhurriedly ambling along the Smolny corridors, their diplomatic uniforms rustling, General Brandstrom's bearing was just the thing that was needed. Bringing up the rear was a tiny Siamese, Phra Visan Botchanakit, round-eyed and wearing a melancholy smile.
Only the quicksilver Frenchman, Joseph Noulens, was reluctant to submit to a hierarchy of any kind and moved indefatigably between the American and the Siamese, exchanging a word as he did so with the Greek, Belgian and Italian ambassadors.
The diplomats successfully completed their procession around the Smolny and quietly entered first the reception room, then the office of the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, giving the American ambassador precedence as they did so.
Lenin came from behind his desk and bowed.
``You are the doyen of the corps?" he asked Francis, smiling amiably; but as he glanced at the diplomats and saw the sombre curiosity with which they were contemplating him, his face changed and became stern.
The Smolny Institute, where the headquarters of the armed uprising was located. Petrograd, October 1917
52
AN AUDIENCE
AN AUDIENCE
``Yes, yes ... recognition ... recognition," Noulens repeated disjointedly, filling the silence that had fallen. That pause had to be long enough to break the cheerful mood of irony created by Lenin's remark; if the mood were not broken the statement these diplomats had gathered to deliver would quite lose its point.
Francis drew a folded sheet of paper from his side pocket (this had to be done unhurriedly), settled his pince-nez on his nose (very carefully---this, too, had its meaning), importantly cleared his throat (providing two more precious seconds) and began to read:
``We, the undersigned, heads of embassies and diplomatic missions from all countries, represented in Russia....''
Francis read flatly, in the only way a letter beginning in so formal a fashion would permit. The substance of the statement was that the ambassadors and envoys were profoundly indignant at Diamandy's arrest and demanded that he be released. Of course, the diplomatic corps did not omit in this to declare that the fact of arrest was a breach of the very principle of diplomatic immunity, which had been recognised for centuries.
The statement read, the diplomats looked at Lenin.
What would he say, this most mysterious of men? Would he in turn become indignant and wave his hands---or would he make a guarded response, giving nothing away? What thoughts were seething in that large brow, upon which he had now laid a tired hand?
What was Lenin really thinking about?
Perhaps a most strange thought had come into his mind: what if somewhere, in a European capital, an incident had taken place involving an envoy, perhaps even a Rumanian envoy, yet not representative of General Averescu, but---could so very strange an event have occurred?---someone whom General Averescu had shot? How would the diplomats now gathered in Lenin's office have behaved then? Would they have screwed up their courage to such a demarche?
The faces of those standing before Lenin expressed glum curiosity and timid reproach, challenge and thoughtfulness and attention.
Lenin took his hand from his brow and looked straight at Francis.
``How is it possible to speak of a breach of diplomatic practice when we are talking of circumstances not envisaged by any treaty or diplomatic ritual?" (He used the term ``ritual''!)
Lenin, the diplomats perceived, could have said more: that no relations existed between his country and Rumania and Diamandy could not claim a right which he did not possess. But Lenin kept this, his chief argument, in reserve.
What he had said, however, was sufficient to bring a flush to Joseph Noulens' face. The Frenchman stirred impatiently and jumped to his feet. He lifted his chin and everyone was appalled to see that a blue vein had swollen in the ambassador's neck and was beating spasmodically. In a moment, it seemed, the blood vessel would burst.
``It is not our business to inquire into reasons; no, certainly not our business!" the ambassador exclaimed, his hand cautiously masking the twitching, pulsing vein in his neck. "My colleague Diamandy must be freed without any conditions....''
``I'm very glad to meet you.''
``I should like to introduce the members of the diplomatic corps to you," Francis said, his eyes fixed on Lenin. "If I may?''
``By all means," came the answer, Lenin's tone implying neither impatience nor pleasure: he was prepared to accept this convention, too.
Francis inclined his head.
``The Comte de Byisseret Steenbecque de Blarenghien." The doyen of the diplomatic corps pronounced this cumbrous name with genuine grace. "Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Belgium.''
The ceremony of presenting the diplomatic corps had begun. Lenin followed the proceedings attentively; what was he thinking of?
In another week's time two months would have elapsed since the October Revolution. Not a single country had recognised the new government; not a single country had, even in the most distant way, given it to be understood that recognition might be forthcoming. Soviet Russia was being compared with increasing frequency to a rock surrounded by a boundless ocean. Yes, it was a rock indeed, a piece of granite, unshakably strong; but as yet it stood alone; all around lay the infinite waters. Now twenty ambassadors and envoys, representing countries from around the world, including all the principal allies, were presenting themselves to the head of the Soviet government. There was, apparently, a more important motive here than the Diamandy incident: this visit to Lenin was being made with an eye to the outside world and was calculated to demonstrate the irreconcilability of the allied powers with the Republic of the Soviets. Irreconcilable.... David Francis and Joseph Noulens---and others, too?---had come to look their enemy in the eye for the first and probably the last time, to look at him and say: "We are united in our resolution.''
The ceremony of presenting the diplomatic corps was now well under way. The small man whose country, by the iron logic of diplomatic protocol, had opened the ceremony, pushed himself forward with some difficulty and shook Lenin's hand.
Francis seemed to be preening himself on the sonorous titles of those he was introducing.
``The Comte de la Vinaza, Ambassador of Spain, the Marquis Carlotti di Riparbella, Ambassador of Italy, the Baron Sweerts de Landas Wyborgh, Envoy of the Netherlands, the Baron Motono Ichiro, Ambassador of Japan.''
Lenin was in a good-natured mood which inclined, however, towards irony. Throughout this ceremony, a far from usual occurrence for him, there was an impish gleam in the corners of his narrowed eyes. Something mischievous, it seemed, would inevitably come from his lips and lay bare the real meaning of this charade. When the Japanese ambassador had completed the ceremony of presentation by extending his small hand to Lenin, he looked around the group with smiling eyes and said:
``What significance should I place on your handshakes, gentlemen? Do they constitute recognition of the Soviet government?''
The joke hit the mark and a ripple of laughter ran round the room. Who could resist a joke. But then someone returned to earth and, closing his eyes, opened them only when the tears of mirth had gone.
54AN AUDIENCE
AN AUDIENCE
55Lenin heard Noulens out patiently.
``I should like, Mr. Ambassador," he said, his gaze moving to Francis for, apparently, he had no further desire to look at Noulens at that moment, "that the document we have received be read now.''
There was nothing unusual in Lenin's addressing himself to Francis who, after all, was doyen of the diplomatic corps; the significance of the fact that he had directed his stern but pacific rejoinder to Francis, openly ignoring Noulens' intervention, was, however, clear. Lenin had perceived that Francis was, pro tern, taking a neutral stance and wanted to preserve the doyen's position and, if possible, strengthen it.
Lenin glanced at me: he wanted me to read the telegram.
I began to read, occasionally raising my eyes from the telegram to observe Lenin, and only Lenin, and it seemed to me that the indignation which filled the telegram had now communicated itself to him. The telegram, which he had read several times already, evidently struck him with a new force before this strange audience.
...Somewhere in the Rumanian plains, on the open wastes by the Danube now covered with the deep snows of December, Russian regiments were returning home. Day and night, they passed along the roads over the steppe, taking with them long carts, machine-gun carts, field kitchens and artillery pieces. They had to cross the Danube, and as soon as possible, for in that region December brought with it savage snowstorms and biting frosts. The horses were tired and the men at the end of their strength; only those unable to move were put on the carts. But the horses could not drag them: should the artillery pieces be abandoned? Under no circumstances---but then what should be done with the men? The Danube must be crossed before the snow began to fall! Supplies both of forage and food were strictly measured out, for both meant life to the Russian army, stretching many miles across the white plain. Slowly it moved towards the Danube and Russia. Then, suddenly, alarming news travelled the length of the snow-covered steppe: the way ahead was barred, forage had been confiscated, troops forcibly disarmed and the Troitsko-Sergievsky regiment surrounded and interned. The regiments, all of them, stopped. In Petrograd Lenin received a telegram: "If those arrested are not freed, we are ready to exercise force of arms to free them__"
Lenin cast a silent glance over his distinguished guests.
They were visibly embarrassed by this turn of events, their jaws clamped shut, their chins resting motionlessly on starched and soft collars alike, eyes fixed either on the floor or the ceiling; their fingers, each with its freight of rings, were tightly squeezed. The counts, marquises and barons were silent.
Suddenly Joseph Noulens again threw his small palms upward and the diplomats averted their gaze with horror from his swollen vein.
``But arbitrary rule sometimes takes over in Petrograd as well!" the French ambassador exclaimed, his voice containing almost a note of pathos. "Only last night soldiers broke into the home of my colleague"---he looked at the Italian ambassador, who embarrassedly cast his eyes down, unwilling to be singled out---"and raided ... his wine cellar. No, no, you must confirm this, my friend," Noulens demanded, addressing the Italian and now quite unable to stop.
The Marquis Carlotti di Riparbella looked at Noulens in bewilderment, as if wishing to say:
``See how bad things are when one's tongue outstrips one's head.''
But even Noulens had realised that he had gone too far this time.
``Let us leave the question of the soldiers in my Italian colleague's wine cellar---I hope they can find in it their heart's desire!" he exclaimed magnanimously, and even essayed a smile. "I wish to repeat that the person of an ambassador enjoys immunity....''
Lenin rose: Noulens' hysterical way of speaking was quite antipathetic to
him.
``I think," he began, again addressing himself to Francis rather than Noulens and unperturbed by the absence or near absence of any sign that the American ambassador's position differed from that of his French colleague, for Lenin was pursuing his own line in the conversation, "I think that the lives of a thousand soldiers are of greater value than the peace and quiet of one diplomat---to a socialist, at any rate.''
Noulens stretched out his neck. "The lives of a thousand soldiers...." The French ambassador could not understand this way of presenting the question.
``Their lives are of greater value than peace and quiet," Lenin reiterated.
Soldiers returning home from the First World War
56
AN AUDIENCE
AN AUDIENCE
57Noulens was now looking at his Italian colleague, as if seeking support from him against Lenin, but the Italian remained glumly silent: he was still offended with the French ambassador. Of course, every great house possesses a wine cellar, especially the house of an ambassador, where it is as much a part of the fittings as, say, a bed; but why should the matter be gone into now? Suddenly to begin talking about a wine cellar in the middle of so tense a conversation, at a moment when men's lives were being discussed (the Italian ambassador could not but accept the Russian view of the matter), showed a loss of any sense of proportion. Noulens sank into an armchair and stared gloomily at the ceiling; the vein in his neck throbbed more perceptibly than ever.
