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[introduction.]

p The birth and consolidation of the world socialist system brought into being new socialist international relations conforming to the nature of socialism and based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. Relations of a new type radically differing from anything known to exploiting society were established between socialist countries. Underlying them is the socialist system of property, the antithesis of private property. Socialism’s laws determine the nature and development of these relations.

p The theses of the Central Committee of the CPSU "50 Years of the Great October Socialist Revolution" stressed that "the victories and achievements of socialism are inextricably linked with the formation and development of a new, socialist type of international relations, based on the principles of equality and national sovereignty, all-round mutually beneficial co- operation and fraternal mutual assistance of the socialist states”.

p The international relations of a new type corroborate the foresight of Marx who, in the "First 111 Address of the General Council of the International Working Men’s Association on the FrancoPrussian War”, written in July 1870, gave this classical formulation: ".. .in contrast to old society with its economical miseries and its political delirium, a new society is springing up, whose international rule will be Peace, because its national ruler will be everywhere the same Labour!"  [111•1 

p Peace as the international rule conforming to a society where labour is the ruler of the people, that is, socialist society, is an entirely different concept than “peace” in a society of inequality, exploitation and oppression. The foreign-policy aims of bourgeois states throughout history have mostly been of the kind that their attainment did not demand peace; peace was regarded merely as a “respite” offering the opportunity best to prepare for waging and winning a war or to reap the fruits of victory without employing arms on the battlefield.

p Socialism not only extends the bounds of the old concept of “peace” but also invests a new meaning into it. The international principle proclaimed by Marxism regards peace not merely as the antithesis to war, but as a condition favouring the introduction of the new mode of production and new, socialist social relations.

p The socialist socio-economic system is a new, ongoing system which is constantly gaining in strength, and the future belongs to it. That is why in international politics, too, the future belongs to relations of the new, socialist type. 112 The capitalist system is doomed, it is outliving its age, and its international relations have no future.

p Socialism has irrefutably proved its superiority over capitalism, and similarly both the international relations and the foreign policy brought into being by the socialist system have demonstrated their indisputable superiority over the entire system of international relations in the capitalist world. At times this is banefully admitted even by zealous votaries of imperialism. Professor William S. Schlamm, the author of the sensational anti-communist monograph ’The Boundaries of the Miracle wrote: "The monstrous substance of the conflict between communism and the West (that is imperialism—Sh. S.}, so monstrous that no one dares to mention this fact, consists in that communism thrives in conditions of peace, wants peace and triumphs in an atmosphere of peace.”  [112•1 

p The entire course of historical development has prepared the birth of international relations of the socialist type.

p Marx and Engels theoretically demonstrated the need for an alliance and fraternal unity of the workers of different countries, they put forward and expounded the idea of proletarian internationalism and laid the foundations for applying the principles of the international proletarian solidarity of the workers and all other working people. The great process of uniting the forces of the workers of all countries in the struggle for social emancipation and progress was 113 initiated by the Communist League, founded by Marx and Engels in the mid-19th century and by the famous Communist Manifesto which proclaimed the slogan: "Working Men of All Countries, Unite!" This document, being the keystone of the communist and working-class movement, declares that when the exploitation of one individual by another is abolished, exploitation of one nation by another will stop; so too will the antagonism of classes within nations, and hostile relations among nations.

p The First International, the International Working Men’s Association, founded by Marx and Engels in 1864, embodied the principles of proletarian internationalism. "To make the workmen of different countries not only feel but act as brethren and comrades"  [113•1  in the army of emancipation was regarded by Marx as a primary aim of the International. One of the major reasons for it, according to Marx, is experience which showed that "disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought to exist between the workmen of different countries, and incite them to stand firmly by each other in all their struggle for emancipation, will be chastised by the common discomfort of their incoherent efforts".  [113•2  And, conversely, united efforts led to victory.

p Persistently combatting opportunism and all attempts to disunite the working people of different countries, Marxists constantly tried to implement the principles of proletarian internationalism, to unite the forces of the working 114 people headed by the working class both within a single country and internationally.

