76

p The international working class consists of three large contingents, each of which is at a different stage along the path, towards the ultimate objective and is accomplishing some part of the common internationalist task. The working class of the socialist countries, whose class interests have assumed the form of national-state interests, is engaged in the huilding of socialist and communist society. The working class of the capitalist countries is struggling to overthrow the domination of capitalism and to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. The young working class of the developing countries is striving to eradicate the vestiges of colonial dependence, to choose the path of social progress and to follow a non-capitalist course of development. In turn, each of these contingents subdivides into numerous national sections which differ in their level of socio-economic development and whose life and struggle are set in extremely varied conditions.

p The unity of all the main revolutionary forces today and the solidarity and successful development of the countries of the world socialist system depend largely on a correct understanding of the national and internationalist interests oi the working class and the dialectics of their correlation, and on the ability to combine them. The Report of the CC CPSU to the 24th Party Congress states: "Successes in socialist construction largely depend on the correct combination of the general and the nationally specific in social development. . .. Nor is it possible without a consideration of both these factors correctly to develop relations between the socialist states."  [76•1 

p This question also lies at the centre of the current ideological struggle. In their attempts to undermine the unity 77 of today’s basic revolutionary forces and to divide the socialist world, the imperialists and their ideologists kindle nationalism and chauvinism and try to sow distrust between individual socialist countries and Communist Parties. They are given a helping hand in this task by the Right-wing and “Left” revisionists, who crudely distort the essence of national and internationalist interests and oppose the interests of some socialist countries and national contingents of the working class to others, and oppose national interests to internationalist ones.

p If the dialectics of national and internationalist interests is to be understood, then these categories must be correctly defined. A well-known difficulty here is the fact that the sociological category “interest” has received little theoretical attention. Some writers still confuse the sociological concept of interest as the objective relationship of a society, nation, class or individual person to the conditions of its or his existence with the psychological concept of interest as a particular trend in an individual’s consciousness.

p This gives rise to differences in the understanding of national interests.

p G. M. Gak indicated the correct methodological principle for determining the interests of a nation. He wrote: "In order to determine the interest of a community, one must examine that community’s nature and the conditions of its existence.” Gak defined the national interest as "territorial independence and the integrity of the nation, its freedom from harassment and oppression by another nation and the freedom to develop its own economy, language and culture."  [77•1 

p Although national independence and freedom from oppression by another nation are the first necessary condition for the development of a nation, this by no means exhausts the content of national interests. The next most important conditions for the successful development of a nation are the existence of progressive intranation social relations and the possibility of the nation’s using external sources of development borrowed from other nations. No country or nation can develop in isolation, without broad economic and 78 cultural co-operation and without scientific and technical exchange in a wide range of different spheres.

p Attempts have been made to determine national interests from the standpoint of their correlation with internationalist interests. In the terms of this approach, each country’s special and specific interests are said to be national, and its general interests are then internationalist. But it is inaccurate to confine national interests to specific ones and to exclude from them the interests that they have in common with other nations.

p National interests express the objective requirements of the progressive development of the nation as a historical community of people. They constitute the objective relationship to the socio-economic and political conditions of life and to that nation’s position in the system of international relations and the international division of labour that prompt the nation to do its best to bring about conditions favourable to its existence and to struggle against the factors that hinder its development.

p National interests are not invariable and decreed for all time. They develop and alter in accordance with changes in the nation’s internal and external conditions of life. Moreover, a distinction must be made between the process whereby the national interests take shape and their reflection in the consciousness of the classes and social groups forming the nation. These processes do not occur simultaneously: the first precedes the second. Correctly understood national interests prompt the nation’s progressive forces into action; in a socialist society this is true of the whole nation.

p Only the progressive classes in a society can perceive the national interest, determine the real national objectives and, even more so, ensure that they are attained. During the period of nascent capitalism the national interests were expressed by the young revolutionary bourgeoisie. Subsequently the class interests of the bourgeoisie, which strives to retain the outmoded bourgeois social relations, enter into irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the progressive development of the nation. The real national interests come to be expressed by the proletariat. This happens not only because "the proletariat expresses economically and politically the real interests of the overwhelming majority of the working 79 people under capitalism”,  [79•1  but also because the interests of the proletariat coincide with the fundamental interests of the nation’s progress. In the present period "the working class most consistently expresses the interests of the entire nation, rallying round itself the masses of the working people, all the anti-monopoly forces".  [79•2 

p Marxism-Leninism requires that national interests should be seen in indissoluble connection with class interests, since the national interest can be realised through the interests of the classes which are the spurs to social progress at a particular historical stage. Therefore, national interests basically coincide, by their very nature, with the interests of that class whose struggle and actions determine historical progress at a given time. But it would be wrong to carry the argument a stage further and dissolve national interests in class interests. The formation of national interests is substantially affected by the conditions of life and language, demographic, territorial and historical factors, as well as class factors.

