p The Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia ushered in a new era in the history of mankind, the era of the downfall of capitalism and the establishment of communism. The events in Russia strongly influenced the course of history, bringing the great achievements to the attention of working people the whole world over and promoting the development of the world working-class movement. Lenin said: “The Russian revolution has charted the road to socialism for the whole world and has shown the bourgeoisie that their triumph is coming to an end."  [84•1 

p The revolution in Russia, which broke the chain of imperialism at its weakest link, demonstrated the enormous power of the people of Russia and the whole world. Strikes were staged on an ever wider scale, and revolutions flared up in Finland, Austro-Hungary and Germany. Revolutionary actions shook the bourgeois system to the very foundations in France, Britain, Italy and Poland. The working-class movement in Europe grew and spread to other continents. The nationalliberation movement grew rapidly in China, India, Indonesia, Turkey and other countries.

p The victorious socialist revolution in Russia dealt a crushing blow to capitalism, which had 85 long been the prevalent system in the world. The Party Programme adopted at the 22nd Congress of the CPSU said: “The socialist revolution in Russia shook the foundations of the entire edifice of world capitalism; the world split into two opposite systems.”

p The historic importance of the socialist revolution in Russia, however, was not confined to this alone. Besides the impact which it had on other countries, on people’s minds and on the course of history, it was also of great international importance, as Lenin said, in the narrow sense of the word. Lenin had in mind the experience gained by the Russian working class, which was faced with the difficult and noble task of setting up a classless society for the first time ever in the history of mankind.

p Writing about this experience in the construction of a new, socialist society, Lenin stated: “The experience . . . cannot be taken away, no matter how difficult the vicissitudes the Russian revolution and the international socialist revolution may pass through. It has gone down in history as socialism’s gain, and on it the future world revolution will erect its socialist edifice."  [85•1 

p Lenin said that one of the basic differences between a bourgeois revolution and the socialist one was that the latter did not end with the mere seizure of power, but began with it. The enormous creative work which has to be carried out by the workers who come to power, and the construction of a new social system, form the main content of the socialist revolution. Lenin stressed that economic achievements would have a very strong impact on the working people in the capitalist 86 countries and would be an effective means of disseminating socialist ideas.

p In his speech at the Third All-Russia Congress of Soviets, Lenin emphasised the international importance of the Great October Socialist Revolution, saying: “Our socialist Republic of Soviets will stand secure, as a torch of international socialism and as an example to all the working people."  [86•1 

p In Western Europe the workers’ revolutionary movement failed during this period largely because the West still had no truly revolutionary party. Although most members of the Social-Democratic parties warmly welcomed the Great October Socialist Revolution, the leaders of these parties openly attacked the Bolshevik Party and the establishment of Soviet power in Russia.

p By their blatant treachery, the Social- Democratic leaders helped the interventionists to suppress the revolutionary movements in Finland, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in 1918, and prevented the Soviet republics from being consolidated in Bavaria and Hungary. Lenin wrote at the time:

p “Europe’s greatest misfortune and danger is that it has no revolutionary party. It has parties of traitors like the Scheidemanns, Renaudels, Hendersons, Webbs and Co., and of servile souls like Kautsky. But it has no revolutionary party.

p “Of course, a mighty, popular revolutionary movement may rectify this deficiency, but it is nevertheless a serious misfortune and a grave danger."  [86•2 

p The question of setting up truly revolutionary parties became ever more pressing as the 87 revolutionary movement developed under the impact of the Great October Socialist Revolution and as the Left-wing forces, which opposed their leaders in the Social-Democratic parties, gained in strength.

p In 1918 Communist parties were set up in Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Finland, Austria, Hungary, Poland, the Argentine, Greece and Germany.

p The need now arose to unite the revolutionary parties and set up a single centre to guide the world working-class movement.

p Stressing the importance of the Bolshevik Party’s work in uniting internationalist elements and laying the foundations for the Communist International, Lenin wrote:

p “Bolshevism has created the ideological and tactical foundations of a Third International, of a really proletarian and Communist International, which will take into consideration both the gains of the tranquil epoch and the experience of the epoch of revolutions, which has begun."  [87•1 

p It now became possible to set up the Third Communist International, which the Bolsheviks had been urging ever since the outbreak of the First World War. In 1918 and early 1919 meetings were held by representatives of the Left-wing groups of the Social-Democratic parties, at which it was stressed that the situation called for the immediate establishment of the Communist International as the leading centre of the world working-class movement. The establishment of the Communist International opened a new chapter in the history of the working-class movement.

p The movement of young workers, who took a very active part in the class struggle, was closely 88 linked with the workers’ revolutionary activities. Influenced by the powerful revolutionary upswing, the Youth International increased its activities considerably in 1918. The war could no longer prevent the young revolutionaries’ organisations from consolidating their international unity.

p Full of admiration for the Russian workers’ courage, the Youth International’s revolutionary organisations heartily welcomed the Great October Socialist Revolution. Thousands of young workers in various countries were ready to take a direct part in the Revolution. The Youth International’s central organ said at the time: “Young fighters would like to be in Russia themselves to support the revolutionaries there. We are convinced that, if they only had the opportunity, thousands of young Germans, Frenchmen, Belgians, Italians and Austrians would leave the trenches in their own country to fight along with the Russians against international capital. But this is not the correct road. The best and only possible road to international solidarity and support of the Russian revolution is the unremitting struggle against the bourgeoisie in one’s own country."  [88•1  Thousands of young workers who fought in the most difficult and responsible sectors of the class struggle sacrificed their lives for the cause of the working class, and thousands of members of the young workers’ organisations joined the Communist parties. In Belgium and Spain, where there were no revolutionary trends in the socialist parties, the young workers initiated the establishment of Communist parties.

The young revolutionaries’ unflagging vigour and courage, their staunch refusal to compromise 89 with the workers’ enemies, and their strong conviction in the righteousness of their cause, won the admiration of the working class and brought their leaders high esteem.