252

p The period under examination is also important for the development of relations between the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, which are based on treaties and other legal documents.

p New treaties of alliance were concluded between the USSR and a number of other socialist countries, or the term of operation of old treaties was prolonged.

253

p A Treaty of Fi iendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and the Korean People’s Democratic Republic was signed in Moscow, on July 6, 1961.  [253•1  The contracting parties declared that they "in future too will participate in all international actions designed to ensure peace and security in the Far East and the world over and contribute to the attainment of these lofty goals”. Should one of the parties be subjected to armed attack by any state or coalition of states and thus find itself in a state of war, the other party shall immediately render military and other assistance by all means at its disposal. The parties undertook to develop and consolidate economic and cultural ties in the spirit of friendship and co-operation, on the basis of equality, mutual respect for state sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs.

p On the same day the Government of the Korean People’s Democratic Republic made a statement, pointing out that the treaty was concluded with the intention of "safeguarding peace and security in the Far East and the world over, and strengthening the unbreakable friendship and unity of the peoples ol Korea and the Soviet Union based on the principles of socialist internationalism”. The treaty, which is of historical significance, "fully meets the national interests of the Korean people”, it was stressed in the statement. At the same time it noted that, in signing the treaty, the Government of the Korean People’s Democratic Republic acted on the principle that all military 254 and political treaties and agreements concluded both by South and North Korea prior to the unification of the country "become null and void when Korea is united on a peaceful and democratic basis”.

p The terms of operation of treaties concluded earlier by the USSR with Czechoslovakia and the Mongolian People’s Republic expired between 1963 and f966. The protocol on the prolongation of the Treaty of Friendship, Mutual Assistance and Postwar Co-operation between the USSR and Czechoslovakia of December 12, 1943, and the treaties of friendship and mutual assistance signed by the Soviet Union with Poland (April 8, 1965), Mongolia (January 15, 1966), Bulgaria (May 12, 1967), and with Hungary (September 7, 1967), reaffirmed the loyalty of the contracting parties to the aims and principles recorded in the treaties concluded during and shortly after the war.

p The protocol on the prolongation of the treaty between the USSR and Czechoslovakia noted with satisfaction that one of the two sovereign states formed on the territory of the former German Reich, the socialist German Democratic Republic, was following the path of peace and was an important factor in safeguarding security in Europe and preventing the threat of war.

p The Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and the Polish People’s Republic,  [254•1  stressing the role of the German Democratic Republic in preserving the peace in Europe, also points to the serious threat in Europe created by West German militarism 255 and revanchism. In keeping with the principles of socialist internationalism, the parties undertook "to strengthen eternal and unbreakable friendship, to develop all-round co-operation and render each other assistance on the basis of equality, respect for the sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of the other party" (Article 1). The new treaty, like the preceding one, carries an article pertaining to the security of the parties. They undertook "jointly to employ all available means to eliminate the threat of aggression on the part of the West German forces of militarism and revanchism or any other state that would enter into an alliance with them" (Article 6). Article 5 is also of great importance in that it records the provision that the "inviolability of the state frontier of the Polish People’s Republic along the Oder-Neisse" is one of the basic factors of European security.

p A Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and the German Democratic Republic was signed on June 12, 1964. Its significance goes far beyond the bounds of relations between the two countries. It represents another step in consolidating European security, in reinforcing socialist defences. It provides for the pooling of effort by the two countries to safeguard peace and security in Europe and throughout the world. The parties undertook to do everything within their power to settle fundamental international issues on the basis of peaceful coexistence. They solemnly proclaimed that inviolability of the state frontiers of the German Democratic Republic was one of the principal factors of European security and reiterated their firm resolve to ensure their inviolability in conformity with the Warsaw 256 Treaty (Article !>). The treaty reflects the special status of West Berlin which is regarded as an independent political unit (Article 6). It envisages the further development and consolidation of economic, scientific and technical ties between the USSR and the GDR in accordance with the principles of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance.