p With the victory of a socialist revolution and fundamental changes in the social structure of society, the basic class interests and aims of the proletariat gradually become the interests and aims of all of the nation’s social groups. Historical experience shows that the process whereby the common national interests of the socialist nations take shape occupies quite a lengthy period.

p Once a socialist society is constructed, fundamental changes occur in national interests. A whole series of national interests are realised: conditions are set up for the nation’s all-round development, and an ideological and political unity of nations takes shape; nations that were previously oppressed gain genuine freedom, independence and sovereignty. National interests arise that are engendered by socialist production and national relations. New national interests appear with the emergence of a world socialist system and socialist international relations. The defence of many national interests and the struggle for their realisation 80 become a matter for the collective efforts of the socialist countries.

p National interests can be subdivided into main and subsidiary ones depending on their role and significance in the life of the nation, and into present and future interests, and temporary and long-term interests according to their position in time and the duration of their action. Interests can also be differentiated, according to their orientation, into internal and external.

p If the dialectic of national and internationalist interests is to be properly understood, it is very important to know the nature of the common and specific interests and their correlation. By common interests we mean those that are equally characteristic of all nations as historical communities of people. They include the formation of national statehood, sovereignty and comprehensive economic and socio-political development. In a number of cases the term "common interest" is used to designate an interest that is the opposite of one that is concrete and differentiated. Usually common interests are taken to be coinciding interests uniting nations and peoples.

p G. M. Gak correctly points out that "in certain circumstances it is precisely the fact that different people have identical interests that prevents their interests from being common; moreover, it becomes a source of antagonism between them. We can see this in any competitive struggle, where rivalry springs up precisely because the different interests are identical and are orientated towards the same end and at the same time".  [80•1 

p Thus, similarity of interests turns out to be insufficient for them to perform a uniting function. Interests play a uniting role if they directly express the need for closer association with other nations. Lenin called common interests of this sort “binding”.  [80•2 

p These binding, integrational interests can unite all or just some nations for a greater or lesser period of time. They can be divided into global and local, stable and unstable. Moreover, they may be global and stable to differing degrees. 81 Local binding interests would arise among peoples and nations in the remote past, whereas the emergence of global and stable integrational interests is a feature of modern times.

p The economic and historical preconditions for the formation of binding interests are the development of productive forces requiring a comprehensive international division of labour, and the emergence, owing to the course of social development, of socio-economic and scientific and technical ’tasks that can only be accomplished through the joint efforts of all or many nations and peoples. Humanity is faced by such tasks during the current historical period. They include the maintenance of socialism on a world scale, the banning of wars, the preservation of the environment, the development of transcontinental and the creation of world systems of transport and communications, the prevention and elimination of dangerous and widespread diseases such as cancer and cardio-vascular disorders, the exploration of space and the oceans and seas, control over the earth’s climatic conditions, and the transformation of the vast deserts and swamps into flourishing regions. These common fundamental interests and tasks of the whole of mankind are expressed in the Peace Programme adopted by the 24th CPSU Congress and approved by all peoples throughout the world.

p The social precondition for the formation of integrational interests is the community of interests of the proletariat in all countries that is engendered by a common economic situation, a common enemy and common internationalist conditions for emancipating the working class.

p The position of the proletariat in the different capitalist countries is basically similar in that the proletariat is everywhere subjected to merciless exploitation by the capitalists. A proletariat struggling for its emancipation is opposed not only by its “own” bourgeoisie, but also by the bourgeoisie of other nations, brought together by common class interests in the struggle against socialist revolution.