I looked at Francis: it was obvious that his turn had come to speak. What would he say? Lenin, too, I noted, was looking at him with grim concentration. Like me, he was curious to see what the doyen of the diplomatic corps would say.
"We hope, nevertheless," Francis began, his voice calm and good-natured, "that Diamandy will be freed."
Moreover, he went on, he believed that the freeing of Diamandy would confirm the justly held faith of civilised countries in the workers' and peasants' government. He wished to believe that Diamandy had been arrested in error, but this error could postpone the peace which was so much to be desired---
Lenin, it seemed, had won the battle without using his principal argument. Now it was his response that was awaited, but he was in no hurry to speak. Too high a value should not, of course, be placed on Francis' reply---he would show himself yet! His words had suggested something which deserved reproof---it was nonsense to suggest that Diamandy's arrest would postpone peace!---but perhaps there was no need to mention that: not now, at any rate, Lenin's reply to Francis should obviously reflect the degree of good will in the tatter's statement; it was unquestionable that this good will was only on the surface---but that was another matter.
"The words of the American ambassador I take to express the view of the entire diplomatic corps," Lenin said.
He frowned and seemed even half to close his eyes, as if for a moment wanting to look into the very core of his consciousness. Our position is truly critical, he seemed to say: a desperate position, in which we are without the normal rights of a nation. Our people are suffering a disaster in the Rumanian steppe and we lack the means to help them! Poklevsky, erstwhile Russian envoy to Bucharest, had refused to serve the new Russia and had been removed by an order of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs. There was no Soviet ambassador in Bucharest and the simplest and most natural method of intervening in the situation was thus excluded. The Rumanian ambassador in Petrograd, applying the customary logic that his government did not recognise us, was afraid to have any dealings with the Soviet government. We could not appeal to a third party to defend our interests in Bucharest, because no third party recognised us. How, then, was it possible to act under such conditions? Of course, the arrest of a diplomat was not a means of resolving the conflict, but in the given circumstances---extreme ones, perhaps---it was a means of registering a protest.
"For, us this is a means of protest," Lenin said.
Noulens unexpectedly came to life again; he had, it seemed, been recuperating and had now regained his former strength.
"We cannot recognise the right to protest in such a fashion."
Someone timidly supported him:
"Impossible!"
A third voice echoed the second. Then someone said:
"You must understand that, after all---"
It was the Belgian ambassador. As he spoke, he turned towards Francis. But the American ambassador remained silent, not wishing to commit himself. Perhaps he did not agree with the categorical statement of his French colleague---or perhaps he was quietly reserving his position. Long experience told him that as doyen of the diplomatic corps he must not lag behind his fellows; but neither was there any reason for him to take the initiative. In all circumstances he must remain in a position to reject a proposed formula or to accept it; who could tell which? No possible course could be excluded, for in diplomacy, as in chess, the most dangerous route can be over a tried and trodden path.
Lenin's attention was fixed on the battle that had suddenly broken out in his Smolny office. The old adage that no more dangerous delusion exists than the conviction that those opposing one represent an indivisible bloc still held good. Even when one's opponents are acting in the name of unity, an attempt to split them is not without hope: this was true of Noulens and Francis, for example.
The audience was at an end. Francis approached Lenin and courteously inclined his head.
"A means of protest, then?"
Lenin looked at him. No, he was no better than his French colleague--- who could say what surprises were to be expected from him in the future? But today, perhaps, the position he had taken was more favourable to us.
"A means of protest?" Francis repeated. He was evidently laying stress on this formula in order to give himself the opportunity to return to it.
"Precisely," Lenin replied.
Joseph Noulens shook hands without meeting Lenin's eyes.
The Siamese ambassador gave a melancholy smile.
The Swedish ambassador clicked his heels valiantly.
The Marquis Carlotti di Riparbella looked glum: his mood had been irreparably spoiled by Noulens.
The ambassadors and the envoys smiled, their parting words also reflecting an embarrassed and timidly courteous good will.
"Thank you."
"I am most grateful."
"All my respects."
Force of habit led the diplomats to say what they should, perhaps, not have said.
The Siamese ambassador turned to Lenin, still wearing his melancholy smile, then carefully closed the door behind him.
The diplomats were gone.
58AN AUDIENCE
AN AUDIENCE
59The telephone rang.
``Could you take a message from the American embassy?''
I picked up a sheet of paper unhurriedly: what sort of message could this be from Mr. Francis?
The diplomats' limousines had evidently driven straight from the Smolny to Furshtadt Street (I was sure that it was thence that they had come to the Smolny). There, in the drawing room of the American embassy, they had discussed the situation afresh, perhaps over black coffee.
``Go ahead, please.''
I could hear the rushing, hissing sounds that always accompanied a telephone conversation in Petrograd then, but the noise did not conceal anxious breathing from the other end of the line.
``A message to Mr. Lenin from the ambassador.''
The ambassador declared, in a style almost ceremonial in character, that if Diamandy was freed he, Francis, would register a protest against the action of the Rumanian command and (at this point the voice on the telephone failed completely and there was a pause before it continued) would qualify the arrest of the Rumanian diplomat as a protest on the part of the Russian government against the inadmissible manner in which the Rumanian authorities had behaved.
``Would you be so kind as to repeat that?''
I could hear the person at the other end of the line take a deep breath before saying distinctly:
``As a protest on the part of the Russian government against the inadmissible manner in which the Rumanian authorities had behaved....''
``Thank you.''
I put down the telephone and copied out the message for transmission to Lenin: the council the diplomats had held on Furshtadt Street had certainly been productive.
Lenin was at a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars, so I gave the message to his secretary.
Late that evening I was informed that it had been decided to free Diamandy. The American ambassador's assurance had, naturally, been taken into account: the resolution of the Council of People's Commissars explicitly stated that its decision had been reached "in the light of Francis' promise". The resolution stipulated categorically that "the Russian soldiers must be freed within a period of three days''.
Lenin requested me to come to his office.
The light had been turned off and he was standing by the window. Through the glass, with its faint tracing of frost, the snow could be seen falling heavily.
Francis' message was lying on the table in the pool of light cast by the table lamp. Lenin had evidently just re-read it before moving to the window.
``What do you think of it, then---the American ambassador's message?''
I was standing by the table and could see every word of it.
``What do you think, then?" Lenin repeated impatiently, continuing to look out the window. I had noticed his love of observing nature at those moments when it displayed both its beauty and its power.
``I think that Francis has recognised ... the correctness of our action and has indirectly showed his disagreement with Noulens.''
``In other words, they were not so unanimous later on as they were here?''
``More than that, Vladimir Ilyich," I replied, unable to hide a smile.
Lenin approached me.
``Do you remember our conversation by the Neva?" He gestured at the window and the whirling snow. "To act in a united way their nature would have to be different. There are many opportunities here for us. Think it over: this is a job for a diplomat.''
His gaze had returned to the window and was fixed on the falling snow.
``The time will come---it may not be so far off---when we shall smash this hoop, this iron hoop which is strangling us." He fell silent, his face becoming grim and sombrely pensive.
Eyes
as it ever happened to you, upon turning round in the gloom of a large
1-1 hall, suddenly to see a pair of eyes? Perhaps they are glowing with an
-*• -*- internal light, perhaps reflecting some unseen source of light, but their
burning glance pierces the dimness. One even seems to see the colour of these
eyes, so brightly do they burn---a light grey, almost white, half hidden in
the shadows. What is the fire within these eyes, what spark glows so hotly in
them: the beneficent, generous warmth of kindness or the scorching heat of
hostility?
Much that was said that night reflected nothing more than habit:
"Happy New Year and good luck for the future, gentlemen!"
Luck? For the future?
A tiny clear circle was all that pierced the ice covering the window and it was hard to get warm: the ice was thick. The street was deep in snow and a strong wind blew; a street lamp winked indefatigably, as if fated never to stop. The wind had partly torn a poster from a hoarding and the thick paper beat against it like a sheet of tin; only two of the thunderous words that had run across the poster remained, but the meaning was unimpaired---All Power to the Soviets!
"Happy New Year and best wishes for the morrow!"
The morrow? But what would that morrow bring?
In Petrograd it would begin, somewhere towards eight o'clock in the
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EYES
63morning, with a pale dawn. What sort of day would it be, this first day of a new year? There would be different sights and smells, different shapes. But what sort of day would it be?
When it came, nature did nothing to distinguish it from any other day. As always at that time of year, the Petrograd sky was lowering and everything was a dull, greyish-lilac colour, the colour of the Neva, not yet ke-bound, the colour of the stone and the sky, of Nevsky Prospekt, of Liteiny Prospekt.
Nevsky Prospekt, incidentally, was unusually deserted on that first day of 1918. I had already reached Liteiny Prospekt when a noisy gang of young people burst on to the Nevsky. A gang? But in fact there were only three of them: two men and a woman.
``Hallo, Comrade Rybakov! Come to the riding school!''
The day was overcast and through the thin, trailing mist I could not distinguish their faces, but the broad-shouldered figure of John Reed, his back characteristically bent, was unmistakeable.
``Yes, come to the riding school! Half Petrograd is there today.''
``Why, what's happening?''
``Lenin! Comrade Lenin!''
Reed redoubled his pace, quickly crossing the tram lines. The'woman, who was walking beside him, could hardly keep up; she was thin, with a thick mass of hair upon which a fur hat rode insecurely, and carried a dark brown muff. Bringing up the rear came a giant: a very tall man, indeed,wearing a cap with earflaps. He was stooped and as he walked, hands buried in his pockets, he swayed in a comical fashion, his head bending to the rhythm of his steps. Something intangible about him---no, not the cut of his coat, nor his scarf, but something genuinely intangible---showed him to be a fellowcountryman of Reed. Could this be Williams?
``Come to the school! Lenin will be there!" Reed cried.