p When capitalism dominated the world undividedly, relations of fraternal alliance between the working class of different countries could not go beyond the bounds of class solidarity of the exploited. A new phase in the development of the international solidarity of the working people, a new epoch in international relations arrived after the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia, when the workers of all countries acquired a solid platform for world proletarian revolution—the first socialist country in the world.

p From the very outset proletarian internationalism has served as the guiding principle of Soviet international policy. Marxist-Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism underlie all Soviet foreign-policy steps, beginning with the Decree on Peace. Speaking of the initial moves of the Soviet Republic in foreign policy, Lenin stressed:

p “In this way we served the interests of the working class of Russia and of other countries, we strengthened the proletariat and weakened the bourgeoisie of the whole world.”  [114•1 

p The experience of successfully applying the Leninist national policy in the Soviet Union, the experience of relations among the free and equal Soviet Republics and also the experience, though small, of interstate socialist relations accumulated even prior to the birth of the world socialist system, were of essential significance for 115 shaping the present-day socialist international relations.

p Speaking of the sources of these relations, a highly important factor must be mentioned, namely, the role played by the Communist International in the theoretical development and practical application of Lenin’s ideas. That Parties of the Third International jointly decided not only ideological but also practical questions of the international communist movement served as an inexhaustible well-spring enriching the theory of Marxism-Leninism and the practical activities of the Communist and Workers’ Parties.

The programme of the Communist International expounded in particular the principles of relations between nations which had discarded the capitalist yoke. These principles have preserved their force to this day. Among them are: recognition of the right of all nations to full self-determination; voluntary union and centralisation of the military and economic forces of all peoples emancipated from capitalism for struggle against imperialism and for the building of the socialist economy; utmost and determined struggle against any restrictions and oppression directed against any nationality, nation and race; utmost assistance in the economic, political and cultural advance of the formerly oppressed regions, borderlands and colonies towards their socialist transformation for the purpose of creating a solid basis for genuine and complete national equality; struggle against all remnants of chauvinism, national enmity, racial prejudice and other ideological products of feudal and capitalist barbarity.

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Nature of the International Relations of the New Type

p The nature of the socialist system wnicn has completely triumphed in the USSR and other socialist countries, defines the character of socialist international relations.

p The socialist system has eradicated the causes disuniting peoples and breeding exploitation of some nations by others. It has created the conditions for uniting peoples of different countries around common interests and a single goal—the victory of socialism and communism. Triumphant socialism has given practical meaning to Marx’s theoretical conclusion that "for the peoples to be able really to unite they must have common interests. For their interests to be common the existing property relations must be abolished because the existing property relations determine the exploitation of some peoples by others; only the working class is interested in the abolition of the existing property relations... . Victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie at the same time signifies the elimination of all national and industrial conflicts which now give rise to hostility among nations".  [116•1 

p Only in socialist society is real meaning also invested in the general democratic propositions of international law which were put forward in the period of bourgeois revolution to fight against the feudal absolutist system; they were later to be discarded in the period of imperialism when international law and order, even in a bourgeois 117 form, became a hindrance and burden for the capitalists.

p Equality, respect for territorial integrity, state independence and sovereignty, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs—these principles of international law are formally recognised by all. Yet for the imperialist states formal recognition of equality, non-interference and sovereign rights are merely a screen for concealing their aggressive designs. Moreover, some international law experts serving imperialism openly declare that these principles are inapplicable in relations between countries with different social systems, thus misinterpreting the United Nations Charter. Prof. G. Leibholz, a West German jurist, wrote in his article "Aggression in International Law from the Standpoint of Ideological Conflict": "Affairs which in essence fall within the competence of states and, according to the Charter (of the United Nations—Sh. S.), cannot be intervened in without the intervener being branded as an aggressor, today no longer include political and ideological affairs; these ideological changes are so fundamental that they simultaneously incur important shifts of political forces.”  [117•1  Thus, Leibholz negates the principle of non-interference, one of the primary general democratic principles of international law proclaimed in the past by the bourgeoisie itself. Instances of violation of this and other generally recognised principles of international law by the imperialist states are exceedingly numerous nowadays.