p The community of the monopoly bourgeoisie’s class objectives increased particularly once socialism had developed into a world system whose successful development threatened the very existence of capitalism. "Under conditions 82 where the struggle between the two world systems is becoming sharper, the capitalist powers seek, despite the growing contradictions dividing them, to unite their efforts to uphold and strengthen the system of exploitation and oppression and regain the positions they have lost."  [82•1 

p This was reflected in the setting up of NATO, SEATO and other military blocs, which are essentially imperialist alliances to combat the world socialist system and the working-class and national liberation movement. In these circumstances the victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie can be achieved only through close co-operation and mutual support among all its national contingents. Lenin wrote: "The interests of the working class and of its struggle against capitalism demand complete solidarity and the closest unity of the workers of all nations."  [82•2 

p The general interests of the proletariat give rise to an objective that is common to all its national contingents— communism, which, as Marx and Engels pointed out, "is only possible anyway as a ’world-historical’ existence"  [82•3 . This means that socialism and communism will only be able to reveal their potential fully after victory on a world scale, when society will be relieved of the necessity of spending enormous sums for defence purposes and man will be given the opportunity to make the most rational use, in his own interests, of the world’s natural and labour resources. The building of socialism and communism is a complicated and difficult matter, whose success depends considerably on the closest co-operation and fraternal help between nations and peoples, and on the "harmonious national and international co-ordination of the social forms of produc- tion".  [82•4 

p Community of tasks in the struggle against imperialism is the objective basis for the unity of the world system of socialism and the international working-class and national liberation movement. Having gained national independence, the oppressed peoples struggle for social emancipation 83 and unite more closely with today’s other basic revolutionary forces. This is because "the struggle for national liberation in many countries lias in practical terms begun to grow into a struggle against exploitative relations, both feudal and capitalist".  [83•1 

p Marx linked the emergence of common interests uniting nations and peoples with socialist revolution and the abolition of private ownership of the means of production. He said: "If the peoples are to be really able to unite, they must have common interests. If their interests are to be common, then the existing property relations must be destroyed, for the existing property relations are responsible for the exploitation of some peoples by others; only the working class has an interest in destroying the existing property relations. This class alone is capable of doing it. The victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie also means an end to all the national and industrial conflicts that sow enmity among the peoples at the present time."  [83•2 

p The abolition of private ownership of the means of production and the establishment of socialist ownership create the objective basis for the formation of common binding interests. These interests are perceived during the peoples’ struggle to preserve their revolutionary gains and in the course of co-operation and mutual assistance in creating the material and technical basis of socialism and communism, and through the pooling of efforts in the development of technology, science and culture.

p The formation of binding interests is a complicated and lengthy process. Among socialist nations common interests first arise in the political sphere. Immediately after the victory of socialist revolutions the common interest of the international proletariat, consisting of mutual support in the struggle against imperialism, becomes the common interest of the peoples of the socialist countries. Subsequently economics becomes the principal sphere for the formation of the socialist countries’ common interests. This does nothing to diminish the importance of the common interest of defending socialist gains, since the imperialists will not desist in their 84 attempts to destroy socialism by any means—from “quiet” counter-revolution to attempts at direct military intervention against individual socialist countries.

p At the current stage of development of the world socialist system many common and binding interests have basically taken shape among the socialist countries. These interests consist of defence of the gains of socialism both in each country and in the world socialist system as a whole; the successful construction of socialism and communism; unbroken economic, socio-political and cultural progress; the strengthening of friendship and unity; and the broadening and deepening of all-round, economic, political and cultural co-operation. The binding interests include the coordination of action in the struggle to strengthen world peace and security, the organisation of firm resistance to the aggressive policies of imperialism and assertion of the principles of the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems, support of the national liberation movement and the struggle of the proletariat in capitalist countries; the creative development of Marxist-Leninist teaching on the basis of generalisation of the collective experience of the revolutionary struggle and of socialist and communist construction.

p The conditions of life, development and struggle and the economic and socio-political position of the working class in different countries are highly specific. The different national contingents of the working class are at various stages of social development. All these circumstances give rise to the particular, specific interests that the working class in each country has.

p Similarly, among the countries and nations forming part of the world socialist system the existence of specific interests arises from the particular conditions of their life and historical development and from the fact that these countries are at different stages of socialist and communist construction, and have different levels of economic and political development, varying social structures and national traditions.

p Apart from the level of a country’s economic development, other factors influencing the formation of specific economic interests are natural conditions, the correlation of 85 industrial and agricultural production, industrial specialisation, density of population, its rate of growth, the degree to which the country is involved in the international division of labour, etc. The formation of specific foreign policy interests is affected by the concrete international situation in which the country finds itself, its geographical position and other factors.