But it proved far from easy to get into the riding school. The approaches were jammed with armed workers, motor vehicles and armoured cars, while the riding school itself was packed beyond capacity. Torches smoked around the walls and black shadows flickered from corner to corner. The hall was a sea of sailors' caps, grey soldiers' fur caps pulled down over the ears (although there was no air the building was as cold and damp as the street outside), workers' peaked caps, the bowler hats of office workers and everywhere, looming over the heads of the crowd like a cloud of smoke, was a forest of bayonets. For, of course, all militant Petrograd was gathered here, the men and women whose will and courage had brought about the October Revolution.
``Lenin!''
' A roar of applause and the riding school seemed to split apart: I could physically feel the crowd of people filling the hall parting and a narrow path appeared amidst them, like a strip of water when the ice breaks, along which Lenin advanced to the rostrum. He walked quickly, his hand raised in
greeting. Upon reaching the armoured car standing in the middle of the hall, from which the speakers were to address the audience, he turned, looked attentively around. No, there was nothing festive in the faces of those who had gathered on this New Year's day, and this could not but disturb him. There was nothing festive at all.
It was only then that I saw Lenin had not entered the hall alone. Beside him stood his sister, Maria Ulyanova, whom I had previously seen with Lenin; and one could easily make out Nikolai Podvoisky, in a leather jacket half open at the neck. However much I tried I was unable to see Reed, who was clearly not present, although the big man in the Russian cap who had crossed the tram lines with him on the way to the riding school was standing immediately beside the armoured car. It is Williams, I thought, Albert Rhys Williams, an American socialist and a friend of Reed. Podvoisky opened the meeting, immediately giving the floor to Lenin.
Lenin climbed on to the wing of the armoured car without apparent effort, mounted the radiator and finally stood on the gun turret of the vehicle.
After an initial roar the hall fell silent and Lenin began to speak. The hall was enormous but his voice reached every corner.
The subject of Lenin's speech was simple but noble: the bright future before the Soviet people and the struggle, still grim and bloody, to attain it, courage and the necessity for the strong to support the weak, reinforce the faith of waverers and close ranks---the last at all costs.
I looked around the badly lit hall. Only the armoured car from which Lenin was speaking and the soldiers standing beside it could be seen; the hundreds and perhaps thousands of people listening to Lenin were swallowed up in the darkness. The smoky flames of the torches could not overcome the gloom in which the hall was wrapped. What thoughts were revealed in the gaze of the people looking towards the armoured car? In the eyes of some there was hope, in those of others faith in a victory, that was not far off, and a determination to follow Lenin and the Bolsheviks. But perhaps these were not the only eyes that were looking through the thick shadows obscuring the hall? Perhaps there were eyes in which prejudice, hostility or even hatred could be seen? The shadows were almost impenetrable and the riding school huge: there was room enough and darkness enough to conceal the evil glint of hatred. Hatred? For Petrograd was still in danger.
``And now an American comrade will speak to you.''
I looked at Reed's companion and moved a little closer to the armoured car.
``Speak in English and I will interpret for you," I heard Lenin say; only a few yards now separated us.
``No, I want to speak in Russian," the American said, smiling, as he clambered on to the armoured car. "Comrades!" he began.
Lenin also smiled, well aware of the degree to which the American was capable of speaking Russian. Certainly he seemed to me at first to have every
64EYES
EYES
65reason for deciding to speak in Russian. He began with a rush, describing himself as a socialist and declaring that the sympathies of the American working people were on the side of the Russian revolution. But already he was clearly getting into difficulties.
"What is the word you are looking for, Comrade Williams?" Lenin asked, looking up at the American with smiling eyes; the latter's cheerful courage in deciding to address the crowd in Russian had appealed to him.
"Enlist," the speaker said diffidently.
Lenin provided the Russian verb, many other people also smiling as he did so.
Presently the speaker again turned to Lenin for help, which was given him as readily as before, Lenin adding:
"Yes, indeed, Comrade Williams."
I had not been mistaken: this was Albert Rhys Williams. His grandfather had been a worker, and his father was a preacher, but it was the former who decisively predominated in Williams' appearance. The grandson had inherited his grandfather's massive strength and with it his fearlessness: during the revolutionary battles in October 1917 Williams, together with Reed, had been among the workers and soldiers who had stormed the Winter Palace.
Williams finished his speech to applause, in which Lenin joined with everyone else in the hall. He stood beside Williams, clearly touched by the American's courage.
"I had not expected such daring from you," he seemed to be saying to Williams, who himself appeared somewhat taken aback. He, too, I perceived, had not anticipated making a speech in Russian and his success had given him great pleasure.
"Well, in any event you have made a start in mastering Russian," Lenin said, suddenly beginning to speak to Williams. He raised his eyes to the much taller American. "But you must work at it seriously," he added, almost touching Williams' chest with his half-closed fist. He turned to Williams' companion, whom I later learned to be the famous Bessie Beatty, correspondent of the San Francisco Chronicle: she was standing beside Williams, obviously bursting to talk to Lenin. "You must also learn Russian." He smiled. "Put an advertisement in the newspaper, offering to exchange lessons. And then simply read, write and speak only in Russian." Lenin was clearly pleased by the rapt attention of his American friends. ``Don't talk to your fellow-countrymen," he laughed, "they won't be of any help in any case." He was about to go when he turned, as if remembering something important, and said: "When we meet again I shall test you."
John Reed in Russia. Winter 1919-20
Nikolai Podvoisky
ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS
66
EYES
EYES
67Lenin made his farewells, then hurried to the exit, rapidly followed by all those who had been standing beside him. He walked with the same quick step that he had entered the hall, raising his hands to the crowd. Scarcely had he emerged from the riding school when the throng of people outside parted.
There was now a space between the entrance to the riding school and Lenin's car. Lenin could be seen from all around, both from the wide-open gates opposite and from the windows of a large house standing aside from other buildings. And many eyes followed him, filled with faith and trust. Again I thought: perhaps other eyes are watching him, eyes veiled with a wintry bleakness, clouded by the acrid fumes of hatred? Could it be?
A few days later I again saw Lenin and Williams together. With them was John Reed.
They met during the session of the Constituent Assembly at which the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik majority rejected the revolutionary decrees on land and peace, following which the assembly was dissolved.
Lenin was in the far box on the right, silently observing the proceedings. He sat near the front of the box, his pale hands on the ledge. When his attention was attracted by a disturbance in the hall he would move forward.
the light falling on his face and revealing the reddish lights in his hair and his flashing eyes: they were stern that day.
Then Lenin rose and left the box; when he returned John Reed and Albert Rhys Williams were beside him. Despite their keen interest in what was being said on the stage, the audience involuntarily turned towards the far box on the right where Lenin was talking to the Americans. At one point the conversation kindled Lenin's enthusiasm and his face came to life. He smiled, waved his hand in a gesture that, while not abrupt, expressed strong feeling, and unexpectedly laughed.
Reed was standing with his back to the hall, his face hidden from me, but Williams' face was clearly visible. Lenin seemed to be addressing himself specifically to Williams, for the latter was endeavouring to explain something to him, moving the hands awkwardly and in some embarrassment. What would his future be, I wondered? He was young and many years lay before him: would he still be our friend in ten, twenty, thirty, perhaps even forty years time?
I did not know Rhys Williams then as later I came to know him. His path had only just begun; the years of trial were yet to come. Still before him was the task of forming a revolutionary detachment of foreigners and the service he subsequently saw at the front. His book Through the Russian Revolution,
ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS with O. YU. SCHMIDT, Unwell-known Polar explorer, in the 1930s
ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS ( second from left) with members of the first revolutionary international detachment of the Red Army. Petrograd, February 1918
\v\ r
68EYES
EYES
69which told the grim and joyful truth of the revolution in Russia, had yet to be written then. The capital of Russia was still Petrograd and Williams did not know that he would later meet Lenin in the Kremlin. "You have a fine collection of documents," Lenin told Williams, in persuading him to write a book about the Land of the Soviets. Williams had yet to cross the ocean and experience the agony and shame that would be inflicted upon him by the so-called "Overman committee". "I believe in Soviet power," he declared to the committee. He was still nursing the idea of a great journey around America, through the crumbling plains of the West, the wealthy cities of the Pacific coast and the tobacco and cotton-growing areas of the South. And, of course, as he stood there in front of Lenin, Williams did not know that he would make another journey to Soviet Russia several years after the Revolution, that he would meet Mikhail Kalinin and that he would decide to settle for some years in Russia to study all the processes of its formation: it was an old and tried habit of Williams to see everything and try everything out for himself, grasping life with his own hands. He lived for a long time in a village, first near Gogol's Dikanka,* in the Ukraine, then not far from Moscow,
* Reference to Nikolai Gogol's collection of stories Evenings Near the Village of Dikanka.---Ed.
working as a mechanic, a ploughman and a field-labourer. He could not foresee that just over twenty years later, on a June morning, the oily flames of German rocket-launchers would scorch the ripening grain of Russia and that scarcely would the news have reached America before he, following the honourable and unselfish command of his heart to serve, would consider himself mobilised. Once again he would journey from one end of America to the other, talking about Russia and its just struggle....
On that evening, as Williams stood, bashful and confused, before Lenin, it was hard to see ten, twenty, or---still less---forty years ahead; but one wanted to believe that this man would be our friend, our great friend.
The huge audience gathered in the hall followed Lenin's conversation with their eyes as he talked to these two Americans, whose political radicalism was well known to all Petrograd. What confidences was the leader of the Republic of the Soviets bestowing upon his American fellow-thinkers, what matters were being considered? What was the meaning of Lenin's impatient gesture, his encouraging nod and, finally, his smile, at once ironic and mysterious? Was a conspiracy, threatening the very foundations of America, being hatched in the far box on the right?
A bull-necked man was sitting beside me, his head rising directly out of his
Leaflet of the Socialist Party of the USA announcing a meeting calling for "Hands Off Russia!" New York, 1919
The United Communist Party of America called for support for Soviet Russia in its struggle against the white Poles. New York, 1920
Down with Kolchak!
SATURDAY AFT., JUNE ?lsr
AT 215 P M
110th Street and Fifth Avenue
ALBERT RHYS WILLIAMS
70EYES
EYES
71shoulders, like a piece of marble column. His grey-brown suit with its rich nap revealed him as a foreigner.
I glanced at him and started, for in his face I could see the eyes that had been before me for the past few days. They were turned towards the box in which Lenin was talking with his American friends. I could see hatred in them, such hatred that by its fire alone a man would be turned to ashes. Those are the eyes that looked at Lenin from out of the murk, I thought, those are the eyes I have seen---there can be no mistaking them.
