p Dear Comrades,

p The Communist Party of Bolivia declared for convening this International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties and participated in preparing it, because it realised that there is no better way to strengthen the unity of the international communist movement and assess and generalise the rich and varied revolutionary experience of recent years than collective analysis, exchange of opinions and frank comradely discussion. In our view, this has been, and remains, the attitude of Communists striving to interpret reality from a position of principle and steer social developments in the direction of revolutionary change.

p Having analysed the preparatory work for the Meeting, our Party notes with satisfaction that maximum effort has been exerted to secure the attendance of all the Communist and Workers’ Parties. It considers, furthermore, thai this preparatory work proceeded in conditions which were truly favourable to a free and democratic discussion of the problems confronting our movement.

p The CPB Central Committee considers that the draft Main Document contains Marxist-Leninist propositions elucidating the character, content and main trends of our epoch; it defines aims which will help extend the activity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all anti-imperialist forces, and formulates, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, the essential principles which will be instrumental in overcoming some difficulties that now confront us. Being aware that the Meeting could not set itself the aim of elaborating a completed Document, the highest body of our Party holds, nevertheless, that the draft before us embodies a striving for unity which doubtlessly has infinitely greater prospects than the divisive or centrifugal trends which world imperialism is so insistently injecting into our midst.

p We also think it useful to note that the realistic character of the Document has made it possible to give an optimistic view of the revolutionary future, a view characteristic of the working class, of the militant and creative nature of our ideology. This mobilising feature accords both with the demands of the building and development of a new life in the socialist countries—an honourable task shouldered by the Communist Parties in power—and with the requirements 650 of the revolutionary struggle against capitalism and imperialism, the unrenounceable historic mission performed by all the Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p Comrades, since the victory of the socialist revolution in Cuba, US imperialism has been taking recourse to ever greater violence and increasingly brutal methods of police persecution of the workers’ movement in general and Communists in particular. This imperialist policy, dictated by the desperation of the monopoly circles, assumes the most savage and disgraceful forms in Latin America. Communists and patriots are being ruthlessly killed in Haiti, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Colombia, Paraguay and other ountries.

p The Bolivian working class is also a victim of these imperialist atrocities. In the last five years, repressions have virtually decimated the working-class vanguard. To contain the popular anti-imperialist movement, US imperialism stage-managed a military coup d’etat and followed it up with a campaign of persecution and massacre against the miners and factory workers, the principal force of the Bolivian working class. Mining centres were bombed and machinegunned, and miners’ camps were overrun by troops equipped with the latest weapons. Thousands of workers were dismissed, more than 100 of them fell in battle and as many were exiled, jailed or put behind barbed wire.

p The counter-revolutionary development that followed the coup was facilitated by the action of the Chinese splitters and other anti-Party trends of pettybourgeois origin. Playing objectively into the reactionaries’ hands as everywhere else, these trends impaired the unity of the working-class and popular movement and embarked on undisguised collaboration with the Right political forces which had supported the military coup. This experience makes it plain what role the anti-Party groups really play and where their “Leftist” policies can lead.

p Despite these difficulties and the fierce repressions of recent years, the powerful Bolivian proletariat waged very important struggles, often taking up arms, in defence of its demands and rights and of the liberties of the whole people. It always held high the banner of struggle against the military dictatorship, for democratic objectives, for national sovereignty, and for socialism.

p As world public opinion knows, this period witnessed an event of particular significance for the revolutionary movement in our country. A guerilla war under the leadership of Major Ernesto Che Guevara broke out. Our Party soberly and objectively analyses this experience as a form of fulfilling internationalist duties which, on the other hand, calls for a critical and self-critical examination from positions of principle. Such is the opinion of our Central Committee.