p Many specific interests are not long-term ones: they are of a temporary nature and their existence arises from particular stages in the struggle waged by the national contingents of the working class or from the stages of the development of the socialist countries. At the same time, there is a series of long-term specific interests. In the case of socialist countries, these are the geographical position of the country, its natural conditions, industrial and agricultural specialisation, and the specific historical circumstances that have developed. Thus, the struggle to reunify their countries is of vital importance to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Korean People’s Democratic Republic. This is because the splitting up of a single national economy gives rise to acute economic disparities, complicates economic and cultural development and spurs on the ethnic interest in national integrity; in addition, a position of this kind is potentially very dangerous for peace.

p The realisation of nationally specific interests depends largely on the consistent accomplishment of common interests. In turn, the accomplishment of a number of national interests may assist the realisation of common internationalist interests. Thus, the recent armed struggle by the people of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam to repel the imperialist aggression of the USA and to unite its country came to be of enormous internationalist significance, although it was a purely national task. The reason was that the imperialist aggression of the USA against one of the socialist states was directly damaging to the interests of the other socialist countries and to the world socialist system as a whole, as well as the interests of the national liberation movement and all peace-loving forces throughout the world.

p The Soviet Union and other countries of the socialist community, the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all peaceloving and progressive forces throughout the world gave 86 this just struggle their all-round support and assistance, which was one of the decisive factors that ensured the victory of the Vietnamese people over the forces of imperialist aggression.

p Le Duan, the First Secretary of the CC of the Party of the Working People of Vietnam, wrote: "The Vietnamese people’s War of Resistance against the aggression of American imperialism is a just struggle to complete the nationaldemocratic revolution throughout the country and to defend socialism in North Vietnam. Final victory in this sacred struggle means not only an enormous step forward for the Vietnamese revolution, but also a major contribution to the cause of intensifying world revolution and strengthening world peace. As it was fulfilling this lofty mission, the Vietnamese people always enjoyed the sympathy and valuable support of the fraternal socialist countries, the international communist movement and the peoples of all countries, including the American people."  [86•1 

p This example makes it plain that national interests may assume worldwide significance if they reflect the struggle of the world forces of social progress against reaction and imperialism, and that the common interest of resisting imperialism unites all the revolutionary forces of today.

p We have already mentioned the attempts to divorce national interests from internationalist ones by restricting the former to specific and the latter to general interests.

p The holders of a second point of view essentially identify national interests and internationalist ones. They claim that the correctly understood interests of each individual socialist nation coincide fully with internationalist interests.

p Since the first viewpoint reduces national interests to specific ones, which do not always coincide with common internationalist interests, then we would no longer be at liberty to say, if we accepted this view, that national and internationalist interests were the same.

p Many students of national and international relations consider that internationalist interests do not coincide, and are not compatible with all national interests, but only with 87 fundamental, substantial and lonof-term interests. Internationalist interests do not always coincide directly with national ones, but internationalist interests consist of these same national interests of the peoples, but viewed in a long-term perspective, in the final analysis. The Hungarian publicist Frigyes Puja writes: "No Communist Party has the right to interpret internationalism in such a way that any step that is in the interests of its own people is said to be automatically in the interests of the international proletariat. This is a dangerous simplification. At any given moment national interests do not always coincide exactly with the internationalist interests of the working class."  [87•1 

p Consequently, internationalist interests must not be reduced to merely the sum total of national interests or their elements, even if they are principal, fundamental and longterm interests. Rather they are a synthesis of long-term national interests. Internationalist interests belong to communities of people or international movements that have either formed or are forming and which are more extensive than the nation. Consequently, in addition to the integrating interests that are common to all the individual parts, there are also in the structure of internationalist interests others that are brought about by the requirements of a broader whole than the nation or a separate national contingent of the working class.

p The content of the internationalist interests of the international working class is determined by the requirements of the development of the world revolutionary process, by the interaction of its driving forces and by the demands that are dictated by the historic competition between socialism and capitalism and by the struggle against imperialism and colonialism.

p The unity of the national and internationalist interests of the socialist countries and individual national contingents of the working class does not imply their complete identity. It includes both the greater or lesser coincidence of fundamental national interests with internationalist interests, and the divergence of internationalist interests 88 from individual, nationally specific ones. The dialectics of national and internationalist interests also consists in their interpenetration and interconvertibility. Their unity is not rigid, but active, living and dynamic.

