p Criticism of theoretical and socio-political conceptions of reformism is a vital necessity in the light of the struggle for the fundamental interests of the working class and for its unity. The struggle for the unity of the working class has been central to the working-class movement for many years, and continues to be so today.

p Lenin wrote: “The working class needs unity—- Disunited, the workers are nothing. United, they are everything.”  [288•1  “We adopted united front tactics ... in order to help . . . masses to fight capitalism ... and we shall pursue these tactics to the end.”  [288•2 

p In his “Left-wing” Communism—an Infantile Disorder and his speeches at the Comintern congresses, Lenin repeatedly pointed to the need of carrying on work among broad masses of the working people, within reformist trade unions and other non-communist organisations so as to rally the working class for the sake of its fundamental interests. In putting forward the task of working for the unity of the working-class movement, Lenin warned that “such unification cannot be decreed; neither can it be established immediately. ... It must be prepared and developed systematically and gradually.”  [288•3  He believed the practice of revolutionary struggle was the most important way towards unity.

p Lenin’s propositions were subsequently elaborated in the decisions and practice of the Comintern, notably the decisions of the 7th Congress of the Comintern, which gave a comprehensive substantiation of the line towards strengthening unity of action by all the revolutionary and democratic forces.

p The 7th Congress of the Comintern decided that the starting point and the main content of proletarian front unity was to be “defence of the immediate economic and political interests of the working class”.,  [288•4  Georgy Dimitrov said this meant joint struggle, first, to improve the working people’s material conditions, to shift the burden of the economic crisis on the shoulders of the bourgeoisie; second, to consolidate the working people’s forces in face of the fascist offensive against the gains and political rights of the working class, and against the elimination of bourgeois democratic freedoms; and third, against the growing danger of imperialist war.  [288•5  In his report at the Congress Dimitrov 289 said: “We stand for Soviet democracy, a democracy for the working people, the most consistent democracy in the world. But we defend and will continue to defend in the capitalist countries every inch of bourgeois-democratic freedoms, on which fascism and the bourgeois reactionaries are encroaching.”  [289•1 

p This attitude was based entirely on Lenin’s teaching. Lenin warned that it would “be a radical mistake to think that the struggle for democracy was capable of diverting the proletariat from the socialist revolution or of hiding, overshadowing it, etc. On the contrary, in the same way as there can be no victorious socialism that does not practise full democracy, so the proletariat cannot prepare for its victory over the bourgeoisie without an all-round, consistent and revolutionary struggle for democracy.”  [289•2 

p The decisions of the 7th Congress of the Comintern continue to be fully meaningful today.

p The Moscow Meetings of Communist and Workers’ Parties in 1957, 1960 and 1969 have made a new contribution to the development of the struggle for the unity of the working-class movement. Taking account of all the experience of the world working class, the Communists emphasise that the general democratic and the socialist aims of the proletarian movement are interwoven into a single whole.

p The united-front policy is now closely connected with the struggle for peace, for improvement of the living conditions of the working people, for preservation and extension of their democratic rights and liberties, and for preparing conditions for the revolutionary overthrow of monopoly rule.

p In his speech at the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties, L. I. Brezhnev declared: “Our stand in relation to Social-Democracy could not be clearer. We are combating and shall continue to combat our ideological and political opponents in its ranks from the principled positions of Marxism-Leninism. At the same time, we agree to co-operation, to joint action, with those genuinely prepared to fight imperialism, for peace, for the interests of the working people.”  [289•3 

p The working people’s real interests, the further sharpening of contradictions within state-monopoly capitalism help to advance the internal struggle within the international socialist movement. These processes have invigorated Leftwing trends within the Socialist parties of a number of countries, and there is a clear and growing urge for workingclass unity among rank-and-file members of Socialist parties.

p Analysing the objective conditions of struggle of the working class in each individual country, the Communists bring out fresh concrete possibilities for joint action by all contingents of the working class in the fight against the internal and external reaction.

p The application of the line formulated by the 7th Congress of the Comintern has never been more urgent. Dimitrov said: “We want to take account of the concrete situation at each given moment and in each given place, instead of acting according to a definite pattern everywhere and at all times, so as not to forget that the Communists may take a different stand in different conditions. We want to take a sober account of every stage in the development of the class struggle and the growth of the class consciousness of the masses themselves, to be able to find and tackle at every stage the concrete tasks of the revolutionary movement relevant to that stage.

p “We want to find a common approach with the broadest masses for the purpose of fighting against the class enemy; we want to find ways of finally overcoming the isolation of the revolutionary vanguard from the masses of the proletariat and all the working people.”  [290•1 

p In each individual instance, the peculiar features of the situation and the concrete conditions of the struggle for socialism determine the forms assumed by the Communists’ efforts to achieve unity of the working-class action.

p But is the line for unity of action by so different contingents and organisations of the working class, pursued by the Communists, compatible with criticism of bourgeois reformist, opportunist ideology? The Marxist-Leninist parties say it is. Fundamental, concrete, deep-going and convincing criticism of reformist opportunism is a key 291 condition for successful struggle for unity of action by the working people.