p The content of the treaty between the USSR and the GDR reflects the specific features of relations between the two fraternal countries and their position in the system of European security. "This treaty,” Walter Ulbricht said, "corresponds to the provisions of the Warsaw Treaty and provides an additional element of stability and efficacy of the jointly charted political course.”  [256•1 

p The operation of the Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance and the Economic and Cultural Co-operation Agreement between the USSR and the Mongolian People’s Republic of February 27, f946, expired in 1966. Accordingly, a new Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Assistance between the two countries was signed in Ulan Bator on January 15, 1966,  [256•2  bringing up to date SovietMongolian relations based on the traditional unbreakable friendship, all-round close co-operation and mutual assistance of the two fraternal peoples and states. The treaty lays down that both parties "will render mutual assistance in safeguarding the defensive powers of both countries so as to reinforce the defence potential of the socialist community ... will consult on all major international problems affecting the interests of 257 both countries or the interests of peace and international co-operation and, acting in the spirit of their good traditions and also the United Nations Charter, will jointly take all necessary measures, including military ones, to safeguard the security, independence and territorial integrity of both countries" (Article ,5). The Soviet- Mongolian Treaty, like the documents mentioned earlier, was concluded for a term of 20 years.

p As a result ol talks held in Sofia a new Treaty of Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Assistance between the USSR and the People’s Republic of Bulgaria was signed on May 12, 1967.  [257•1  Both parties were prompted by a desire to strengthen Soviet-Bulgarian relations and also by the pending expiry of the earlier Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance, concluded on March 18, 1948, which played an outstanding part in developing fraternal relations and all-round co-operation between the two countries. In signing the new treaty, the parties noted that all the prerequisites were available for closer co-operation between the Soviet and Bulgarian peoples which fully corresponded to historical traditions and also the Marxist-Leninist views on relations between socialist states.

p Under the treaty of May 12, 1967, the parties undertook, in conformity with the principles of socialist internationalism, "to strengthen the eternal, unbreakable friendship between the peoples of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the People’s Republic of Bulgaria and to develop allround co-operation between the two countries, to render each other fraternal assistance on the basis 258 of mutual respect for state sovereignty, equality and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs”. The treaty notes that the two countries will continue to act to consolidate the unity and cohesion of socialist countries, their friendship and brotherhood (Article 1). Proceeding from the principles of mutual assistance and the international socialist division of labour, the Soviet Union and Bulgaria will further develop mutually beneficial economic, scientific and technical co-operation on a bilateral and multilateral basis, still closer coordinate key sectors of the economy through industrial specialisation and co-operation and the extension of scientific and technical ties with the object of further drawing together the economies of both countries. The parties will also promote the further development of economic ties and cooperation within the framework of CMEA ( Article 2), and develop co-operation and joint creaiive activity in culture (Article 3).

p A number of articles deals with the reciprocal international commitments of the Soviet Union and Bulgaria. Under Article 5, they "will continue to take measures to strengthen the might of the world socialist system, defend international peace and the security of nations from encroachments of the aggressive forces of imperialism and reaction, attain general and complete disarmament, finally abolish colonialism in all its forms and manifestations, and render support to countries which have discarded colonialism and are strengthening national independence and sovereignty”. As European states, the USSR and Bulgaria proclaimed that "effective resistance to the threat from revanchist and militarist forces which are striving for the forcible change of frontiers 259 that emerged in Europe after (he Second World War is an important requisite for safeguarding European security" (Article 6). The parties voiced "their firm resolve, jointly with other member states of the Warsaw Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance and in accordance with it, to ensure the inviolability of the state frontiers of the signatories to this treaty and take all measures lor preventing aggression by any forces of militarism and revanchism and repulsing the aggressor"’ (Article 6). Article 7 provides, in the event of armed attack on one party, for the immediate rendering by the other party of every assistance, including military, and support by all means at its disposal by way of exercising the right to individual and collective self-defence in accordance with Article 51 of the UN Charter. Provisions were also made for consultations by the parties and co-ordination of their positions on all important international issues affecting the interests of both contracting parties (Article 9).

p Allied treaties between other European socialist states are important factors in strengthening the co-operation of the fraternal countries and safeguarding European security. New treaties of friendship and mutual assistance were concluded between Poland and the GDR (March 15, 1967), Poland and Bulgaria (April 6, 1967), Hungary and the GDR (May 18, 1967), Bulgaria and the GDR (September 7, 1967).

p All these treaties reflect the natural process of further drawing together the socialist nations, the new, higher level of co-operation between them. Consolidating what has been achieved in preceding decades, they go much farther in 260 strengthening the fraternal ties binding the socialist countries and open up new opportunities for their political, economic and cultural cooperation.

p The treaties also take into account world changes of recent decades, and the new situation which arose as a result ot the development of the world socialist system in the postwar period.

p In the first place, the new treaties proceed from the tasks facing the USSR and other socialist countries in their effort to safeguard peace and security and in economic and political rapprochement. Second, they reflect the desire of fraternal Parties and countries to do all they can to strengthen the socialist community, consistently consolidate the world communist movement and unite all revolutionary forces. Third, they determine the joint action of socialist states in the struggle for their common interests, against imperialist reaction, for peace, democracy and socialism.

