p To assess this new communist Meeting properly, we must look back several years. The fight against imperialism’s increasing aggressiveness insistently demanded closer unity of the world communist movement, of all the anti-imperialist forces. There was also the need for a Marxist-Leninist analysis of the many phenomena produced by the rapidly developing political and economic processes and by the scientific and technological revolution. Besides, after 1960 the leaders of the Communist Party of China launched an open ideological and political struggle against the majority of the Communist Parties. They did not scruple to use every available means to implant their concepts in an attempt to split the Communist Parties, discredit their policy and undermine the unity of the anti-imperialist front. “Left” adventurism and Right opportunism became more active in the world working-class movement. Division in the communist movement and deviations from Marxism-Leninism only gladdened the imperialists, who stepped up their pressure in an attempt to exploit the situation to weaken socialism and the working-class and liberation movements.

p It became imperative to raise a barrier to centrifugal tendencies in the communist movement and strengthen the unity of the fraternal Parties. Accordingly, the MarxistLeninist Parties launched a drive for unity of the communist movement along all lines of the broadest front. The idea of a new international meeting of fraternal Parties was put forward.

p The road to the Meeting was a difficult one. The preparations for it passed through a number of stages, requiring extensive and intensive work_/ and the surmounting of considerable difficulties. However, the Marxist-Leninist Parties worked towards the Meeting consistently and purposefully. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union acted in close and constant contact with the fraternal Parties at all the stages of the Meeting’s preparation. We gratefully acknowledge their high evaluation of the CPSU’s political, theoretical and organisational work during the preparation for and holding of the Meeting.

p Preliminary meetings, exchanges of views, participation of Party Central Committees in the discussion of the draft documents, and the work of the Preparatory Committee and 208 the Working Group, made it possible concretely and in a businesslike manner to examine our common tasks, bring our positions closer on many outstanding issues, and unite the Parties around the main theoretical and practical problems to be discussed at the Meeting.

p The principal result of this truly colossal preparatory work was, of course, the holding of the Meeting. However, the preparatory work was in itself politically important. Collective discussion of pressing theoretical and practical problems of our movement steadily won an increasing support for united action against imperialism on a MarxistLeninist basis. The Consultative Meeting in Budapest was attended by representatives of 67 Parties, and 75 fraternal Parties were represented at the Moscow Meeting.

p The Meeting’s success was, unquestionably, predetermined by the profoundly democratic and candid atmosphere that marked its proceedings. Cooperation on an equal footing, wide publicity, which made it possible to keep the world public constantly informed and, lastly, the decision to send the materials of the Meeting to Parties not attending it, show that the Leninist code of democratic and principled discussion is deeply rooted in our movement. It is also added proof of our movement’s strength and viability.

p We can safely say that this form of work, world communist meetings, has become an important means of collective discussion of pressing tasks and collective elaboration of an integral programme of common action. For us, these meetings are valuable as a Marxist-Leninist school of political experience and revolutionary action; as a forum lor a broad exchange of opinions and views and a means for charting a policy that takes fuller account of the interests of the working masses and enables us more actively to fight for these interests.

p The Meeting noted that there has been a further sharpening of the struggle between the forces of socialism and imperialism, between the forces of progress and reaction. In this struggle the progressive forces are on the offensive. Ours is the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism. In what ways does this main trend of modern times manifest itself?

p In the economic sphere socialism continues to grow in strength and scope: the socialist countries’ share of world industrial and agricultural output is steadily increasing; 209 socialist social production is becoming more effective with every year; its organisation and management are being improved; the achievements of scientific and technological progress are being more fully applied to promote socialist economic development and raise the living standards.

p In the political sphere the world socialist system has won greater international prestige and, together with the international working-class and liberation movements, it is exerting a stronger influence on world political processes. The position of the forces of progress and democracy ranged against imperialism is growing stronger.

p In the sphere of ideology and culture the ideas of socialism, progress and peace are gaining ground and winning over large segments of society. Socialism and MarxismLeninism continue to triumph in the battle for men’s minds and hearts.