p The degree of coincidence between national interests and internationalist ones does not remain constant. The greater the maturity that the socialist system attains in a particular country, the more objective conditions are created for combining its national-state interests with internationalist ones.

p Both national and internationalist interests have their vehicles. But for these interests to be realised, someone has to express them, represent them and fight for their accomplishment. It is the socialist states and the Marxist-Leninist parties that give expression to these interests. Having discerned these interests, they determine the country’s political and economic course of development and struggle for its implementation. But a decision as to the suitability or otherwise of a particular measure can only be a collective one. In the socialist community there is no single guardian of interests who discharges this function. No single country can assume any prerogative as the unique representative of world socialism. The only possibility here is that of the collective solution of questions with the participation of all the countries and parties that are tangibly interested.

p Since the breadth of internationalist communities and international movements differs, so the globality of internationalist interests differs too. In multinational socialist states the common state interest acts as a common interest in relation to the interests of the individual nations. A higher stage of internationalist interests is marked by the interests of the individual internationalist contingents of the working class: the world system of socialism, the proletariat of the capitalist countries and the proletariat of the developing countries. The highest stage of internationalist interests is the interests of the world revolutionary process and all social progress. The internationalist interests of the socialist system are the objective substantial relationship of the world socialist system to the nature of the mutual relations between its component parts, to the economic, political and cultural progress of the socialist countries and the system as 89 a whole, and to the position of the socialist system in international affairs in connection with its struggle and economic competition with the world imperialist system and co- operation with countries that have freed themselves from colonial oppression.

p The interests of the world socialist system, which is the international working class’s greatest gain, provide the most complete expression of the requirements of the international working class and world social development.

p Between the interests of the three basic forces of the world revolutionary process there is a close dialectical link and interaction. Just as every success by the working people of the socialist countries in the struggle to build a socialist and communist society and to strengthen the unity of the socialist community is a substantial boost for the struggle waged by the proletariat in the capitalist and newly independent countries, so in turn each considerable victory by the proletariat over the bourgeoisie and imperialism reinforces the international position of the world socialist system and facilitates the construction of socialism and communism.

p Among the internationalist interests of the international working class at every stage of historical development there is a main interest. World social progress depends on the struggle to realise this interest. If it is correctly perceived, this interest becomes the principal aim and signpost for the revolutionary forces and a criterion for a policy of proletarian internationalism.

p During the historical period when socialism was largely confined to the Soviet state, the international proletariat’s main interest lay in the defence and strengthening of the world’s firs) socialist state, the bulwark of all revolutionary forces. By its struggle the working class of Russia, the first to have accomplished a victorious socialist revolution and to have begun the successful construction of socialism, championed the cause of the world’s exploited and oppressed people.

p The Soviet Union’s decisive role in defeating the main forces of imperialist reaction—German fascism and Japanese militarism—contributed to the upsurge in the revolutionary and emancipation movement of the working class, which resulted in the emergence of socialism outside the bounds of 90 just one country and the formation of a world socialist system.

p Community of their fundamental interests is the objective basis for the unity of the socialist countries and the national contingents of the working class. This unity, however, as we have already indicated, does not mean that national and internationalist interests are identical. It is, of course, not uncommon for cases in which there is a direct coincidence of national and internationalist interests to occur. For example, the national interest of defending the gains of socialism from external and internal enemies is simultaneously an internationalist interest.

p But in a whole series of other cases the closest national interests may not coincide directly with internationalist interests, since the latter express the requirements of not only the present but also the future progress of each socialist nation and the world socialist system.

p This is the case, for instance, whenever an industrially developed country has to extend economic assistance to countries that are poorly developed economically. This frequently calls for voluntary limitation of current national interests. But since this assistance contributes to the accelerated economic development of formerly backward countries and, consequently to the growth of the power of the socialist system, it is in accord with the long-term fundamental interests of the people of the donor country. A certain non- coincidence between the national and internationalist interest is only temporary.