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p In relations with each other and with nonsocialist states, socialist countries apply the principles which should determine relations between any sovereign states. The firm and consistent implementation of these principles is a major feature of the foreign policy of socialist countries.

p General democratic principles (in the legalistic sense), however, are insufficient for encompassing the entire content and all aspects of relations between socialist countries. They represent only a minimum on which relations between any states should be based and which do not yet reflect the fundamentally new features that distinguish interstate contacts of socialist countries.

p The new relations conforming to the socialist system are based on wider and more embracive principles of proletarian internationalism. The operation of these principles, naturally, is not limited to interstate relations of socialist countries. Proletarian internationalism permeates the entire policy of these countries and of the Communist and Workers’ Parties which head them. The peoples of these countries are discharging their internationalist duty to the working masses of the world above all by building socialist and communist society. In working to build communism, the CPSU and the Soviet people are carrying out Lenin’s behest to do "the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries".  [118•1 

p The principles of proletarian internationalism, having become the basis of interstate relations 119 of socialist countries, have attained a new, higher level. No other principles are capable of fully exhausting the relations between states which are linked by the unity of the socialist social and political system, community of Marxist-Leninist ideology, common interests of struggle against world imperialism and unity in ultimate aim— the building of socialism and communism.

p In arranging its relations with the capitalist states, the Soviet Union is striving to base them on the principles of peaceful coexistence. The Soviet state, by advocating peaceful coexistence of capitalist and socialist states, the maintenance of normal relations with all countries, the settlement of disputed international questions through negotiation, not war, at the same time stresses that the peaceful coexistence principle is inapplicable in relations between oppressors and oppressed, between colonialists and their victims.

p The principles of proletarian internationalism express the interests of the working class, the class interests of the working people of the socialist countries. Proletarian internationalism implies close alliance, fraternal solidarity and mutual assistance of peoples free from exploitation in building socialist and communist society.

p The growing might of world socialism and the deepening general crisis of capitalism arouse alarm among the ruling circles of the imperialist powers. It is hardly surprising that the ideologists of contemporary imperialism should constantly engage in drawing up strategic and tactical plans against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, plans for saving the old world from doom. William Schlamm writes: "To defeat communism the West needs a strategy which would 120 constantly keep the Soviet Union under an ever increasing strain, including a serious threat of a military clash. . . . The only reasonable strategy of the West would be constantly to confront communism with the danger of war.”  [120•1  "Better dead than red" has become practically the chief slogan of the imperialist ideologists.

p The ruling circles of the imperialist powers are so much on edge that their advocates are losing their mental equilibrium. In their exertions to save the sinking ship of world capitalism they are employing every means in the struggle against the socialist world. Relying on the system of aggressive blocs, they resort to all kinds of reckless ventures, which endanger the peace and security of nations, and they are escalating their aggressive actions and aggravating the international situation.

p The aggressiveness of the United States, which has burgeoned in recent years, by no means testifies to any change in the relationship of world forces in favour of international imperialism. On the contrary, it reflects the mounting difficulties and contradictions which the world capitalist system is inevitably encountering.

p Alongside aggressive actions and provocative attacks on socialist countries, alongside direct subversive activity, the international reactionary forces have launched widespread ideological subversion. Imperialism’s apologists slander the relations between socialist countries, branding their alliance as the "Soviet empire”, and call for the “liberation” of the peoples of Eastern Europe. With the help of fabrications the enemies of 121 socialism are trying to create the impression that the victory of socialist revolution in the People’s Democracies was an accident or even extraneously imposed, not a result of the law-governed development of contemporary society. History has “zigzagged”, deviated from its normal course and, consequently, it has to be “rectified”.