p The Meeting’s attention was focused on the key problem of our epoch, namely, the struggle against imperialism, which has been and remains the main enemy of peace, of the peoples’ freedom and independence, and of social progress. This problem was considered as part of the vital question of united action by Communist and Workers’ Parties, by all anti-imperialist forces.

p Sharpening of the contradictions inherent in the processes taking place within imperialism is one of its distinguishing features: uneven economic and political development has become more pronounced; the scientific and technological revolution is further aggravating the contradiction between the social nature of production and the capitalist form of appropriation; the activities of the giant international supermonopolies have sharpened the conflict of economic interests among the monopolies of different countries and the competitive struggle for world markets and spheres of influence.

p However, the Meeting stressed that imperialism was not to be underrated. Although it had not grown stronger, it was still a serious and dangerous foe to the revolutionary movement. Aggressive strategy, the build-up of tension, local wars, attempts to undermine the community of socialist nations from within and split the communist and entire revolutionary movement—such is the policy of modern imperialism. Its desperate attempts to hold back social development succeed in some countries. More and more frequently 210 the imperialist forces act in a united front against revolutionary contingents, working out a common strategy and taking joint action. A long, difficult and persevering struggle against imperialism lies ahead.

p The Meeting pinpointed the principal directions of the struggle to unite the main streams of the modern revolutionary process—the world socialist system, the working class in the citadels of capitalism, and the national liberation movement—and outlined a programme of action for them. Its theoretical and practical conclusions thus go beyond the framework of the communist movement—they provide a revolutionary perspective for the forces of the anti-imperialist front.

p In the 1960s, despite certain difficulties and setbacks for some contingents, the three streams of the revolutionary process have been gathering momentum and making a growing contribution to the struggle against imperialism.

p Experience provides convincing proof that in this common struggle success is achieved only when all the revolutionary streams coordinate their actions and merge to form a united anti-imperialist front. Conversely, the revolutionary struggle of the peoples encounters difficulties when this unity is impaired, leading to disunity of action between the main forces of the world revolutionary process. The Meeting attached paramount importance to unity, and called for unremitting efforts to strengthen the alliance of the world socialist system and the working-class and national liberation movements.

p The world socialist system continues to play the decisive role in the struggle against imperialism, giving the revolutionary contingents and the democratic movements their most effective support. The successes of the world’s revolutionary forces depend largely on the achievements of the socialist countries, on the ability of their ruling Parties to utilise the potentialities of the new social system, and on the unity of the socialist camp. Hence, efforts to strengthen the world socialist system are, at the same time, efforts to advance the world revolutionary process, and make the antiimperialist struggle more effective.

p The Meeting reaffirmed that in consolidating the unity of the socialist system the main emphasis should be made on undeviatingly implementing the principles of socialist internationalism, correctly combining the national and 211 international tasks of the socialist states and promoting fraternal mutual assistance and support.

p The Meeting’s documents disclose the profound meaning of proletarian, socialist internationalism in our epoch, of the relationship between the international and national tasks of each contingent of our movement. It was correctly stated at the Meeting that proletarian internationalism is the essential revolutionary component of the class struggle.

p Many Parties approved the internationalist action taken by the Soviet Union and other fraternal countries in connection with the events in Czechoslovakia, but some expressed disagreement. The delegation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia disclosed the danger inherent in the new subversive methods employed by imperialism and showed the vital need for resolute action against anti-socialist, Right opportunist forces within the country and the Party. The Meeting stressed the need for the consistent defence of socialism in Czechoslovakia.

p The rise and development of the world socialist system is part and parcel of the worldwide class struggle. The socialist system is the principal obstacle to imperialism. Socialism’s enemies persist in their attempts to undermine the foundations of socialist state power, disrupt the socialist re-making of society and restore their own rule. That is why the Meeting emphatically declared defence of socialism an internationalist duty of all Communists.