An hour later I met my American friends on the drive leading from the main entrance of the Smolny.
"What did you speak to Lenin about?" I asked Williams.
He smiled.
"Lenin asked me how I was getting along with Russian and whether I could understand all the speeches." He shrugged his shoulders, not without embarrassment. "'There are so many words in the Russian language,' I told Lenin." Williams gave a guilty smile: without wishing to, I had obliged him to relive his recent confusion. "But Lenin was quite resolute: 'Oh no,' he said, 'the fact is that one must study a language systematically!' Then he told me his method in detail. He advised me to begin by learning all the nouns, then all the verbs, then all the participles and adjectives. I should master the grammar, orthography and syntax, and then---'You know what you must do then? Practise on every occasion---yes, practice is what you need.'"
"Even in front of an audience at the Mikhailovsky riding school?" I asked. Williams rubbed his chin.
"Even there," he smiled. "In general, he was continuing the conversation he began in the riding school."
Williams left and I was alone with Reed.
"I was looking into the hall just now," Reed said, his sad eyes gazing into the gloom of the gardens surrounding the Smolny, "and thinking that the revolution has been made, the revolution continues and that many battles still lie ahead---many."
At that moment the man with the marble column upon his shoulders passed us.
I glanced wordlessly at Reed, but he saw the question in my glance.
"Who could that be?" he said, as if repeating my unspoken question. "A fellow-countryman of mine, whom the Revolution has prevented from taking over the Russian oilfield."
We parted and I gazed long into the darkness after the man with the staring eyes, whose burning glance was so heavy with hate.
I saw Rhys Williams again some six weeks later. It was February and a telegram had come from the front: the Germans had renewed their attack. Just as in October 1917 the lights of the Smolny had burned throughout the night.
All Petrograd had taken up arms. Day and night, workers' detachments moved across the snow-covered ice of the Neva, which was already touched by the February thaw. Along Morskaya Street a detachment marched: workers
in wadded jackets, soldiers in grey fur hats, sailors and more sailors and more sailors. Alongside them marched a tall man, slightly stooped, dressed in a light coat and hat: I recognised Williams.
The detachment passed, the ground wind swept away its tracks, but for a long time I could see the tall figure of the American, shoulders a little rounded, walking in the dim half-light of that February day.
LENIN in his office at the Kremlin. Moscow, October 1918
The Heart
r^ he details of that morning are firmly fixed in my memory. Petrograd,
I autumnally bleak, clouds hanging motionless against a pre-dawn sky,
•*- black windows (there had been no lights in them that night and they
seemed blacker than usual), wet flagstones and empty squares, stillness that,
in those days, was brief and easily broken.
An armoured car burst into the square and fired at the crowd under the arch. There was a shriek: a living clot of pain that could not be hidden. The crowd pressed itself against a wall, black, like the wall, and inseparable from it; but one man broke away, like a stone dropping from a cliff. One man, another.... And then a grenade flew from under the arch. There was an explosion, a powerful explosion---the black windows seemed to shatter and the clouds to move. This time the silence that set in would be hard to break.
And then a man in a railwayman's cap approached the armoured car and thrust a bayonet through the vehicle's narrow slit: "Come out, those of you still alive!" But there was no answer. The man walked to one side and seized the pin of a grenade: "Come out, I say!"
On that morning he seemed to me the very personification of courage: it is not easy to stand alone, face to face with an armoured car.
An insignificant detail, perhaps: but the ambassador had brought the glass for his Petrograd windows from abroad. They possessed a substantial virtue
74THE HEART
THE HEART
only at the end of the day, when the stoves in the hotel were lit, but Reed habitually drew his hand over their polished surface. Although he had been born in the American North-West and was accustomed to cold, he really felt the Petrograd winter. Towards evening he would pick up his typewriter and move closer to the stove; as he pondered he would press himself against it and the tiles would pleasantly warm his back.
There is a photograph of Reed sitting behind his typewriter, wearing a jacket with rounded lapels and a white shirt, which throws into relief the closely trimmed nape of his neck. His hands are white and almost indistinguishable from the cuffs of his starched shirt. Just above his temple a dark lock of hair lies on his forehead. His hands linger over the keys; on the piece of paper in the machine one can see a page number (Reed was punctilious in everything he did and numbered the pages of his rough drafts) and four lines, typed without any corrections. Reed wrote slowly, like a man cutting a path through dense forest or tunnelling through rock. The swing and thud of his pick would mark a step forward, another swing---another half-step. Both his appearance, in starched shirt and smart jacket, and the room in which he is sitting, its elegant table bearing a thick book containing a multitude of bookmarks and an ash-tray, carry us away into the atmosphere of a great city, separated from war by the impenetrable wall of the ocean.
75in that they brightened up the city's gloom. Yes, glass was nearly able to transform a grey day with a squally wind off the Baltic into the sunshine of a California afternoon. Of all the rooms in his official residence, the ambassador preferred the recess with its orange-coloured windows. Everything necessary for conversation was there: the illusion of golden sunshine, strong Brazilian coffee, ripe bananas, the scent of which impregnated even the upholstery of the sofa, and a gramophone with a terrifying horn and a pile of records: popular melodies, naturally, ranging from mournful songs about the Missouri to thunderous ballads of the Cordilleras.
"America has already returned from its crusade for freedom...." The mystery of the sacrament, the mystery of the first meeting with a compatriot, always took place in this room. The time of subsequent meetings was also determined there; they had to proceed in a systematic way or they were without point for the ambassador. ``Systematic'' was, indeed, the word to apply to these meetings, although the conversation placed no one under any practical obligation whatsoever: these were unrestricted chats conducted between intelligent people during their leisure hours. The conversation could include the theatre, walks on the islands in the Gulf of Finland, meetings with poets (red-letter days, these), amateur dramatics, new books, public meetings at the Sestroretsky Works (yes, even meetings at the Sestroretsky Works could be talked about). That was the entire range of these conversations: the ambassador was not obliged to go further. The main thing was that the timetable of meetings be strictly observed and that the formula be uttered: "America has already returned from its crusade...."
Let the land beyond the windows burn and the heart of Russia pound with the thunderous broadsides of the Aurora: the orange sun in the ambassador's residence must never set and citizens of the USA must gather in its faded illumination if they wanted to return to their homeland. "No, America is only getting ready for its crusade for freedom." It was John Reed who said this to the ambassador and in doing so he seemed to smash the orange windows of the recess, letting the thunderous sky and the wind that was raging over Petrograd break into the house.
The two men were standing face to face. Then the doors burst open, as if the wind had in reality torn them apart, and Reed's broad back passed through the gap between the doors and disappeared. The ambassador slowly opened the blinds and looked out on to the street. Reed was gone.
The silence seemed to nail the ambassador to the window. Gone, gone__
What force is it that has carried that man away now, the ambassador thought, what force can it be to make him ignore a common origin and class, common and indissoluble traditions, even a common way of life? What force can it be?
...A maple tree was visible from the window of the hotel. I had yet to see it with green leaves. At the beginning of October it was yellow, while at the end of November, with the coming of the first frosts and snow, it assumed a coppery colour. The maple seemed to be reflected on the whitewashed walls of the room, on the ceiling and on the glazed tiles of the stove. They were warm
JOHN REED
76THE HEART
My memories of Reed in Petrograd, in his small room with a red maple outside its window, are different. Reed worked in a white shirt, the sleeves rolled above the elbows. The room was filled with posters, pinned to the curtains and the green material of the blinds and covering the floor, bed and window sill. In the quietness of this room, occasionally broken by the rattling of the typewriter, the posters seemed to carry on the battle: "To all honest citizens!", "To all workers and soldiers!", "To everyone!" The words raged, appealing to reason and calling for active commitment.
Reed's small English-Russian dictionary could not encompass this sea of anger and he turned again and again to the Russian texts. His conversation, however remote the questions upon which it touched, was punctuated with increasing frequency by the request: "Would you be so kind as to explain to me the meaning of this word?"
In fact, it was through such a request that I met Reed. I suspect that he had first seen me during an informal chat between the commandant of the Smolny and some foreign correspondents, at which I had acted as interpreter.
In the sea of people that was then the Smolny, Reed had taken sufficient note of me to aim in my direction his request: "Would you be so kind?..."
THE HEART
I was walking along one of the long Smolny corridors. People were hurrying in the opposite direction, almost colliding with me; the corridor was unlit and their faces were in shadow. A hand in a white bandage---that was a soldier, a bright blouse---probably a telegraphist, a crutch scraping in the darkness---another soldier, the gleam of a leather coat---a dispatch rider, more crutches---a soldier---And suddenly in the corridor, I heard laboured breathing; then someone sighed and a voice asked me:
"Would you be so kind, Comrade Rybakov...."
A long table stood to one side, covered with an oilcloth; upon it a samovar hissed and scattered sparks. Beside it a soldier, dead tired, was bustling about and beyond him, bending over the table, was Reed. In the darkness only the most characteristic features of his face remained visible and I could see his burning eyes, his nose, which was broad at the bridge, and his large chin. The end of the table at which Reed was sitting was covered with manuscript pages, scattered as if by the wind. He had probably chosen this place in order to take "a couple of moments" rapidly to jot down cables which had to be sent that day.
The previous day I had seen him with Lenin. It had been late in the evening and Lenin had come out briefly into the gardens surrounding the Smolny for a breath of air. Reed was beside him. They went up to an old tree, the crown of
77JOHN REED at work
t '
-U^- W~-r
John Reed's note on Lenin in the Delegates' Album of the 2nd Congress of the Comintern
78THE HEART
THE HEART
~~«No, your viewpoint is quite foreign to me," he would say in reply to some correspondent, naming him as he did so.
"Well, that is sensible.... I might also think in that way."
A* time passed he came to know the correspondents better and better, his
knowledge extending far beyond their faces. He knew which questions were
typical of one and which of another, what to expect from one and what
another would scarcely allow himself. «Tell me what sort of person is that dark-haired American? A writer?
The author of several books? Really! And how is it that I have not read
him?" perhaps that was how it had come about.
And now Reed was saying:
``Would you be so kind....''
Of course, I had to explain the meaning of the next document That evening a revolutionary army, in an encounter near Tsarskoye Selo had scattered tthis was the only word Reed pronounced in Russian) Kerensky's forces. A despatch had been received at the Smolny and the text, copied out by hand, was now in front of Reed.