p Every internationalist interest is interpreted in terms of the specific national conditions and national interests, which cannot fail to influence the degree of its development and the intensity and forms of its manifestation. Thus, the industrially developed socialist countries have a natural interest in international specialisation and co-operation in production. Since it is affected by such national conditions as the size of the country and the volume of the domestic market, this interest produces an urge in some countries to specialise in engineering on a broad front measured in terms of whole industries, while in other countries this process takes place on a narrow front through distribution between the countries of the production of individual basic machinery 91 that has never been manufactured before in the CMEA countries and which is in great demand. As the Polish economist Artur Bodnar wrote: "The smaller a country is, the narrower is the range of engineering goods that it produces, and so the greater is its interest in specialising in whole assortment groups, since it does not produce most metallurgical equipment, complete chemical plants, many groups of machine tools, etc., which cannot be said in many cases about Poland, for example, since we are a country with a relatively large home market and have a considerable volume of production."  [91•1 

p The fact that the socialist countries and individual contingents of the working class have numerous specific interests and a different degree of perceiving their common interests makes it possible for contradictions to arise between the various national and internationalist interests, and also between individual interests of the various socialist countries. This does not, of course, imply that any differences in interests must necessarily lead to contradictions between them.

p The contradictions that arise between the national and internationalist interests of the working class, and also between the interests of its separate national contingents, differ qualitatively from the contradictions between the bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries, which have always been fundamentally irreconcilable. These contradictions among the working class are not antagonistic; they arise in a situation in which the fundamental national and internationalist interests are common and coincide. This community is the objective basis for resolving the contradictions and difficulties.

p The Final Document of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties in 1969 declares: " Socialism is not afflicted with the contradictions inherent in capitalism. When divergences between socialist countries do arise owing to differences in the level of economic development, in social structure or international position or because of national distinctions, they can and must be successfully settled on the basis of proletarian internationalism, through comradely discussion and voluntary fraternal co-operation. 92 They need not disrupt the united front of socialist countries against imperialism."  [92•1 

p Serious attempts have been made in recent years by Soviet and other Marxist social scientists to study the problem of the correlation and combination of the internationalist and national interests of the socialist countries.  [92•2  The theoretical conference entitled "The Dialectics of the National and Internationalist in the World Socialist System”, which was organised by the journal World Marxist Review in April 1972, made an important contribution towards elucidating this issue.  [92•3 

p The description of the current stage of the development of the world socialist system given in the CC CPSU’s Report to the 24th Party Congress does much to clarify the causes and nature of the contradictions within the world system of socialism: ”. . . The present-day socialist world, with its successes and prospects, with all its problems is still a young and growing social organism, where not everything has settled and where much still bears the marks of earlier historical epochs. The socialist world is forging ahead and is continuously improving. Its development naturally runs through struggle between the new and the old, through the resolution of internal contradictions."  [92•4 

p When examining the contradictions within the international working-class movement and the world socialist system, it is highly important to distinguish the immanent, internally inherent contradictions from the non-immanent contradictions, which do not result from the internal development of the working-class movement and world socialism. The parts played by these two types of 93 contradictions are different. The development and resolution of the contradictions of the first type are a source of development of world socialism, whereas the contradictions of the second type exert a retarding influence on it. An example of this sort of contradictions is the policy of the Maoists. The Mao Tse-tung group completely ignores the common internationalist interests of the international working-class movement and the national interests of other socialist countries.

p As Leonid Brezhnev commented: "In substance, the objective of doing the greatest possible damage to the USSR, of impairing the interests of the socialist community, is now the sole criterion determining the Chinese leaders’ approach to any major international problem.

p "What can one say about this policy? We hold that it is unnatural for relations between socialist countries, that it acts against the interests not only of the Soviet, but also of the Chinese people, against the interests of world socialism, of the liberation and anti-imperialist struggle, against peace and international security.

p "It is therefore understandable that we categorically reject this policy."  [93•1 

p The objective character of the unity of the fundamental interests and basic aims of the peoples of the socialist countries and all revolutionary forces today makes it inevitable that the attempts to undermine the friendship and co- operation between the socialist countries and to split the world front of the revolutionary forces into separate unco- ordinated contingents will ultimately fail.

p At the present time, when the differences between the individual specific interests of the socialist countries and the various national contingents of the working class are still considerable, the role of the subjective factor—the policies of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and the consciousness of the working masses—is particularly great. Depending on the subjective factor are the correct understanding of the national and internationalist interests and the tasks that follow from them, and the ability to combine interests that do not directly coincide and to correctly resolve the contradictions that arise between them.