p In the struggle against imperialism the Communist Party of Bolivia attaches decisive importance to the trade union, political and military forms of organising the working-class and popular movement. This attitude does not stem from an "attachment to patterns", nor from a blind rejection of the participation of new social forces. The leading role of the working class is neither a myth nor a catchword. It is a socio-historical reality, living and throbbing. It follows from the real role of the Bolivian working class in social production, its militancy 651 and its exemplary revolutionary tradition. We have every reason to say that the popular anti-imperialist revolution in Bolivia cannot be tackled—not even in theory, let alone in practice—without or against the leading participation of the working class and its effective alliance with the peasantry. This struggle has in the main been waged, and continues now, in a violent form.

p The new social forces being talked about now are fighting in Bolivia as well. In fact, these forces have always been active in our country, though to a much lesser degree and in different socio-historical conditions. Our Party does not ignore this modern phenomenon, it does not shut its eyes to it. It does not underestimate the prospects this fact opens up, nor does it overestimate them. In the past four decades, especially during the process that led up to the establishment of the Party of the working class, the intelligentsia and the university youth, inspired by renovating ideas, contributed effectively to the anti- imperialist struggle whenever they rose to defend the interests of the people. Today this task is much broader and, indeed, involves other trends which, as a matter of fact, do not share our ideology. The Communist youth of Bolivia are operating within the anti-imperialist youth movement. They participate as its component in its stubborn struggles, are prompted by the powerful idea which inspires these struggles and constantly show the way to unity with the working class, which alone can prevent the misuse or destruction of this important source of energy.

p Thus, flowing together in the current battle for independence and socialism in Bolivia are the revolutionary struggles of the working class, of the peasantry, which is getting rid of bourgeois influence, of the advanced sections of the students and intellectuals and other exploited middle strata. Generally speaking, our Party strives for unity of action with all the forces prominent in the antiimperialist, popular and democratic movement, irrespective of their ideology. We endeavour to channel their efforts and at the same time to show them the risk and futility of some of their actions.

p Comrades, we all know that the policy of US imperialism in Latin America and specifically in Bolivia is not confined to repression. Wherever possible, it supports bourgeois and reformist regimes. This policy, designed to ensure the survival of the capitalist system, is assuming a new guise under the impact of the Cuban revolution on the continent. As we know, the same aims of bourgeois stabilisation were pursued by the bankrupt Alliance for Progress. On the other hand, the dependent Latin American bourgeoisie is seeking to preserve and extend, as far as the given type of imperialist policy allows, its privileges on an international scale through the Latin American Free Trade Association, the so-called Regional Development Areas and the Latin American Common Market. These bourgeois plans and alliances are no sure means of stimulating capitalist development and bringing it up to the level of production and technology attained in other regions of the world. In other words, they can intensify the oppression but cannot solve the problems of hunger, misery and unemployment plaguing millions of Latin Americans.

p Obviously, we Communists cannot regard the system of pacts and alliances of the Latin American bourgeoisie as merely the result of the current economic and military policies of US imperialism. There objectively exist certain 652 conflicts and disagreements which occasionally manifest themselves among the militarists and, more markedly, in the traditional structures and spheres of social influence of Catholicism. Pinpointing them and utilising them—without reformist illusions—will, without a doubt, further the anti-imperialist struggle. The conviction of the anti-imperialist forces that socialism alone will radically solve our towering economic, social and cultural problems becomes stronger when they realise the weaknesses of the class enemy and succeed in utilising them in the interests of their revolutionary cause.

p Some bourgeois and social-reformist governments, finding themselves in difficult straits in consequence of these contradictions and popular pressures, are compelled to establish diplomatic and commercial relations with countries of the socialist camp. In most cases, such steps are taken in open struggle against the diktat of US imperialism, whose agents and periodicals viciously attack the "political implications of such relations" and hold forth on the "menace of international communism". In this connection we can say that the severance of our country’s diplomatic relations with socialist Cuba and Czechoslovakia a few years ago was imposed on a bourgeois reformist government in conditions of preparation of a counter-revolutionary military coup. It is known, we may add, that such relations do not strengthen the reformist governments but intensify the fight for national sovereignty and contribute to the establishment, consolidation and expansion of state-owned enterprises or a national industry, whose development runs counter to US vested interests. This is why the anti-imperialist forces are pressing for such relations while US strategists are doing their utmost to prevent them.