79which spread widely but which was now bare of leaves, and Lenin slowly raised his eyes. In order to see the top of the tree he had to move back, carefully placing his feet as he walked over the thin layer of snow. Reed followed him. They stood looking at the tree, Lenin saying something while raising his hand, and Reed listening thoughtfully, his eyes on Lenin's face.
I did not know what they were talking about but I thought they were conversing in a way possible only to people who were already on friendly terms and could now touch upon those particular matters---the sky, a snow-covered field or, as now, a tree---without which an exchange between two people lacks life.
Perhaps this conversation was allegorical and the tree stood for something much larger?
How, incidentally, had the first meeting between these two men taken place? Some third person, acquainted with Reed, had seemingly spoken about him to Lenin.
But perhaps it had come about quite differently. Lenin talked with foreign correspondents on more than one occasion and many he already knew by sight.
TEN DAYS THAT SHOOK THE WORLD
By JOHN REED
John Reed's pass admitting him to the Smolny, signed by Felix Dzerzhinsky
A-c_Jd4
X^*
,- -/^ Dining room in Lenin's apartment in the Kremlin
f \o~v°~^ ^^
•H^X
,\
A poster of the first years of Soviet power commemorating the first anniversary of the Red Army, which was formed in 1918 to defend the achievements of the October Revolution
BON I AND IIVERIGHT
NEW YORK
I « 1 »
The title page of the first American edition of Ten Days That Shook the World. The inscription reads: "To Comrade Martens, representative of my heart's country. John Reed, April 9, 1919."
80THE HEART
THE HEART
81He poured out tea for both of us and at his request I translated the dispatch; he noted this down, occasionally sipping from his tumbler. "Yes, yes.... 'Take all measures to capture Kerensky...'." I had not finished the last sentence before he had placed a pile of posters on the table: or rather a brick, since the posters were stuck together with paste, which had transformed them into something like a slab of rock. Perhaps that was why they had made so much noise when Reed had put them on the table.
"Look, I ripped them off a hoarding on Nevsky Prospekt," he said, switching decisively to English. "I brought down the Cadets and the Right Socialist-Revolutionaries with a single blow." He was carefully peeling off the first poster. "You know how ancient icons are painted directly on the canvas." He had mastered the knack of peeling off the posters without damaging them. "To get to the actual icon the picture restorer must first wipe off three layers: an emperor's mistress, a shepherd with a horn and a green field with speckled cows. The icon is always at the very bottom."
"But this is only history, after all!" I said, trying to egg him on. "Not everyone likes to look back---and perhaps it has no point for a newspaperman. A newspaper isn't a book." -He looked concerned.
"A book?" Then, thoughtfully: "A book ... a book...."
Some time later we were sitting together in his room, with its white-tiled wall. It was after ten o'clock in the evening.
"So not everyone likes to look back?" He pushed a large, leather-bound suitcase forward and flicked the lock. The suitcase sprang open noisily and leaflets were thrown all over the floor, as if by an unseen hand. "There are my riches!" Reed smiled. "No, a newspaperman must look back."
"So this is where you have your repository of ancient icons!"
One night I walked with Reed beside the Obvodnoi Canal. He wore a short fur jacket---a ``Canadian'' jacket---his hands were in his pockets and his shoulders were a little hunched.
"The world is interested in only one thing: what has happened in Russia. This is no time for fine writing!---what is needed is a record of facts, the evidence of an annalist, noted down from hour to hour and day to day. Every detail is invaluable, if it has documentary significance. The annals of the revolution---that is what is needed."
He left me to keep an appointment with friends and I continued my walk alone. The water was quite still. From time to time a dry leaf fell on its surface and faint ripples ran across the water; then it became calm again, the leaf continuing to float.
Reed was an artist, in love with light and colour. He probably wanted to cover his canvas with colour, using a generous hand, as he had done in his book on Mexico: the gleam of the sand, the white clay, seamed and cracked, the ultramarine sky, the lush green of cactuses. But after Mexico his talent had matured and with this maturity had come, as always, a more rigorous approach. It was not for nothing that he had spoken of the evidence of an
annalist. However, this picture, too, would have its colour. And, most importantly, in Mexico Reed had been only an active witness.
The snow fell heavily and the maple under Reed's window faded and slowly lost its coppery hue. But the light in the window glowed all the more intensely; it was as if the window had stolen from the maple its brilliance and light. Reed was working at his book and his friends respected the quietly shining light in his window, visiting him less frequently than before. Perhaps it was during those very days that the pages describing the journey to Pulkovo and Lenin's speech to the Second All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies were written. How splendidly Reed sets the scene: "It was just 8.40 when a thundering wave of cheers announced the entrance of the presidium, with Lenin---great Lenin---among them." How economically Reed describes Lenin as he addressed the delegates: "...wide, generous mouth, and heavy chin; clean-shaven now, but already beginning to bristle with the well-known beard of his past and future. Dressed in shabby clothes, his trousers much too long for him. Unimpressive, to be the idol of a mob, loved and revered as perhaps few leaders in history have been. A strange popular leader---a leader purely by virtue of intellect; colourless, humourless, uncompromising and detached, without picturesque idiosyncrasies---but with the power of explaining profound ideas in simple terms, of analysing a concrete situation. And combined with shrewdness, the greatest intellectual audacity.... And before him, a thousand simple faces looking up in intent adoration."
The title of his book probably came into Reed's mind later. His first idea had been to call it "The Birth of the Storm". But subsequently the less lapidary but bolder words, "Ten Days That Shook the World", were placed at the head of the work.
Reed left for America in February, taking with him his greatest treasure: his suitcase of leaflets and posters.
As he drove through the city wet snow was falling.
At the railway station the porter could scarcely raise the suitcase from the ground. Reed smiled. "Paper and iron have the same weight," he thought.
Early on a misty March morning Reed's ship arrived in America. He stood on deck as skyscrapers, stooped, shoulder less and staggering from an intolerable burden, seemed to rise slowly out of the water; supporting the sky was clearly beyond their strength.
He disembarked in New York and was preparing to take his first step when two figures emerged from the fog. They were broad-shouldered and thick-set, like the bags of charcoal that were lying to one side. An official greeting (nothing is done in America without a greeting) and the usual movement, pulling back the lapel to reveal the badge of an agent of the secret police. They indicated the suitcase with a glance: its contents were already known to them. Rumours had once again preceded him. The two men courteously took his suitcase from his hand and walked away, without even suggesting that he follow them.
82THE HEART
Reed stood on the concrete landing stage. The wind blew and the back of his neck became cold. Clouds raced across the grey sky. Not clouds, but iron ingots---how could they stay in the sky?! The wind whipped up the water and his face grew damp. The water was salty and sharp, with a bitter taste; Reed, too, was bitter. For him, it was as if something had been taken away without which he could not live: his book, years of his life. In a moment three years had been taken from him, perhaps the most valuable of his life, and with them thoughts which, it seemed to him, once thought would never return.
It was not at all the sort of homecoming he had imagined.
At that moment, too, standing on a concrete landing.stage in New York, Reed became more keenly conscious than ever before of what the years he had spent in Russia had meant to him and what, ultimately, the book could mean to him. For, of course, this could be the story of the revolution, perhaps the first effective narrative of an event which had decisively changed the destiny of man and shown him his future. How fortunate a man must be for it to fall to him to accomplish so difficult and so noble a work! This book could be Reed's confession in face of the ages, in face of himself and, finally, in face of America. No, not that America which had just emerged from the fog of an early New York morning with its bloated banks and counting houses, but the America of the stony fields in the west, of the once fertile plains, ruined by erosion, of the roads.... It could be a confession in which a man would interpret everything he had experienced in those years and resolve how man must live tomorrow. And never mind that the loud, harsh voice of placards and posters had visibly thrust its way into this confession: perhaps today is distinguished from yesterday by the fact that heart speaks to heart as public square speaks to public square---without concealing anything. A confession.... One cannot take away from a man the words that have matured within him. For it is in the nature of man that if these words remain unsaid, his heart will stop.
No, Reed would not give up so easily what he had gained during those years by personal suffering and which had entered into his life.
He darted forward, carrying the storm with him.
Into the square room to which the suitcase had been taken there seemed to burst the sky which covered earth and water from horizon to horizon and the ocean bounding the land, together with Reed.
It is not easy to stand against such forces.
In New York Reed chose a small room with a tiled wall, like his room in Russia, but this time with five sides rather than four. The room had one window, hanging somewhere between earth and sky. The clouds came up to Reed's shoulder; but why talk of clouds, when the sun was on the level of his outstretched hand? But the rumble and screech of the city penetrated even to this room, above the sun and the clouds.
Reed extracted the papers from his suitcase.
It was, in truth, something like a miracle that he had managed to bring his suitcase so far beyond the ocean to this perch above the clouds.
THE HEART
Here the book must be born. But the path from conception to completion was not a short one. The scribes of old had not known such selfless devotion: Reed worked day and night, his typewriter rattling ceaselessly.
He finished the book towards the end of one night and could scarcely wait for morning to come to take it to his publisher. Fog had fallen on the city and the skyscrapers seemed beheaded. The pavements gleamed with the cold dampness of January and the street lights, which were still lit, found a dull reflection in the wet paving stones. Through the city a man hurried, a parcel under his arm, as if the city were in hot pursuit of him, trying to seize his bundle.
The compositor reached out towards the dim cells of the type case and put the first line of type in the composing stick. "This book is a slice of intensified history..." he read.
It was, indeed, not for nothing that Reed had hurried through the city, manuscript in hand. Horace Liveright, the New York publisher, thoughtfully knit his brows: he understood what sort of book it was that lay before him. He understood, too, that he had now thrown down the gauntlet to an implacable enemy. Who was his opponent? The city? No, not the city, but the men of power in the city. Before Horace Liveright sent the book to the compositor he had a number of copies made and deposited them in various places in New York. If the police removed one copy, another would remain.
On their first visit the police were most correct. They came into the print shop: ``We're sorry but we must confiscate this manuscript." The lock of a briefcase clicked and the manuscript was engulfed in its black leather. But the next day the print shop had another copy and the line was once again in the composing stick: "This book is a slice of intensified history." This time the police burst roughly into the printer's: "This book must not be set in print." The leather briefcase seemed bottomless. More raids followed, one after the other, from early autumn through winter to the beginning of spring.