p Lenin said that the only correct, Marxist tactics was never to “miss the opportunity, however slight, of supporting real reforms and partial improvements and explaining to the masses the sham of reformism”,  [291•1  while simultaneously explaining to the masses the falsehood of reformism. Lenin gave especially detailed substantiation of this line in his “Left-wing” Communism—an Infantile Disorder where he stressed the need to make use of “any, even the smallest, opportunity of winning a mass ally, even though this ally is temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and condition- al”,  [291•2  while allowing possibility of compromise with individual mixed-bag Social-Democratic organisations, provided it was a compromise that would “in no way hamper the Communists in their ideological and political struggle against the opportunist Right wing”.  [291•3  Considering the possibility of an electoral agreement with the hopelessly reactionary Henderson and Snowden, Lenin explained: “The Communist Party should propose the following ’compromise’ election agreement to the Hendersons and Snowdens: let us jointly fight against the alliance between Lloyd George and the Conservatives; let us share parliamentary seats in proportion to the number of workers’ votes polled for the Labour Party and for the Communist Party (not in elections, but in a special ballot), and let us retain complete freedom of agitation, propaganda and political activity. Of course, without this latter condition, we cannot agree to a bloc, for that would be treachery; the British Communists must demand and get complete freedom to expose the Hendersons and the Snowdens in the same way as (for fifteen years—1903- 17) the Russian Bolsheviks demanded and got it in respect of the Russian Hendersons and Snowdens, i.e., the Mensheviks.”  [291•4 

p That is also the view taken by the Communist Parties today.

p The Marxist-Leninist parties intend to continue, said the Declaration issued by the Communist and Workers’ Parties in 1960, “to criticise the ideological positions and 292 Right-opportunist practices of Social Democracy ... to continue their activity inducing the Social-Democratic masses to switch to the positions of consistent class struggle against capitalism, and for the triumph of socialism. The Communists are firmly convinced that the ideological differences existing between them and the Social Democrats should be no obstacle to an exchange of opinion on mature problems of the working-class movement and joint struggle, especially against the danger of war.”  [292•1 

p Speakers at the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties in June 1969 noted the successes scored in the struggle for the unity of the working-class movement. There is growing differentiation within the Social- Democratic movement, with a section of it abandoning anticommunist attitudes. Relations between trade unions of different trends in some countries and on an international scale have been growing more active. There have been more instances of joint action by trade unions taking a different orientation. There are also some burning issues, like questions connected with the prevention of world war, establishment of a European security system, struggle against the threat of fascism, which suggests an especially urgent need for unity of action by workers’ parties, including those which are responsible for the policies of their states. However, these sound tendencies have been coming up against stubborn resistance on the part of many Social-Democratic leaders.

p A well-grounded critical analysis of reformist ideology is a highly important element in the struggle for united working-class action, because this ideology hampers working-class unity, diverts the working class from the struggle against capitalism for its class interests, and helps to spread the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie among the working people.

p Lenin repeatedly stressed the close connection between the ideology of reformism and imperialism.

p He wrote: “The victory of the proletarian revolution calls for the complete confidence, the closest fraternal alliance and the greatest possible unity of revolutionary action on 293 the part of the working class of all the advanced countries. These conditions cannot be created without a determined, principled rupture with, and a relentless struggle against, those bourgeois distortions of socialism that have gained the upper hand in the top echelons of the vast majority of official ’Social-Democratic’ and ’socialist’ parties.... The opportunists and social-chauvinists, being servants of the bourgeoisie, are real class enemies of the proletariat.”  [293•1 

p The connection between the ideology of reformism and imperialism depends above all on the socio-economic roots of reformism. “The receipt of high monopoly profits by the capitalists ... makes it economically possible for them to bribe certain sections of the workers, and for a time a fairly considerable minority of them. ... And so there is created that bond between imperialism and opportunism, which revealed itself first and most clearly in Great Brit- ain.”  [293•2 

p In his report at the 2nd Congress of the Comintern on July 19, 1920, Lenin stressed: “In America, Britain and France we see a far greater persistence of the opportunist leaders, of the upper crust of the working class, the labour aristocracy; they offer stronger resistance to the communist movement. That is why we must be prepared to find it harder for the European and American workers’ parties to get rid of this disease than was the case in our country.... Opportunism in the upper ranks of the working-class movement is bourgeois socialism, not proletarian socialism. It has been shown in practice that working-class activists who follow the opportunist trend are better defenders of the bourgeoisie than the bourgeois themselves. Without their leadership of the workers, the bourgeoisie could not remain in power.”  [293•3 

p At that time, Lenin cited the Social-Democratic government in Germany, the attitude taken by Albert Thomas to the bourgeois government in France, and similar experience in Britain and the United States to back up his conclusions.

p History has left many similar pages in the practice of the Right Socialist parties. Everyone has heard about such practices as the policy pursued by Harold Wilson’s Labour 294 government, the policy of the Right-wing leaders of the Italian Socialist Party, which struck a political alliance with the Christian Democratic Party, a party closely connected with Big Business.