p In their totality all treaties among socialist countries, including the Warsaw Treaty, represent an international system of great efficacy which reliably guarantees the frontiers of these countries, the constructive labour of their peoples from any encroachment by the imperialists, and ensures the development of fraternal friendship and cooperation in every sphere.

p The period after 1961 was thus marked by the further strengthening of the military and political alliance of socialist states. Differences, however, between the leadership of the People’s Republic of China and other socialist countries were openly revealed. It became clear that the divisive activities of the Chinese leaders and their anti-Soviet 261 policy were driving them into a blind alley and had, in fact, isolated them.

p The communique of the llth Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China which was held in August 1966 under the guidance of Mao Tse-tung, shows that the Chinese leadership approved the anti-Soviet line as the official policy of the Party. That Plenary Meeting in effect rejected the proposal of the CPSU and other fraternal Parties on joint action in the struggle against imperialism, including US imperialist aggression in Vietnam.

p The record of two decades has shown that the unity of socialist states is important not only for successfully building socialism and communism in each state by joint effort. It is also a factor which determines the triumphant march of world socialism, the advance of human society along the road of peace and social progress. The world revolutionary process depends on the unity and solidarity of the socialist countries, of the international communist movement. That is why progressive world opinion rightly regards any step directed against the unity and solidarity of fraternal countries and fraternal Parties as harmful to the great cause of all the peoples who are fighting for liberation, for socialism and peace. Progressive people are watching with regret and anxiety the actions of the Chinese leaders deviating from the common line of the international communist movement, openly provoking a split in the unity of the socialist countries, the unity and cohesion of the world communist movement.

p The chauvinistic, anti-Soviet policy and the reckless course of Mao Tse-tung and his group have plunged the country into chaos, disorganised 262 its economic, political and social life. An involved situation arose in China and the political struggle assumed a tragic nature.

p Events in China leave no room for doubt that the policy of the Chinese leaders has entered a new and dangerous phase. The Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the CPSU, held in December 1966, stressed in its resolution that the course of Mao Tse-tung and his entourage had nothing in common with Marxism-Leninism. "Such a policy, such action,” it was pointed out by the Plenary Meeting, "inflict harm on the interests of socialism, the international workingclass and liberation movement, the socialist gains of the Chinese people, and objectively they only help imperialism.”  [262•1  The Plenary Meeting emphasised the need for vigorously exposing the antiLeninist views and great-power nationalistic course of the Chinese leadership, for intensifying the struggle in defence of Marxism-Leninism, the general line of the international communist movement charted by the Moscow Meetings in 1957 and 1960.

p Throughout the world Marxists-Leninists express anxiety over the future of the revolutionary gains of the Chinese people. A statement by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Finland, issued on February 2, 1967, noted that the functions of state bodies and of the Communist Party of China were "more and more openly taken over by Red Guards, by Party leaders who are supporting and inciting them. The impression is that violations of legality and democracy in the life of the Party and the state 263 have become a daily occurrence, the personality cult alien to socialism has been developed to the limit.” "It is already clear now,” it was pointed out in documents of the Meeting of Representatives of the Communist Parties of Arab countries held in May 1967, "that the purpose of the ’ cultural revolution’ is radically to change the superstructure of China by getting rid of Chinese Communist Party members who passed through the school of revolution and are devoted to MarxismLeninism, by breaking up the Party, the trade unions and other mass organisations and also the state apparatus, and by establishing a military dictatorship in the country. The Mao Tse-tung group has replaced the anti-imperialist struggle by a campaign against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, against the world communist movement, against the national liberation and the entire world revolutionary movement.”

p The divisive policy of the Chinese leadership was in no way engendered by the nature of socialist international relations, but rather by the specific situation that arose in China as a result of the adventurist policy of Mao Tse-tung and his entourage. The "cultural revolution" launched in 1966, under whose flag an attempt was made to crush the healthy forces of the CPC, the finest representatives of the Chinese intellectuals, and the methods of this “revolution” fully exposed the real purpose behind Mao Tse-tung’s strategy and tactics, namely, to establish a military dictatorship in the country with all its evil consequences. Because the Chinese leadership considered the socialist countries and Communist and Workers’ Parties a big obstacle to this aim, it decided fully to insulate the country from their influence.