In March, I know, the sand of the Hudson's shores is covered with the silky green and the New York skies, squeezed between the stone buildings, seem infinitely high, as if seen from the bottom of a well.
The book appeared in March; even the precise date is known---March 18.
Reed presented the first copy to Horace Liveright who, he wrote, had been almost ruined in publishing it.
In Moscow people awaited the book. How would it come---and when? Via Vladivostok? But Vladivostok was far away, especially in the spring of 1919. Perhaps through Scandinavia and then Revel and Riga? That was the route followed by letters from America to Russia. At any rate it would come through Scandinavia.
"Is Reed's book already in Moscow?"
"Apparently there is one copy, but it has been sent to the Kremlin. Lenin is reading it."
It is late in the evening and in Lenin's Kremlin apartment the table lamp glows, illuminating an open book and a dictionary, which lies beside it, also
83 84THE HEART
THE HEART
85open, face down on the desk. The heating was switched off two weeks previously and it becomes cool in the evenings, for this is only the beginning of May. Lenin sits with a light overcoat thrown over his shoulders, his familiar black coat with its velvet collar. Someone is busy in the kitchen and soft voices, the hissing of the stove and the bubbling of a boiling kettle can be heard. Lenin loves these sounds, the sounds of a ``lived-in'' home, where everything has its well-defined place. Perhaps these sounds reminded him of Simbirsk and his parents' house, in which a large family would sit down to table: father at the head, mother opposite him. But that was long ago and it required considerable effort to remember it all.
Lenin leans further over the book, and as he stretches out his hand finds that his cup is empty.
"Bring me some tea, please, Maria!" he calls out to his sister, his eyes remaining on the book. "Make it a little hotter."
At midnight, when everyone in the house was long asleep, he quietly closes the book, his finger keeping his place, and switches off the light for a moment's thought. The window seemed to move towards him and he could see everything that lay beyond its frame: the sky, spring-like, cold and high, the clouds hurrying across it. A very windy May. Was it blowing like this only on the Kremlin hill, or all over Moscow? A windy, cold night.
He switched on the lamp and bent over the book.
When he extinguishes the light two hours later to plunge into thought he notices that the room has become scarcely darker: morning has already come.
"Have you read Reed yet?" I heard this question with increasing frequency and without myself having seen the book, I felt that a few copies were circulating in Moscow.
And not only in Moscow. Reviews appeared in the Paris newspapers, then in the London and Berlin newspapers. The dam was breached---now let them try to carry off a suitcase of revolutionary leaflets, steal a manuscript, scatter type! Let them try, now that the book was sweeping across the world like a wind which knows no frontiers!
Let them try to fetter the wind.
It was the late autumn of 1919. A bright, snowy evening.
A conference had just ended in the Kremlin of Communists who were going to the Ukraine to mount a decisive battle against counter-revolution. They had been addressed by Lenin.
Their train was leaving at midnight; three hours remained before its departure, but no one was in a hurry. The snow continued to fall but the crowd in front of the Grand Kremlin Palace did not disperse.
"He was really in form tonight!"
"Yes, indeed...."
"Excuse me, but how do you explain ... how would you say this in Russian?"
The speaker stopped short: he had unexpectedly lost the thread of his thought or perhaps he really had been unable to find the appropriate Russian word.
I looked round and saw---Reed.
He was no longer wearing a fur jacket and Russian cap, but was dressed in a short overcoat and hat, without gloves.
"If you come here I'll answer all your questions."
His hand swooped up, then came down resoundingly on to mine, as he greeted me in a typically Russian manner.
"All my questions...."
We walked a long way, to the Tainitsky Garden. The snow was not deep and we could follow paths as yet untrodden that day.
"Lenin? No, I haven't spoken to him yet---I have seen him, but only from a distance. He noticed me and nodded in a very amiable manner. He really is in spirits---it's been a difficult autumn, but on the other hand....I shall see him today. At night? Of course, at ten o'clock, just as in the Smolny."
Reed loved to brush his shoulder against snow-laden branches, from which snow would fall in great flakes.
"What do you think---has he read it already?"
"Oh, beyond question."
"So his smile this evening and his nod---they weren't simply a greeting?" Reed's face clouded. "What do you think?"
LENIN and NADEZHDA KRUPSKAYA in conversation at their Kremlin apartment with Lincoln Eyre, an American correspondent. Moscow, 1920
86
THE HEART
So it is with writers, I thought. As they work there is always one person before their eyes, just one. Who, then, is this person who, invisibly, becomes an indissoluble part of them? An unwaveringly stern and demanding friend, from whose lips the truth falls? A young female acquaintance, very young, in whose open-hearted gaze you suddenly see the wisdom of the world? Your father or mother, old in experience, who has always, as far as you can remember, been your judge and adviser? Or, as now, your leader and mentor, your true, good genius? As you write his penetrating eyes look into your heart. And there is not a page---why, not a sentence, a word---which you would not measure against his quick and exacting view on life, his conscience, the indestructible truth of his being: how would he react, what would he say, would he reject what you have written impatiently and uncompromisingly or would he nevertheless accept it? That was probably how things had been in Reed's five-sided room in New York: in his mind as he wrote was the constant thought---"How will he receive it, anyway, over there in Russia?" His anxiety had not left him; perhaps it was, on the contrary, more acute now than it had been.
"Vladimir Ilyich's smile and his nod this evening---they meant something more? What do you think?"
We were walking back to the Kremlin, the snow lying white on Reed's shoulders.
He looked at his watch.
"It will soon be ten---my appointment."
He could not conceal his agitation; a meeting with Lenin had never before aroused so much anxiety in him. Indeed, no such meeting had ever been preceded by as much as had today's. I also understood this and perhaps that was why Reed's excitement communicated itself to me.
I met him again after midnight.
During the hour and a half that had passed snow had fallen heavily and the ground was dazzlingly white. Between the buildings of the Kremlin it was as bright as day. Reed stood beside me, silent and solemn.
"Well?"
``O.K.''
He stopped and unbuttoned his overcoat. A piece of paper rustled in his hands, half covered in writing: I recognised Lenin's impetuous hand. I wanted to hold it up to the light, then looked at the sky: such a bright night, yet nevertheless the letters swam indistinguishably together. No, I could not read it.
"Everything's all right, then?" I asked.
"He has given me wings," Reed said. "Wings!"
It was only later, much later, that I understood what had happened: on this night, over which the shadowy light of the winter sky hung, I had held in my hands the piece of paper upon which Lenin had written the words that now too open Reed's book: "Here is a book which I should like to see published in millions of copies and translated into all languages__"
Lenin had truly given Reed wings.
THE HEART
87How many times have I called to mind Reed's life, remembering everything I know about him and, of course, remembering the history of his book? The work was a feat arising from his whole consciousness, indeed, from his heart, for they are inseparable. My memory goes back to a gloomy dawn in Petrograd, the wet flagstones of Palace Square, an armoured car standing in front of the arch and a man with a grenade in his hand---a brave man, come to battle in single combat with the old world. He had a mind, a bright mind, and a heart in which nothing could inspire fear.
LENIN in the KremHn grounds during his convalescence after being wounded. Moscow, October 1918
««a«Mi«: aiier
The Letter
^ ,> <*& ^*""1L, *%b
ights flashed on and off in the long row of windows of the Maly Palace.
T The commandant of the Kremlin was evidently making his evening
•"•' inspection of the palace. In Lenin's study lights were burning. There
was no better time for work than a Sunday evening: the Maly Palace was
deserted and even the loud ringing of the telephones fell silent.
But Lenin's windows were filled not with the green half-light of a table lamp but with the white gleam of chandeliers: evidently, he was not alone. Perhaps one of those men and women with whom he had long loved to discuss some random topic was sitting with him---for one has time for such discussions on a Sunday evening. Who could say what topic might be absorbing them for the conversation would flow like a great river winding over a plain: Hegel, Marx's Rheinische Zeitung, Korolenko's campaign in defence of national minorities in Russia, allies' August offensive....
I climbed to the third floor. The building was, in fact, quiet and unusually dark; doors were open everywhere and Lenin's voice was clearly audible.
"Yes, yes. De Lubersac actually said to me: 'I am a monarchist and my sole aim is the defeat of Germany,'" Lenin observed warmly. "'If it is a question of the defeat of Germany, then even a monarchist can be our ally,' I said, and---just imagine---shook his hand. How about that?"
I could hear Lenin's companion laugh in a deep, full-throated baritone.
90THE LETTER
91THE LETTER
``Yes, and by more than one.''
``One of the three will certainly reach its destination," Lenin said, allowing his guests to precede him. "Vatslav Vatslavovich, when are you planning to leave us?" The three men were already in the corridor. (Vorovsky was to visit Germany before returning to Sweden.)
``On Friday, so that I shall be in Munich on Monday," Vorovsky replied. "I have an appointment there with some businessmen.''
``I recognise the old stager," Lenin said. "No matter that today you are in Moscow, with hundreds of miles in front of you: you must be at the other end of the world at a precise moment.''
Vorovsky coughed in some confusion and, I thought, quickened his step.
The conversation of which I had been the involuntary witness seemed to me curious. It had evidently concerned the dispatch of three messengers to America with a letter that Lenin and his two companions considered important, but, no matter how much thought I gave the matter, I could not get to the bottom of the mystery of this letter. Lenin's remark concerning de Lubersac and the right of the Americans to split the united front of their oppressors added nothing to what I then knew.
My curiosity increased considerably when, a week later, at the same late hour, I again saw Lenin, this time with Borodin, slowly pacing up and down in front of the Maly Palace (after four or five hours of intense work Lenin sometimes came outside for a stroll, occasionally with the person with whom he had been talking). Vorovsky was already in Germany, his meeting with the Munich businessmen behind him.
``Just the man we need!" Lenin called out cheerfully. "We are going to set you a problem concerning the history of America: how do you explain the fact that in the 1870s America, or at least its economy, went into reverse?''
I was thrown into something of a panic.
``But that was the result of a partial and, of course, temporary recession?" I said timidly.
``Why, nevertheless, did it take place, this recession, as you put it?" Lenin insisted.
``I am sorry, Vladimir Ilyich, if my reply sounds a little school-boyish, but the despotism of the slave-owners was, in its own way, productive, and so before the new relationships could be consolidated....''