94

p The reflection of an interest in people’s consciousness is a complicated process that is affected by various factors, both objective and subjective. Plekhanov made the point that ”. . . the state of public awareness (social psychology) at a particular period determines the form that the reflection of a given interest will take in men’s minds".  [94•1 

p A correct understanding of national interests in conjunction with internationalist ones can only be reached if seen from the viewpoint of the only scientific world outlook— Marxism-Leninism. The Marxist-Leninist ideology enables one to find one’s way through the labyrinth of the most complex phenomena and events, to seize on the main, fundamental interests, to form an accurate judgement of them from the standpoint of social progress, and to find the ways and means of realising them. "It is only by mastering socialist ideology that the working masses can advance from an understanding of their current needs and immediate tasks to a grasp of their fundamental interests and historical perspectives."  [94•2 

p The difficulty of understanding the national interest lies in the fact that every nation has a plethora of ’different interests. Marx wrote that the world is not a world of a single interest but a world of many interests.  [94•3  Hence, a correct understanding of the national interest presupposes not only the knowledge of its existence, but also the understanding of its importance in the totality of the nation’s interests and the solution of the question of the order in which the interests should be realised.

p Finally, the correct understanding of a number of national interests (especially those linked with the outside world) is impossible without consideration of the significance of these interests being realised in the general progress of humanity, as well as consideration of the interrelationship between these interests and the fundamental national interests of other nations and peoples. The correctly understood national interest is the interest whose realisation creates optimal 95 conditions for the development of the nation and for its contribution to world social progress.

p Socialism creates the objective and subjective conditions for combining the national interests of every socialist country with the internationalist interests of the world socialist community. These conditions are the community of the socio-economic and political system of the socialist states and the community of the main aims, which demand the pooling of their efforts. The nature and essence of the communist movement are such that it is able to resolve the problems facing both every national contingent of the working class and the movement as a whole.

p The mere fact that objective and subjective conditions for combining national and internationalist interests exist in the world socialist system does not mean that this state of affairs is brought about automatically. This complicated and difficult task is accomplished through the efforts of the Marxist-Leninist parties and the socialist states. In their efforts to combine national and internationalist interests the Communist Parties are guided by the Leninist stipulation that internationalist interests have priority over national ones. Historical experience shows that no supposed or real national interests should be accomplished to the detriment of internationalist interests. Hermann Axen, a member of the Political Bureau and Secretary of the CC of the GDR’s Socialist Unity Party, wrote: "The experience of the international working class’s revolutionary struggle tells us that the view that the Communist Party of a socialist state is satisfactorily fulfilling its internationalist duty by merely strengthening its own country is one-sided, to put it mildly. Such an approach narrows the problem, ignores historical experience and distracts attention from the need for joint action. The community of the class interests and objectives of the socialist countries requires that in their domestic and foreign policies they proceed not only from the interests of each country individually, but also from the common interests, and that they should see not only their own needs, but also, at the same time, the interests of the socialist communitv, as well as those of the whole anti-imperialist movement."  [95•1 

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p The permanent need to combine the socialist countries’ national and internationalist interests has led to the appearance of a special body. In the political and military fields this body is the Warsaw Treaty Organisation, which acts as a defensive and political alliance. This organisation has become the chief centre for co-ordinating the fraternal countries’ foreign policies.

p In the economic field the main body for combining national and internationalist interests came to be the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. The co-ordination of the national economic plans has now been the principal means for more than 25 years that the CMEA has used in order to balance the changing economic interests of the socialist countries and to harmonise them with the interests of the world socialist system. The socialist countries that are members of the CMEA began with co-operation in foreign trade, mutual deliveries of raw materials, food, machinery and plant, and with the exchange of experience and scientific and technical know-how, and gradually proceeded towards closer co-operation in economic, scientific and technical matters, and towards the establishment of stable ties in the sphere of material production. The CMEA became the socialist countries’ principal international organisation in this multilateral economic co-operation.

p As Leonid Brezhnev pointed out: "As a result of collective efforts and hard-fought battles against the class enemy we forged a lasting alliance of socialist states and a dependable system of all-round fraternal co-operation, which has become, as it were, the natural form of life for each of our countries. We have learned to perform our day-to-day job successfully, to work patiently for just solutions of issues that have proved insoluble in capitalist conditions. And in doing this, we have learned to harmonise the interests of each with the common interest, and to co-operate, removing from our path everything that may hinder or complicate the common advance."  [96•1 

p The forms, methods and means of combining national and internationalist interests are not static. They develop and 97 improve together with the development of the socialist countries and the world socialist system as a whole.