264

p Exposure of the divisive policy of Mao Tsetung and his entourage, an analysis of the real essence of events which took place in China under the guise of the "cultural revolution" represent real help to the healthy forces of the CPC and the People’s Republic of China in the struggle for preserving the revolutionary gains, against Maoism, against the ideology of petty-bourgeois adventurism, rabid nationalism and great-power chauvinism.

p In exposing the ideology and policy of the incumbent Peking leaders, which have nothing in common with Marxism-Leninism, L. I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, pointed out, "we are thereby waging a struggle not against the CPC, not against China, but for the Communist Party of China, for its return onto the path of internationalism, for its unity with all the fraternal Parties on the principled basis of Marxism-Leninism, the general line of the communist movement.”  [264•1 

p The Soviet people are sincere friends of the Chinese people, the Chinese working class, peasants and intellectuals. "At all stages of the revolutionary struggle and socialist construction in China, the Soviet people and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union have invariably been and remain loyal friends of the Chinese people, consistent proponents of strengthening solidarity between our countries,"  [264•2  it was stated in the message of greetings sent by the Central Committee of the CPSU, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, and the USSR Council of Ministers 265 to mark the 17th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1966. Guided by the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the Soviet people and the CPSU have steadily pursued a policy of normalising relations with the People’s Republic of China. An improvement of relations between the USSR and the PRC, the restoration of good- neighbourliness and friendship between them, it was pointed out at the 24th CPSU Congress, would meet the fundamental, long-term interests of both countries, the interests of socialism, freedom of the peoples and the strengthening of peace.

p It should be stressed that differences and difficulties which at various stages arise in relations between socialist states cannot alter the general line of development of the world socialist system or the nature of the objective laws governing its progress. While in the first years after the Great October Socialist Revolution international imperialism succeeded with relative ease in defeating revolutionaries in some European countries, in overthrowing Soviet power in them and restoring capitalism, the situation is different now. The relationship of forces in the world has greatly shifted to the detriment of imperialism.

p This, of course, does not mean that the enemies of socialism have abandoned their insane plans for restoring capitalism in socialist countries. Today, imperialism places its main stake on disuniting the socialist countries, on separating them. In the opinion of the ideologists of the imperialist bourgeoisie, this can create certain prerequisites for capitalist restoration from within. The strategy of imperialist states vis-a-vis the socialist system is in the main based on exploiting 266 difficulties which accompany the development of the socialist community.

p With the deepening general crisis of capitalism, the collapse of the colonial system and the exacerbation of inter-imperialist contradictions, on the one hand, and the advance of world socialism, on the other, the ideological struggle of the two world systems has entered a new phase. The alignment of political and class forces in the world is compelling the imperialists to pay more attention to “peaceful” means of struggle against the socialist countries, to utilise more extensively in the ideological struggle not only “classical” bourgeois methods and forms of propaganda, but also all kinds of revisionist, Right Social-Democratic and opportunist concepts which are current in the working-class movement. Imperialist propaganda nowadays juggles quite freely with slogans of " national communism”, "democratic socialism,” and other catchwords borrowed from the ideological arsenal of reformism and revisionism. Thus, the ranks of all the enemies of socialism, all the antiSoviet, anti-socialist forces are being consolidated on the basis of anti-communism and anti- Sovietism.

p This is one distinction of the ideological struggle in the world today. That is why MarxistsLeninists regard it as their prime task to expose all intrigues of the imperialist reactionary forces, to reveal the true substance of all anti-socialist concepts spread by the ideologists of the monopoly bourgeoisie and, simultaneously, to intensify the struggle against revisionism, reformism and other opportunist trends in the working-class movement.

p Special significance attaches to the struggle 267 against the manifestations of nationalism and great-power chauvinism on which the enemies of socialism count in their attacks on the unity of the socialist countries and the world communist movement. They employ every means to undermine the socialist community from within. The ideologists of imperialism are resorting to all kinds of manoeuvres, are seeking out weak links and combine various forms of struggle against the socialist countries. They most often turn to methods of exaggerating national distinctions in a country, playing on the national sentiments of different sections of the community, especially the intellectuals.

p Anti-Sovietism is the platform which unites all the enemies of socialist countries, internal and external. This is demonstrated by the historical experience of the revolutionary movement and specifically the Hungarian events in 1956 and the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968.

p In our days it is not so easy openly to call for restoring the capitalist system in a socialist country. That is why anti-socialist elements extensively utilise demagogy, playing on difficulties of growth and mistakes made in the course of socialist construction.