p Slander against relations between socialist countries is one of the chief techniques of imperialist propaganda, its main thesis being the myth of inequality in relations between members of the socialist community and the existence of “dominating” and “enslaved” peoples within it. The imperialists do not begrudge hundreds of millions of dollars for bolstering up this false thesis. Its circulation is promoted by "captive nations weeks”, the activity of Free Europe and other radio stations and the vast stream of slanderous literature—from sham scholarly " theoretical studies" to primitive pamphlets.

p The extensive use of such “arguments” by the imperialists suggests that they regard the revival of nationalist tendencies in socialist countries as their most important and, perhaps, last trump in the struggle against socialism. They would like to turn nationalism into an instrument for weakening the international ties between peoples of the socialist states.

p This is frankly admitted by imperialism’s ideologists themselves. In an official government pamphlet prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency in co-operation with the State Department and Defence Department, the use of nationalism for weakening the world socialist system is described as a prime necessity, while nationalism in socialist countries is defined as the most 122 powerful existing political force (naturally, favouring capitalism). The authors of the pamphlet frankly reveal the close bond between nationalism and anti-communism. They declare that these two factors supplement each other.  [122•1 

p The imperialists expect to exploit the remnants of national discord which for centuries had been fanned by the ruling exploiting classes among the peoples of the present socialist countries. They stake on the point that bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism are among the strongest survivals in the minds of men. Nationalism disappears from the minds of people more slowly than other survivals of capitalism and produces more relapses. Accordingly, nationalism and chauvinism may present a danger even after the question of socialism prevailing in economic and social relations was settled in favour of socialism. If the struggle against nationalism and chauvinism is relaxed their survivals may be so reinforced as to become capable of endangering the socialist gains of one or another people.

p The special emphasis laid on nationalism by the imperialists shows that their ideological arsenal has been vastly depleted. The course of the struggle and competition between the two socio-economic systems makes the inevitable doom of the old world increasingly apparent. As bait the blessings of "free enterprise and initiative" are becoming less and less attractive. On the admission of the Western press, "a sense of the inferiority of capitalism" is becoming general. 123 In one of his speeches Averell Harriman, prominent American businessman and politician, said that capitalism was a discredited word, a word which aroused horror. Moreover, the leaders of imperialism are aware that attempts to restore capitalism in socialist countries with the help of military force are fraught with mortal danger for the entire capitalist system. Hence the hopes pinned on nationalism, the attempts to induce relapses in socialist countries—with the help of persistent propaganda, of course.

p Notwithstanding its tenacity, nationalism undoubtedly is powerless in an open clash against internationalism. Insofar as it reflects the ideology of moribund classes, nationalism is doomed, just as other manifestations of ideology of the society which brought it into being. Nevertheless, the serious danger represented by the least display of nationalist tendencies must not be underestimated. Each such manifestation adds grist to the mill of communism’s enemies. That is why struggle against nationalism and chauvinism is a prerequisite for the successful development of the world socialist system. The imperialists who dream of rekindling nationalist passions in the socialist countries, of undermining the chief mainstay of the fraternal community of socialist countries, are well aware that today the socialist community and its mounting economic might and political unity are the mainstay and prerequisite for the existence of each socialist country, of their advance in building a new society.

p It is for this reason that international imperialism mainly attacks the unity and cohesion of the socialist countries. Laying stress on bourgeois nationalism in the struggle against the socialist 124 community, the imperialists are trying (not always without success) to play on differences in the socio-economic and cultural development levels of socialist countries. They stake mainly on non-proletarian sections of the population, among whom nationalist tendencies are particularly keen. It is no secret that in some socialist countries these sections make up the main mass of the population and the overwhelming majority of members of the ruling Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p In his book American Policy Toward Communist Eastern Europe. The Choices Ahead, J. Campbell, a former State Department official and now a senior research fellow of the American Council on Foreign Relations, examines in detail possible variants of US policy toward European socialist countries. One of the main variants proceeds from recognition of differences in development levels. The aim is to utilise these differences for severing European socialist countries from the Soviet Union and setting them at loggerheads. Ultimately, Campbell writes, the aim of such a policy would be to have East European countries "move towards a status like that of Yugoslavia, or possibly Finland and Austria".  [124•1  Walt Rostow, another prominent ideologist of US imperialism, also urges the Western countries to work for the "assertion of nationalism and national interests within the Communist bloc".  [124•2 