p Comrades, although it is obvious that the struggle of the different Communist and Workers’ Parties has grown considerably in scope and complexity, it is also indisputable that the existence and development of the socialist system and the assistance it is rendering to anti-capitalist and anti-colonialist actions make possible revolutionary successes everywhere in the world. The many revolutionary victories and successes in America, Africa, the Middle East, Asia and elsewhere are eloquent proof of this. Therefore no attempts to undermine the unity of out movement can be tolerated. The Communist Party of Bolivia disagrees with splitting activities, nor will it remain indhferent towards them, whatever their origin and colouration. We consider that this is a highly important problem which has long outgrown the framework of a simple discussion left to the goodwill of some Parties and which can be solved on the basis of certain concessions by one of them. We all know that in recent years many actions have been undertaken to split and undermine Parties, to instigate intrigues against Communist Parties of the socialist camp and, above all, to discredit the Party of Lenin—the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Not long ago we witnessed the scandalous events of the "cultural revolution", and only a couple of months ago were astounded by an alleged political programme which repudiates and renounces Marxism-Leninism. Clearly, this lamentable process, which weakens the very foundations of the Chinese revolution and jeopardises its gains, is not the doing of the Chinese people and its finest sons. We similarly assessed Peking’s insidious plot against our Party, and the facts show that we were right: after five years of a rabid anti-Soviej 653 campaign the pro-Peking group finds itself lacking all support on the part of the workers and the people. It is incomprehensible to the Bolivian working class that anti-imperialism could go together with anti-Sovietism.

p Having decided to break with the world communist movement, the Chinese leaders are known to have gone over, internationally, from anti-Soviet calumniation, which they used as a cover, to factionalist activity within each Party. It is perfectly clear now that the aim of the Maoist witches’ sabbath is to shake the unity of the socialist states, and in the pursuit of this aim the Maoists do not stop at military provocations.

p Our Party snares the anxiety which almost all delegations have expressed here with regard to the seriousness of that matter. It is not our intention to enumerate the facts which by themselves refute the fabrications of Maoism, nor shall we speak about the invaluable material and moral assistance which the Soviet state, its Communist Party and people, the other countries, Parties and peoples of the socialist community are rendering to embattled Vietnam and to the socialist cause of Cuba. Nor is there any need to speak about the decisive importance of this co-operation for the fate of the states which have done away with colonialism in Asia and Africa, for the destinies of the peoples fighting for their liberation in Latin America. All this, and not only this, is remembered by both Communists and the whole of progressive mankind. But we would like to call attention to the need to expose the character of the Maoist concepts and other deviations directed against the unity of the international communist movement. From the moment that Marxism launched its ideological and political battle, the most enlightened leaders of the international communist movement have invariably devoted much of their effort to the struggle against revisionism and falsification of the scientific doctrine of the working people, regarding this as their supreme revolutionary duty. Indeed, Marxism-Leninism emerged and developed under the fire of this battle, and herein lies the source of its creativity. What is the point, then, of hushing up or concealing the real state of things in the international communist movement ? What kind of unity can exist and develop in our ranks if we renounce principles ?

p Always a matter of principle, struggle against anti-Sovietism is now also a matter of revolutionary ethics. That is how our Party understands the need to expose the real nature of Maoism, seeing this as the duty of the entire international communist movement.

p By approving the appeal "Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!", our Meeting has taken a very important step. The appeal is now echoed all over the world and it demonstrates before progressive mankind the spirit of internationalism that reigns at our Meeting. The appeal in defence of the heroic Vietnamese people is founded on positions of principle stated in the Main Document. It develops and implements in practice the main purpose of the unity of action. The same support and constant solidarity are expressed in our Document with regard to the Cuban revolution, outpost of socialism in America. Cuba’s consolidation and successes in socialist construction give sincere joy to all the peoples of Latin America. The quicker it excels in developing modern technology and production and new social and cultural structures, the greater the appeal and influence it will exercise on the struggle of the Latin American 654 peoples. In -this respect, too, our Party, like the entire international communist movement, adheres to a position of principle.