p The danger of the divisive activities of the present leadership of the Communist Party of China for the world communist movement, and the harm they are doing to the anti-imperialist struggle, were clearly brought out at the Meeting. Many examples were cited of the Mao Tse-tung group’s subversive activities against individual fraternal Parties and the communist movement as a whole. Almost all the delegations, which stated their attitude to the policies of the CPC leadership, strongly condemned attempts to substitute Maoism for Marxism-Leninism. It can definitely be said that this ideology and this policy were trenchantly condemned at the Meeting.

p The policy of the CPSU with regard to China is clear and definite. Our position was stated in the speech of the CPSU delegation at the Meeting, in Soviet Government statements, and in the decisions of the June Plenum of the CC CPSU and at the recent session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. 212 Our position is firm and resolute as regards the defence of the interests of the Soviet people and the security of our socialist country. At the same time it is composed and restrained. We will not allow the Soviet Union to be provoked into ill-considered action. Our principled and constructive policy takes into account the long-term interests both of the Soviet and the Chinese peoples. In unanimously endorsing the CPSU delegation’s stand at the Meeting, the CC Plenum pointed out: "The CPSU will conduct an irreconcilable struggle against the anti-Leninist ideological propositions of the present leaders of China, against their divisive activities and Great-Power chauvinist foreign policy. It will do all in its power to defend against all encroachments the interests of the Soviet people, who are building communism. At the same time, the CPSU is guided by the fact that the Soviet and Chinese peoples have identical basic interests. The CPSU will continue its efforts to preserve and maintain the friendly feelings that exist among the Soviet people for the Chinese people. There is no doubt that among the Chinese people similar feelings exist for the Soviet Union and other socialist countries.”

p The Meeting documents underline the vanguard role of the communist movement in the modern world and set forth its programme of action, strategy and tactics and also the ways and means of further energising the revolutionary struggle.

p The Meeting’s conclusions are based on a profound generalisation of the experience of all the Parties functioning under the most diverse conditions: Parties in power and those fighting for power, Parties functioning legally or illegally and utilising various means and methods of struggle, veteran Parties and those that joined our movement in recent years.

p In their speeches at the Meeting, the heads of delegations raised a wide range of major issues and general questions of a theoretical, programmatic nature affecting the communist movement as a whole. Controversial and contentious questions were not bypassed. On the contrary, they were discussed and, in our opinion, the answers to them were in most cases correct.

p The ideas embodied in the Meeting’s documents are a treasure-store for the entire communist movement. In the conclusions drawn by the Meeting each Party can see a 213 particle of its own experience and its own contribution, and for every Party these conclusions can serve as a guide to action under specific national conditions. At the same time, these conclusions are based on the general objective laws of our movement and on general theoretical questions of a programmatic nature, thereby forming a platform for the movement as a whole.

p The Meeting reasserted—and formulated in its documents —the main points on which we are united: identity of class interests and the understanding that the joint struggle against imperialism, against its aggressive policy and anticommunist ideology must be intensified; the desire to achieve unity of world socialism, of the entire communist movement and enhance the responsibility of each fraternal Party; the struggle for creative development of MarxismLeninism and its defence against Right and “Left” opportunist distortions; faith in the justice and inevitable triumph of our common cause.

p True, not all the difficulties and differences existing in the communist movement were removed in the course of the preparations for and during the Meeting itself. It will be recalled that not all Parties were represented. Some Parties, while supporting united action, agreed only with the section of the Document outlining a programme of joint struggle against imperialism. Other Parties signed the Document with reservations on some of the formulations.

The crucial consideration, however, is that we achieved unity of positions and views among nearly all delegations on a wide range of pressing issues. The Communist and Workers’ Parties thus demonstrated anew their full sense of responsibility at the present important stage in history, and their resolve faithfully to apply the approach of Marx, Engels and Lenin to problems of the development of our movement from positions of revolutionary theory and irreconcilable struggle against all distortions of that theory. The Meeting confirmed that what unites Communists is much stronger than what disunites them.