`` ...time had to pass?''
``Precisely, Vladimir Ilyich," I replied.
``Well, then, Comrade Borodin," Lenin said, glancing at his companion, "now that we have this information, which is quite correct, if a little school-boyish, we can seal up our letter and address it---don't you agree?''
I must confess that I looked enviously at Borodin, as one privy to the secrets of the letter. I did not know then that within three days the contents of this famous letter would be revealed to me, and not without the help of Borodin.
``You believe, Vladimir Ilyich, that this, too, has a bearing on American history?" he asked, moving back his chair.
``No, not this particular incident, but it is comparable," Lenin replied quickly, as he always did when the argument he was advancing was clearly worked out in his mind. As he expounded his reasons, he seemed to feel their logical strength afresh, each ground reinforcing the others. "When the Americans were fighting their war of liberation against the English, their oppressors, the Americans were also faced by other oppressors---the Spanish and the French. Do you remember what the Americans did? They split the united front of the enemy and formed a union with the French and the Spanish---a union with the oppressors. A temporary union---first they beat the English, then, partly by buying them off, the French and the Spanish.''
I could hear Lenin's companion pacing about the room with a light and unhurried step.
``You need the example of de Lubersac and of American history to explain the Brest Peace Treaty to the Americans?" he asked, stopping, his voice perceptibly softer: he was evidently now standing at the far end of the room, perhaps by the tiled wall.
``Yes, to explain the Brest Peace Treaty to the Americans," Lenin replied. "The revolution has the right to form a union with some despots against other despots, if this serves the cause of the revolution." Lenin listened for a moment in silence. "Is that you, Comrade Rybakov? Good evening! I have left the texts on the table---we are just going. Yes," he added, turning to his companion, "if this serves the interests of the revolution, then certainly, Vatslav Vatslavovich.''
I stopped involuntarily: this, then, was Vorovsky, our ambassador in Stockholm? He had arrived in Moscow at the beginning of June and his turbulent nature had led him into the thick of the events that were absorbing Moscow in the summer of 1918: he had fought against the SocialistRevolutionaries at the congress of Soviets and compiled an extensive file of documents for the forthcoming negotiations with the Germans, on the troubled night of July 6 he had prepared the Communists for street battles (the Socialist-Revolutionaries had decided to take Moscow by storm) and more than once---mostly late at night, I thought---he had had long conversations with Lenin. This was not simply a result of the long and genuine friendship between them: just as important was Vorovsky's intellectual capacity, the acuteness of his political vision and his ability to feel the pulse of the age and see clearly into the future. Vorovsky, I thought, was abreast of Lenin's great diplomatic plans. The main lines of the dialogue I had just heard were quite clear: how could our policy on so complex a question as the Brest Peace Treaty with the Germans be explained to the Americans?
I had thought that Lenin's only companion was Vorovsky and was not a little surprised when the latter, dressed in a dark, faultlessly tailored suit and carrying a valise fastened with straps, which gave him the appearance of a man long a professional diplomat, emerged with a third man.
``You consider, Comrade Borodin," said Lenin, turning to him, "that the letter must be sent from Stockholm by special messenger?''
92THE LETTER
THE LETTER
Diplomatic bags went at night (perhaps on the same train that Borodin intended to take?) and, as always before their dispatch, the typewriters of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs clattered with unusual loudness.
I found the door to the office half-open: Borodin was waiting for me.
"I shall not keep you for more than a minute," he said, tearing himself away from the papers he had been reading, pen in hand. "As you know, Lenin has a long-held plan, which he has been methodically putting into effect since the earliest days of the Revolution---the plan of making capitalist America, with its technological might and the energy and enterprise of its people, an ally of Soviet Russia! The prospects of such a union would be highly tempting to us! Lenin has been implementing this plan energetically, zealously and, above all, consistently, as only he can, and has achieved a considerable measure of success: until now America had understood us better than that old woman, Europe."
As I listened, it passed through my mind that Borodin was thinking like a strategist, with the penetration and all-embracing breadth necessary to a revolutionary: a feature was too characteristic to pass unnoticed, although I did not know him well at that time. Had I been able to look into the future of this man, the outstanding prominence this feature assumed in his work would have surprised me.
Borodin glanced at a bulky package lying in front of him.
"However, the events of the past three months in Europe have had a hypnotic effect even on America."
"The detour manoeuvre in Belgium and the breach of the Siegfried Line?" I asked.
"Yes, perhaps Belgium and the Siegfried Line, too," said Borodin and impatiently moved the package nearer to himself. "Although it is hard to credit, patriotic fervour has enveloped America as well, and even those who, until now, have understood us, have lost a certain flexibility of mind. The necessity of turning to America---perhaps even to the American working class---and explaining everything in the last detail has arisen. Lenin has written this letter"---Borodin opened the flap of the envelope and quickly extracted a wad of typed pages, neatly pinned together---"and I shall take it tonight to Stockholm and attempt---"
" ...to dispatch it to America?" I asked cautiously.
"Yes, at whatever cost," Borodin agreed. "It is the more necessary in that a danger exists of the text of the letter being distorted: that is all too likely."
"How? After all, you have all the copies of the letter."
"That is the point: we do not have every copy. The day after tomorrow the letter will be printed in Pravda and will become the property of the correspondents, each of whom will translate it as he sees fit."
"Then perhaps it would be sensible for us to translate the letter and provide the correspondents with an English translation together with the Russian text?"
"That was precisely what I wanted to ask you about---and in this, incidentally, I am not alone."
93Old employees of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs will recall a working office there for Soviet diplomats between postings. In this office they could read the newspapers and their correspondence and meet their ministry colleagues; frequently they received visitors and wrote reports there. The office had terracotta-coloured wallpaper and was consequently known amone diplomats as the ``terracotta'' room
"Comrade Rybakov, could you see me at about eleven o'clock?"
as my evenln8s
"At eleven o'clock?" "YlS; at.eleve"'" he rePeated with unusual brusqueness, then added in, I a
' m°re C°nfidential tone: •* am Ie-'"g ^ Stockholm on
coih, w^^18^^ theje``er'" J thou8ht' before dismissing the idea: Borodin could have told me about the letter earlier- there had been more than enough
I promised Borodin I would see him at eleven o'clock and at the appointed time I went to the terracotta room.
*pp"'mea
MIKHAIL BORODIN
VATSLAV VOROVSKY
94
THE LETTER
``Chicherin also?...''
``No, not only Chicherin---Lenin.''
Borodin rose and stole a glance at the large clock in the corner: the hour of departure was drawing close and he lacked the sought-for thirty minutes.
``Yes, Vladimir Ilyich would like the translation to be carried out with the most painstaking care and finished by tomorrow---the Russian original and the English translation must be given to the correspondents on the night of the 22nd. A copy of the letter should be ready for you in half an hour.''
``And what will happen in America? It is not so simple now to get a letter of Lenin's in print there: Debs is in prison, Hay wood has been declared a Red, Reed....''
``Reed, perhaps," said Borodin. We parted.
The letter lay before me.
``In some respect, if we only take into consideration the `destruction' of some branches of industry and of the national economy, America in 1870 was behind 1860. But what a pedant, what an idiot would anyone be to deny on these grounds the immense, world-historic, progressive and revolutionary significance of the American Civil War of 1863-65!''
So, when I had unexpectedly met Lenin and Borodin on that late Sunday evening in the little courtyard before the Maly Palace and Lenin had mischievously decided to test how well Soviet diplomats were acquainted with American history, the last ``i'' in the letter had remained to be dotted, the last ``t'' to be crossed.
I left the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs after midnight. The diplomatic post had gone half an hour previously---on the same train to Stockholm as Borodin, of course---and the lights of the great building were extinguished. Only three windows on the fourth floor still showed an unsleeping light: Chicherin's work-filled day was continuing. Tomorrow, at approximately the same time, he would summon the correspondents and give them the letter.
My thoughts had already carried me to the following day: I loved this ceremony, at once solemn, cheerful and nerve-racking. In the evening Chicherin's secretaries would ring the correspondents: "Mr. Archibald King ... yes, the text of Lenin's letter to America." In Chicherin's reception room the white glare of the central light, the sickly sweet smell of foreign tobacco, the noise of the correspondents' nailed boots, clumsy and hardly in accord with the fine wood panelling of the room and the brilliant illumination of its chandelier, Chicherin's voice: "Gentlemen, I have been instructed to inform
you that a letter will be published in Moscow's morning papers tomorrow__"
The lights would shine for a long time in the broad windows of Chicherin's office and the telephones would continue to ring: "Comrade Chicherin, are we to issue this letter without commentaries? All commentaries will appear tomorrow---" The roar of printing machines seemed to be forcing itself into these words as a pile of the first copies of the newspapers grew: "A letter to the American workers---A letter to the American workers__"
THE LETTER
It was night and I was walking across Moscow, the first impressions of Lenin's letter coming back to me again and again. Lenin's clear vision, his profound conviction, his anger at the despotism of capital.... How would the correspondents react to this letter? Would they seize upon it and send it around the world or would they compress their lips and consign it to oblivion? Sometimes, in the desire to be one jump ahead of their fellow-correspondents (the law of capitalist competition was not dead), they would even sacrifice the interests of their own corporation, sometimes---If one stood at the great window of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, looking out on to the square in front of the building, one could see the honoured representatives of the news agencies sprinting to the telegraph office. This was always preceded by the thunder of feet on the stairs. The stairs---not the lift! An avalanche was a bagatelle by comparison with the thunder that shook the Metropole Hotel when a band of strong-legged young people descended from the fourth floor. Standing at the window looking over the square one could watch the news agencies battling with one another: it turned out that in order to beat UPI (United Press International, founded 1907), one needed strong legs, a car with the speed of a racing machine, a well-tuned motor and a spare tank of fuel. A correspondent also needed a heart no less reliable than the machine awaiting him at the entrance. The foreign journalists would dash out on to the square to their cars, the engines of which were already running. The accelerators would be pressed down, a cloud of exhaust fumes would form over the radiator and the machines would buck forward before hurtling off. What had the significance of the facts they gathered to do with the correspondents? After all, ultimately the agencies would work it out. The main thing was not to let AP (Associated Press, founded 1848) overtake you on the bend. But news emanating from Moscow, even sensational news, did not always find a response abroad. The laws of political seismography are unfathomable: it was as if, half-way between Europe and America, a wall had been erected, blotting out communications between the two sides.