p The opinion has been expressed here that we could single out the action platform from the Document and unite found it. We must state frankly our disagreement with this way of putting the question. This approach signifies an actual denial of the interconnection between theory and practice, it signifies proclaiming—as has already been said here—a kind of ideological and political pragmatism which is alien to us.

p We cannot mutilate the Document like that. We Communists must not avoid a critical analysis of reality and thereby give up the task of drawing conclusions throwing light on the present course of development. The complexity and diversity of this course—precisely its diversity and complexity—place this responsibility on us.

p The Central Committee has instructed our delegation to approve and sign the Document.

p Comrades, the delegate of the Dominican Communist Party absolutely freely stated the viewpoint of the leadership of his Party regarding a whole number of ideological and political matters and on questions of the unity of the international communist movement. These questions were examined in the course of the preparatory sessions and now they are being discussed at our Meeting. We disagree with the concepts, purport and tone of this contribution, which is devoid of a spirit of fraternity and is meant to create the impression that the Meeting has taken place without providing an opportunity for a thorough discussion of the problems on their merits.

p This representative had a right to say what he thinks. All the delegations have done so, as equal Parties, and they encountered neither interference nor obstacles. No one has complained here of a lack of democracy or freedom—or had any reason to do so. On the contrary, everyone found it exceptionally important to emphasise the form in which the Meeting had progressed in all its stages. Therefore we could not help being surprised by the inappropriate allusion to "the narrow framework of the preparatory sessions", to " compromise agreements by vote", whereas everyone present here knows perfectly well that there was neither.

p We are engaged in an important discussion. The task facing us is of paramount significance for the unity of our movement, of all anti-imperialist forces, and in respect to these long, patient and responsible efforts labels are out of place, for they play into the hands of our imperialist adversary. Naturally—and this actually was the case—many Parties understood the reasons given by other Parties and, consequently, everybody distinguished between what is a matter of principle and what is accessory and accidental. Everyone strove to bring about agreement on a principled basis. How else can we advance along the road of unity ? Or should we, because we disagree with some formulation, narrow our views, slip into sectarianism and choose the pernicious road of isolation and division?

p For instance, it was said that the Dominican Communists "have to contend daily with five pro-Chinese sects and have been compelled more than once to resort to arms to,contain the excesses of their barbarian instincts". Fine. We Bolivian Communists, wise from our own experience which we have already 655 spoken about, agree on that point with the Dominican comrades and fully appreciate the principles and practical considerations by which they were apparently guided when they were even compelled to resort to arms to fight the pro-Peking splitters. This shows the degree of acuteness reached in some sectors by the struggle which Maoist ultra-Leftist forces impose upon those who disagree with them and refuse to accept their subversion. The Soviet comrades, too, have had to defend themselves, even with arms in hand, against similar provocations. Did they do this because they wanted it ? Why, then, is the international communist movement denied the right to so much as express indignation over Peking’s outrages ? Why can’t we, on this and other questions, adopt a principled position ? Really, comrades, it is very difficult to understand the arguments offered by the Dominican representative. Equally conspicuous is the fact that the Dominican delegate permitted himself to speak slightingly about “many” Communist Parties of Latin America, to which he referred as "propaganda groups". This contention constitutes one of the main theses of the so-called New Left and some bourgeois ideologists.

p Comrades, we already said in the beginning of our speech that the Main Document is, in our opinion, of exceptional value, especially because it contains an objective analysis of present reality and registers the high level of unity which contingents of the international communist movement have reached at the present moment, and because it makes possible to mobilise broad antiimperialist forces round clear-cut and concrete aims. The Document is a result of collective work, and although the Dominican representative said he was not going to sign it, it will fulfil its mission of uniting Communists and all anti-imperialist forces. . This is all we wanted to say.

Thank you.