p In present-day conditions, even bourgeois writers frequently report the switch by the reformist leaders to the defence of the interests of imperialism. Thus, a Swiss bourgeois paper wrote that Social-Democratic leaders were allowed to take over the helm of the ship of state in several European countries “on a broad scale, following their acceptance of the democratic rules of the game, and their consequent repudiation of the idea of any revolutionary transformation of the social system”.  [294•1  The British bourgeois publicist Henry Fairlie says that the Right-wing Labour leaders have long since discarded the idea of working any changes in the country’s parliamentary system. “Indeed, when Wilson eventually won power, he proceeded to govern as if he were a pillar of both Crown and constitution.”  [294•2  Another British publicist, William Davis, stresses the Wilson Government’s continued orientation on Washington. Harold Wilson himself is quoted as saying that the Anglo-American alliance was of the utmost importance. Despite the grave economic and financial difficulties faced by Britain, the Wilson Government supported the USA and “continued to spend vast sums on playing policeman in other parts of the globe”.  [294•3 

p The facts of modern life fully confirm Lenin’s assessment of the principal class meaning of opportunism, which “lies in certain elements of present-day democracy having gone over (in fact, though perhaps unconsciously) to the bourgeoisie, on a number of individual issues. Opportunism is tantamount to a liberal-labour policy.... The fundamental idea of opportunism is an alliance or a drawing together ( sometimes an agreement, bloc, or the like) between the bourgeoisie and its antipode.”  [294•4 

p Lenin demanded the “explanation of the bourgeois character of all reformism” which “in fact exerts the bourgeoisie’s influence on the proletariat from within”.  [294•5 

p There is vibrant meaning in Lenin’s ideas today about the attitude the working class should take to reforms. He wrote: “Unlike the anarchists, the Marxists recognise struggle for reforms, i.e., for measures that improve the conditions of the working people without destroying the power of the ruling class. At the same time, however, the Marxists wage a most resolute struggle against the reformists, who, directly or indirectly, restrict the aims and activities of the working class to the winning of reforms. Reformism is bourgeois deception of the workers, who, despite individual improvements, will always remain wage-slaves, as long as there is the domination of capital.”  [295•1 

p Lenin’s approach to the working-class unity in the fight against capital is of vast and vital importance. “The workers are tired of splits.... The workers are disgusted at the fact that the split sometimes even takes the form of brawling—- Unity cannot be ’promised’—that would be vain boasting, self-deception—-Unity must be won, and only the workers, the class-conscious workers themselves can win it—by stubborn and persistent effort.... Unity can be furthered only by the efforts and organisation of the advanced workers, of all the class-conscious workers.”  [295•2 

p Only in fighting imperialism will the broad masses of the workers be able to sort out the ideological differences and to decide whom they are to follow and along which path; only in the class struggle itself have the workers always seen the truth of the Marxist-Leninist line, which has been tested and is being constantly confirmed by the course of the revolutionary movement.

p Lenin’s proposition that the proletariat’s class policy was incompatible with the reformist liberal line is of exceptional international importance today, because of the specific features of the ideology of present-day reformism, and also the shifts to the Left which are to be observed within the international working-class movement.

p It would be wrong to judge all members of reformist parties by the yardstick of the behaviour of their Right socialist leaders and theorists.

p While sharply condemning reformist policy and ideology, 296 Lenin drew a marked distinction between the Communists’ attitude to the “leaders”, or “responsible representatives”, who are very often hopelessly beset with petty-bourgeois and imperialist prejudices—such “leaders” must be ruthlessly exposed—and to the masses to whom he demanded to “learn to approach .. . with particular patience and caution so as to be able to understand the distinctive features in the mentality of each stratum, calling, etc., of these masses”.  [296•1 

p In 1922, Lenin said that there was need to make criticism of reformist policy more explanatory. Socialist workers should not be scared away by sharp words, but should be given concrete proof of the gap between reformist slogans and the whole of reformist policy, and to explain why it was wrong.  [296•2 

p Lenin’s ideas on this subject are of exceptional importance today, considering the growing polarisation of the class and political forces of capitalism.

p The gulf between capitalist monopolies, on the one hand, and the broad masses of people oppressed by the monopolists, on the other, has never been wider. The social forces which are to ensure the triumph of socialism are multiplying within the entrails of the capitalist society.

p As the sway of the monopolies continues to grow, the social basis of the capitalist system in the West is narrowed down, massive dissatisfaction is mounting, the scientific and technical revolution undermines the positions of various social sections which had once been firmly entrenched, specifically the privileged sections of the working class. This is undoubtedly a highly important factor which objectively helps to overcome this split within the working-class movement.

p However, together with these tendencies there is also evidence that the Right-wing reactionary forces are becoming ever more active.

In this age of deep-going socio-economic changes, in this epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism, with the capitalist system on the whole mature for the social revolution of the proletariat, the ideology of reformism is of especial value for imperialism.