Would the same thing happen this time? But Borodin had taken the package containing Lenin's letter to Stockholm.
Days passed; soon a week would have elapsed since Borodin had left Moscow. Where was he now? Telegrams must, of course, be accumulating somewhere: Borodin had passed through Petrograd, he had arrived at Revel, his ship had cast anchor in Stockholm harbour.... Would he personally take the letter further, or would some other person, still unknown, receive the letter from him: some brave man, ready to carry out his revolutionary duty?
Lenin's searching gaze followed Borodin at every step, through Petrograd, Revel, Stockholm.
Since those February days in 1918 when news had been received at the Smolny of the German offensive, it seemed there had been no harder time in the life of the Republic of the Soviets. The lights of the Smolny may have shifted to the Kremlin: Lenin went without sleep. The map on the wall to the right of his desk was scored by his pencil---the red snake of the pencil line extended along the Volga, cut across Siberia, ran as far as the Oka River, taking in its banks, and unexpectedly swelled into a drop of blood in the very centre of Russia, near Tambov, where for three days a kulak uprising had
95 96THE LETTER
been raging. Lenin left his office after midnight and upon returning would find, beside a pile of morning newspapers, a neat stack of yellow appointment cards. His weekly schedule was well-filled: a speech to the First All-Russia Congress on Education, another speech in the Polytechnical Museum, yet another at the Alexeyev People's House, more speeches at the grain exchange and at the Michelson factory---The letter had long been written and sent off, but what he had said in it would not let him rest. Perhaps this was why the subject of America recurred ever more frequently in his speeches.
"Take America, the freest and most civilised country. There you have a democratic republic. But what do we find?... Where is your much-vaunted equality and fraternity if the mills, factories, banks, and all the country's wealth belong to the capitalists, and side by side with the democratic republic you have feudal servitude for millions of workers and unrelieved destitution?"
These remarks come from a speech at the Michelson factory.
The day was overcast, far from the sort of day one expects in August, and under the lofty roof of the munitions shop where the meeting was taking place, a violet gloom persisted. Lenin finished his speech and walked towards the exit, workers swarming after him.
As he walked Lenin was surrounded by a ring of people, strong and unbreakable. The ring made slow progress across the stone floor of the shop and through the wide-open doors and across the dusty grass of the factory courtyard. Someone called out: "Comrades, let Comrade Lenin get to his car!" The crowd encircling Lenin slowly parted and everyone saw him walk forward quickly to his car, alone, his hand still raised in greeting. A shot rang out, then another and another. Someone shouted and ran forward. Lenin, supporting himself on his elbows, tried to raise himself from the ground.
...He lay in his Kremlin apartment, before him only a small table covered with a linen cloth, upon which stood a glass of water, a thermometer, a phial of valerian and a small hillock of cotton wool, and a narrow window, through which he could see the sky, cloudy and already darkening as evening drew in. It was quiet and somehow lonely in the room. The quietness that had settled there seemed to have spread far out into the night, beyond the thick walls of the palace and the impenetrable ramparts and massive stones of the Kremlin. It never have occurred to him that next to his room was one full of people and that the city and indeed the entire country, confused and grief-stricken, had remained wakeful. Could the walls of the room in which he lay withstand this storm of human perturbation which was swirling across the nation?
When he closed his eyes all the turbulent events of the time, which had filled his mind, came to his bedside: the troubled smoke billowing over burning villages near Penza and Ruzayevka, the roar of voices at the meeting in the Polytechnical Museum, the blazing ridges along the Volga and the letter to America.
Where was the letter? Was it still en route to Stockholm, had it already reached Goteborg or indeed Bergen, or was Scandinavia behind it and the letter somewhere between Europe and America? Where was it? His arm, held
THE LETTER
97by a splint, seemed to have grown numb; he attempted to sit up and felt a sharp pain in his shoulder. He squinted down and saw that his shirt was soaked in blood. "Nadya," he called (his voice, too, had lost its strength) "move my pillow." Where was the letter now: in Sweden or on its way over the sea to America?
He could only ask, not knowing that after four days Borodin had arrived in Stockholm and given the letter to Vorovsky. He did not know that at that very hour a man was returning to Russia on the turbulent autumn seas (wild north winds were blowing on the Atlantic and clouds of light snow were chased over the Norwegian fiords), who was destined to play no small role in the fate of the letter. Nor did he know that this man had lived abroad for eleven hard years, years such as all who are persecuted in the wide world live, working as a ship's carpenter, sailor, road-maker and stevedore. This man had a surname, but his first name, which was Russian, was better known: Pyotr. At that hour of trouble Lenin still did not know the path this man had followed to arrive at a house which bore a sign depicting a hammer and sickle, there to meet with the ambassador. Their conversation was long and, the man thought, strange. The questions the ambassador put to Pyotr appeared at first glance without relevance: how he had lived in America, upon which oceans he had sailed and how he had gained his bread. Lenin did not know and could not know that this
PYOTR TRAVIN
Part of Lenin's Letter to American Workers
98THE LETTER
THE LETTER
He raised his hand, as if asking forgiveness for his good mood by this characteristic gesture, and went into the Maly Palace.
It sometimes seemed that Lenin had created his own conception of me and could not part with it. He wanted to see me as old Rybakov, a good fellow, a little slow, perhaps, but obliging, a man to whom "the soft answer that turneth away wrath" always came most easily. In general he believed that it suited me to be employed rather as an interpreter and translator than as a diplomat, in which position I should have to have an opinion of my own. It was as if he said: ``Don't be such a ... a ... well, for heaven's sake! It's enough to make God weep!" He was a little taken aback when, after a meeting with Vanderlip, I responded to the American's request that I arrange another meeting with Lenin in the two days that remained before his departure by telling him that such a request would exceed the norms accepted in Moscow and Washington. Subsequently Lenin often recalled this incident: "Yes, indeed, there was that occasion when you overcame yourself ... with Vanderlip ... but as the proverb says, 'even a rabbit can set a barn alight'." To me it seemed that Lenin retained two Rybakovs in his mind: "old Rybakov", the object of his good-natured jokes, and Comrade Rybakov, a young diplomat as yet but little versed in the lore of his profession but eager to gain an honest understanding of it. "Comrade Rybakov," he approached me, in his eyes that severity that came on him when he reflected on great and difficult matters. "Do you not think that we should set up our own representation on the Pacific coast of the United States, on the same public principles as in New York?" This was a keenly observant man with an unfailing understanding of people, whom nothing escaped.
"They say that some Russian took it..." he said, while, no doubt, thinking: "And who is he, then, this Russian, who took the letter so quickly to America over so great a distance, over an ocean, through German mines and icy storms? Who is he, this Russian?" Lenin may even have sought to imagine the man to whom the letter had linked him. A raznochinets, perhaps, travelling the world in search of truth, indifferent to fame and fortune, or the feeble spring of a once noble line, cut off from his fathers in the name of the revolution or, finally, a working man, loyal and infinitely brave, a footsoldier of the party, one of those who first rallied to it? Who was he, this Russian?
A year passed. The autumn of the following year, 1919, was warm and the leaves remained green on trees and bushes until late October. Then frosts came, once, then again and the foliage seemed to burn as brilliant yellow, orange and deep claret colours appeared in parks and gardens. The first snows covered the fire---one expected them to steam and smoke!
In November, in Moscow blanketed with snow, I met John Reed standing by the bookstalls that huddle under the massive walls of Kitai-gorod. He had been back in Moscow some three weeks and was giving serious thought to the new book he planned on the subject of Russia. He was gathering material for it and his expedition to the walls of Kitai-gorod had been made for this purpose.
99conversation had ended in an unexpected way for Pyotr: Vorovsky had proposed to him that he return to America with Lenin's letter. So it is in life that a man, having reached his native shore and scarcely set foot upon it, will turn back to foreign lands. And it would have been difficult for Lenin to picture that return journey, long and far, far harder than the path from America to his motherland had been; difficult for Lenin to picture how the man had hidden from the Danish police, how he had concealed Lenin's letter in an asbestos case which had been placed in a stove pipe, how he had signed on as a sailor on an American ship and, at last, attained the distant shore of America, how, on a dark night, he had wrapped a rope around himself and jumped to the shore, scurrying through the canyons of New York to find refuge and how two days later he had brought the letter to John Reed---On that cruel August night in 1918, as Lenin lay in his apartment, his shoulder shot through three times, he did not know these facts and could not know the progress of his letter to America, but he knew and had faith in the fact that he and his cause had thousands upon thousands of friends and helpers, who would bring the letter to America and make it known to all people. Lenin did not know that the letter had reached John Reed---but what good fortune that it had fallen into his hands: his ardent devotion would accomplish everything.
Lenin recovered. A bulletin, evidently the last, appeared in the newspapers. It was shown to him before publication and Lenin grasping a pencil not without difficulty in his still weak and uncertain fingers, added: "...it is my most fervent personal request that the doctors should not be disturbed by telephone-calls and questions."
Someone told me that Lenin had attended a concert by the Pyatnitsky Russian Choir and had subsequently chatted with Pyatnitsky (at home). This simple piece of news made everything clear: Lenin's health was rapidly mending and he was in good spirits, looking joyfully to the future. And then Lenin came out into one of the Kremlin courtyards. He was without an overcoat, but wore a cap; his tie was not a plain, everyday one but a spotted tie. The broad strip of black cloth that had supported his left arm from elbow to wrist was gone and this, too, seemed a good sign. Lenin walked slowly, his hand thrust into his pocket, slightly hunching his damaged shoulder. It had rained the day before but later the sun had shone with an un-October-like brilliance, drying the stonework and the ground. Only the gutters were still wet. Lenin occasionally looked at the sun, wrinkling up his eyes, and raising his unhurt arm a little seemed to be trying to push away the great glowing ball with it. He met me at the entrance to the Maly Palace, keeping his hand above his head for longer than usual.
"My dear Rybakov, our letter has reached America all the same and been distributed in thousands of copies! They say some Russian took it and gave it into the hands of Comrade John Reed." Of course---Lenin had a soft spot for Reed. "In thousands of copies!" he repeated and laughed. "And you said...."
"But I didn't say anything, Vladimir Hyich." "No, no, you said something ... something just like you."