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p It is these motives that underlie the tactics and strategy of the Western powers vis-a-vis the countries of the socialist community. It goes without saying that under such circumstances any relapse into nationalism and great-power chauvinism, any deviation from the standards of socialist internationalism, play into the hands of international imperialism and cause rejoicing in the enemy camp. The ideologists of imperialism are trying to exploit all the factors which could serve as a source for reanimating and exacerbating nationalist passions.

p The old system left a legacy of many knotty problems, and imperialism is trying to utilise them in the struggle against social progress, against the peoples which have escaped from the clutches of capitalism. The existence of such problems in different parts of the world, including the socialist system, demands of Marxism- Leninism close attention to the national question. It is natural that some propositions put forward prior to the October Revolution and in the first Soviet years, have now become obsolete. We should bear in mind Lenin’s proposition that "the categorical requirement of Marxist theory in investigating any social question is that it be examined within definite historical limits, and, if it refers to a particular country (e.g., the national programme for a given country), that account be taken of the specific features distinguishing that country from others in the same historical epoch".  [125•1  This advice should be remembered.

p The formation and development of the world 126 socialist system changed more than the international situation as a whole, it led to a radical change in the international positions of each country entering this system. The international positions of the USSR, the pioneer socialist country, grew stronger than ever. The Soviet Union finally emerged from international isolation and escaped the encirclement of capitalist states. This predetermined the complete and ultimate triumph of socialism and accelerated the transition to the full-scale building of communism in the USSR.

p The People’s Democracies, in turn, with the help of the Soviet Union, withstood the onslaught of international imperialism and extended their gains in building a new life. Some of them have largely completed the building of socialism, others are about to complete it. The international conditions which arose as a result of the development of socialism as a world system greatly contributed to the unprecedented advance of the creative forces of the peoples in the socialist countries and their progress towards the great goal.

p The efficacious use of the advantages resulting from the formation of the world socialist system is of tremendous significance for developing and improving the world socialist economic system, for deepening the international socialist division of labour, industrial specialisation and co- operation, co-ordination of national economic plans and improvement of the world socialist market. Their use is of primary importance for the utmost strengthening of the international positions and defence potential of each socialist country and the entire community of socialist states.

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p The advantages which arose from the birth of the world socialist system favourably affect the foreign-policy activity of the socialist states. They promote the successful pursuance of each state’s foreign-policy programme, the solution of general and national problems in the interests of all socialist countries. This objectively dictates the joint co-ordinated actions of the socialist countries on basic contemporary problems. Such actions are a result not of some kind of “ pressure”, as claimed by the enemies of socialism, but of the unity of foreign-policy interests and coincidence of views on basic international problems.

p In joint agreed actions a special part naturally devolves on the Soviet Union which possesses a mighty military-economic potential and is one of the leading world powers.

p The vanguard role played by the Soviet Union is linked with the mission entrusted to it by history and which stems from its international solidarity with peoples who have taken the socialist road. In discharging its internationalist duty, the Soviet Union is rendering every assistance and support to other socialist countries in economic, political, military and cultural spheres. Together with other socialist countries, the Soviet Union stands guard over the great gains of world socialism, of peace and social progress.