p Socialist economic integration is a form of harmonising national and internationalist interests and pooling production resources that is in keeping with the current stage of development of the socialist community. Directed in a conscious and planned way by the Communist and Workers’ Parties and governments of the CMEA member countries, it is a process of drawing together on all fronts, mutually adapting and optimising national economic structures, forming deep links in the key sectors of the economy, science and technology, and expanding and strengthening the international market; the process is leading to the creation of an international economic complex.

p If socialist economic integration was to be successfully developed, it was tremendously important to formulate a scientific concept for the further deepening and improvement of co-operation between the socialist countries, with due regard for the level so far attained by them and for requirements of economic development. This concept was provided by the Comprehensive Programme for the Further Extension and Improvement of Co-operation and the Development of Socialist Economic Integration, adopted at the 25th Session of the CMEA in July 1971. It expresses the countries’ community of interests and acknowledges the fact that the further progress of the highly developed productive forces of the socialist countries, the accomplishment of the tasks of the scientific and technological revolution and of the accelerated rise in material well-being, and the further strengthening of the positions of socialism in the class battle against imperialism are impossible without the broad pooling of scientific, technical and production resources in order to achieve a joint solution to colossal economic problems.

p The Comprehensive Programme also expresses a new, broader approach to many economic questions that calls for the ability to find the most rational solutions in the interests not only of the country in question, but also of all the collaborating states. The CMEA countries proceed from the view that "the further extension and improvement of co-operation and the development of socialist economic 98 integration by the CMEA member-countries shall continue to be implemented in accordance with the principles of socialist internationalism, on the basis of respect for state sovereignty, independence and national interests, non- interference in the internal affairs of countries, complete equality, mutual advantage and comradely mutual assistance".  [98•1 

p The Comprehensive Programme represents a model combination of internationalist and national interests. While emphasising the common interests, it also takes careful account of the specific interests of each socialist country and the degree of its readiness and desire to take part in the various integratory measures. Socialist economic integration proceeds on a voluntary basis. It does not involve setting up supranational bodies, nor does it affect the internal planning and self-financing operations of organisations.

p Whether any harmonisation of national and internationalist interests is optimal or not depends largely on the mechanism of economic co-operation. The Comprehensive Programme devotes a large amount of space to questions relating to the improvement of this mechanism, the application of new forms and methods of co-operation, and the improvement of traditional forms that have withstood the test of time. The mechanism of socialist integration that is now taking shape will more scrupulously consider and reveal the national and common internationalist interests, and will serve to combine and realise them.

p A new form of co-operation, the holding of regular multilateral and bilateral consultations on the main issues in economic policy, is playing an important part in the mutual consideration of national interests and the devising of an agreed common economic strategy. Thus the outlook for economic development and the requirements of each country can be better assessed, and the problems whose solution is beyond the power of individual countries come to light.

p Joint planning lies at the heart of socialist integration. While retaining the co-ordination of five-year plans as the basic means of harmonising economic interests, the Comprehensive Programme envisages that it should be 99 supplemented by new forms of joint planning, such as co- operation in forecasting, the co-ordination of long-term plans for the key sectors of the economy and production lines, and joint planning by the countries involved for certain industries and individual production lines. The use of forecasting and long-term planning will enable the socialist countries to ascertain and consider the long-term national and common internationalist interests, and so combine them.

p In those areas of economic and scientific and technical cooperation in which there is a large community of interests that are of a long-term and stable character, there is a growing need to set up special international organisations in order to take constant account of the national and internationalist interests, harmonise and realise them. The Comprehensive Programme makes provision for the countries involved to set up new economic and research organisations and enterprises.

p The Comprehensive Programme for socialist economic integration is more than just a model for the consideration and harmonisation of national and internationalist interests; it is also intended to encourage the formation of conditions favouring a growth in the socialist countries’ community of interests and the maximal coincidence of national and internationalist interests. Its implementation will bring about the comprehensive development and extension of economic links, the mutual adaptation of national economic structures, the evening out of the levels of economic and socio-political development, and the formation of an international economic complex. All this will facilitate the closer interlacing, fusion and harmonisation of the socialist countries’ interests, and the moulding of new, common internationalist interests.

p As a result of the development and accomplishment of socialist integration, not only the economic community of the socialist countries will grow, but also their political, ideological and cultural community as well; the cohesion of the socialist community will be strengthened and its influence on world social development will increase.

Accomplishment of the measures provided for by the Comprehensive Programme prepares the ground for the transition to a new and higher phase in the combination of national and internationalist interests.

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