p Lenin once said: "I will never tire of repeating that demagogues are the worst enemies of the working class.”  [267•1  He considered them enemies because it is more difficult for the workers to recognise their true face, because in a period of disarray and vacillation there is nothing easier than to lure the masses by means of demagogy. They, as Lenin said, will learn of their mistake 268 later on, at a price of bitter suffering. These words have not lost their significance to this day.

p The enemies of socialism sought to carry out in Czechoslovakia one of their greatest bids to drive a breach in the socialist community, to tilt the world balance of forces in their favour. In 1968 Czechoslovakia became a sector of bitter struggle between the forces of imperialist reaction and counter-revolution, on the one hand, and the forces of socialism, on the other. That is why the entry of allied troops into Czechoslovakia in August 1968 was a key factor in defending the revolutionary gains of the peoples of Czechoslovakia, of world socialism.

p We mentioned earlier what great attention Lenin paid to the national question, to relations between the Soviet socialist republics and the organisation of their close union. Lenin demanded the utmost consideration for the rights of all peoples, big and small, and worked for the establishment of genuine equal relations between them. At the same time he tirelessly called for proceeding from the class interests of the working people, the interests of the revolutionary struggle of the working class. Lenin taught the Communist Parties "to base their policy .. . not on abstract and formal principles but ... on a clear distinction between the interests of the oppressed classes, of working and exploited people, and the general concept of national interests as a whole. . .".  [268•1 

p Such an approach offers the key to a genuinely scientific understanding of the interconnection between proletarian internationalism and such principles of interstate relations as sovereignty, 269 non-interference, equality, the right of nations to self-determination. These principles, far from running counter to the theory and practice of socialist internationalism, acquire a new content in relations between fraternal countries under the influence of socialist solidarity; they help to eliminate survivals of bourgeois nationalism, discord and mistrust between peoples, to consolidate their alliance in the struggle for preserving the gains of socialism and simultaneously strengthen the national independence of every socialist country.

p Socialist unity is not an abstract concept. It presupposes definite action which follows from Marxist-Leninist ideology, from the principles of socialist internationalism, which include: common defence of the revolutionary gains of the peoples of every socialist country; broad and close co- operation and fraternal mutual assistance in building socialism and communism; joint action in defence of peace and international security, in the struggle against imperialism; every assistance to tile revolutionary forces of capitalist countries in their struggle for social liberation; support for the national liberation movements, for the popular struggle in young states for consolidating their independence and national regeneration.

p Consequently, socialist unity is above all the practical application of the principles of proletarian internationalism, fraternal solidarity in the struggle for common aims and against common enemies.

p The main laws of socialist construction are common to all countries. At the same time, as pointed out in the report of the Central Committee of the CPSU to the 23rd Party Congress, countries of 270 the socialist system "arc constantly coming up against new problems engendered by the realities of life in all its complexity and variety. It stands to reason that there are no ready-made solutions to these problems, nor can there be any. The development of the world socialist system, therefore, requires a constant creative approach, on the tried and tested basis of Marxism-Leninism, to the problems that arise, it requires the pooling of experience and opinions".  [270•1 

p Experience shows that socialist countries achieve the biggest successes when they act together, co-operating in building the new life, in energetic struggle for peace and social progress and against the imperialist policy of war and oppression. Today, the proper combination of the interests of every country with the interests of the entire community acquires paramount significance.

p It would be wrong to assume that with the general advance and consolidation of socialist statehood, relations between socialist countries will grow simpler. Every country has its distinctions and historical traditions which do not necessarily coincide with those of other countries. Unity through diversity, through combining national and international interests—here is the way further to strengthen the socialist system. Lenin pointed out that "the unity of the international tactics of the communist working-class movement in all countries demands, not the elimination of variety or the suppression of national distinctions ... but the application of the fundamental principles of communism .,. which will correctly modify these principles in certain particulars, correctly adapt 271 and apply them to national and national-state distinctions”.  [271•1 

p By their joint efforts the Communist and Workers’ Parties which are at the helm in socialist states are overcoming the difficulties of growth. Undoubtedly, some zigzags and misunderstandings are possible at a particular stage of the greatest of all revolutions in history—the revolutionary transition from the exploiting society, which reached its final formation, to socialist and communist society based on entirely different principles. This is a process of unusual complexity and it would be naive to expect that its development should be straightforward.

But the record of the world socialist community attests to the indisputable advance of humanity to higher forms of social system and to the inevitable complete and final triumph of socialism and communism the world over.

272