p That the CPSU and the Soviet Union act as a vanguard is recognised by other socialist countries, by the world communist movement. At their Meeting held in Moscow in 1960 the Communist and Workers’ Parties unanimously stated: "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has been and remains the universally recognised vanguard 128 of the world communist movement, being the most experienced and steeled contingent of the international communist movement. The experience which the CPSU has gained in the struggle for the victory of the working class, in socialist construction and in the full-scale construction of communism, is of fundamental significance for the whole of the world communist movement. The example of GPSU and its fraternal solidarity inspire all the Communist Parties in their struggle for peace and socialism, and represent the revolutionary principles of proletarian internationalism applied in practice.”  [128•1 

p “. .. The rallying of the socialist states in one camp,” it was pointed out in the statement of the 1960 Meeting, "and the growing unity and steadily increasing strength of this camp ensure complete victory for socialism within the entire system.”  [128•2 

p Lenin stressed that only the proletariat’s international struggle against the bourgeoisie could preserve what it had won and open the road to a better future to the oppressed masses. While the unity of the proletariat of different countries is indispensable for the success of its struggle for freedom, it is no less necessary for the successful struggle of the peoples who have discarded the capitalist yoke, for preserving the revolutionary gains and achieving their ultimate goal of communism.

p Socialist countries are successfully eliminating the objective causes of national estrangement and 129 national oppression both within individual states and in the entire socialist community. Here all the peoples arc actually equal, irrespective of whether they are big of small, far advanced on the road of socialism or at its initial stages. No state in the socialist camp can lay claim to any special rights with regard to another fraternal country. Relations between them rest on the immutable foundation of fraternal alliance and mutual assistance. The experience of every socialist country is becoming the possession of all, its achievements strengthen the entire socialist camp. That is why the essence of socialist international relations is mutual care, mutual assistance in all economic, political and cultural spheres.

p Each socialist country is making its contribution to the development of the community of the fraternal peoples and states. Naturally, his contribution depends on the economic development level, the socio-economic changes, the role each country plays in the socialist system and in the world. Genuine equality in the family of socialist states is determined by the very nature of their system and the principles of proletarian internationalism.

p Such an approach to equality is dictated by Lenin’s injunction not to forget the elementary duty of every democrat to fight for the recognition of the full and unqualified equality of nations.

p The role of a vanguard played by the Soviet Union, by the CPSU in the world socialist system, far from infringing the rights of other fraternal countries, far from violating the principle of equality among states of the socialist community, imposes on the USSR special duties, special responsibility for the destinies of all the fraternal 130 countries, for the destinies and progress of the entire socialist system and all mankind.

p The entire experience of co-operation among socialist countries since the inception of the world socialist system shows that socialism does bring the nations genuine state independence. The economic mutual assistance of socialist states and Soviet help to other socialist countries do not infringe upon the national interests of the latter but, on the contrary, consolidate their economic and political independence. Cohesion of the socialist countries, their fraternal co-operation and mutual assistance based on the principle of proletarian internationalism ensure the general advance of the socialist economy, make it possible to eliminate the economic and cultural inequality inherited from the past.

p The relations between socialist countries are a decisive factor in the advance of their peoples to socialism and communism. Socialist international relations help both the joint effort to build socialism and communism and the international struggle to promote the building of socialism and communism.

p The socialist foreign-policy aims are to secure, by joint effort, favourable international conditions for the building of socialism and communism; to consolidate the unity and cohesion of the socialist countries, friendship and fraternity between them; to support the national liberation movement and co-operate in every way with the young developing states; consistently to uphold the principle of peaceful coexistence of states with differing social systems; vigorously to rebuff the aggressive forces of imperialism and to save mankind from another world war.

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p These aims emanate from the nature of the socialist system and radically differ from bourgeois loreign-policy aims; moreover, they afford much wider scope for the activity of socialist countries in foreign policy than those which exist in the capitalist part of the world. First, socialist foreign policy encompasses a wide and diverse range of questions pertaining to all facets of relations among states and peoples. Second—and this is exceptionally important—besides government agencies, a very active part in the pursuance of socialist foreign policy is taken by political and mass organisations of the working people, by the people themselves.

International relations in the socialist community are relations between peoples in the full sense of the term. They reflect the basic interests of all peoples, they are a manifestation of truly equal relations and they help to eliminate obstacles and difficulties to the further rapprochement of the socialist nations and to their advance to the great common goal.