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p Dear Comrades,

p On behalf of the Central Committee of Nigerian Marxist-Leninists permit me to express fraternal greetings to the representatives of Communist and Workers’ Parties at this Meeting, to express our deep appreciation for the invitation to participate in the preparatory meeting and to make our formal maiden appearance in the fold of the international communist movement.

p We wish to thank the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party for creating the necessary conditions for the success of the preparatory work, and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for their hospitality, for the very ideal conditions for a warm get-together in Moscow—the pulsating heart of the world communist and working-class movement.

p Our delegation will like to record our support for the Main Document— "Tasks at the Present Stage of the Struggle against Imperialism and United Action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and All Anti-Imperialist Forces”.

p We consider this Document a good summary of the experiences of fraternal Parties, an effective weapon in our struggle against imperialism and a creative Marxist-Leninist exposition of the world situation.

p The forces of the socialist countries, the forces of the working class in developed capitalist countries and the forces of the national liberation movements constitute the revolutionary forces of our epoch. Of these the socialist world system is the most decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle.

p The economic achievements of the socialist world system lead to the raising of the living standard of the peoples of the socialist countries, to greater victory in the field of science and technology, to the immense defence capacity of socialist countries and in particular of the Soviet Union, to the greater possibility of furthering the struggle in support of peace, national liberation and socialism. These great achievements facilitating the development of socialist democracy are an inspiration to the revolutionary fighters of the world and indeed constitute "the best agitator for socialism both among the people of the capitalist countries and the peoples who have shaken off the yoke of colonialism" (Comrade Brezhnev).

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p It is a fact today that active relations between ruling Communist Parties are the cornerstone for promoting many-sided co-operation among socialist states. That in order to create the necessary condition for further and higher rate of economic and all-round growth in the socialist world these inter-party relations should be further strengthened on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. For-it is this cornerstone that ensures the ever-increasing possibility of the united socialist world system being the key factor for the promotion of the struggle for peace, national liberation and .socialism.

p This is why the disruption of inter-party co-operation due to imperialist ideological warfare against the countries of socialism or due to a deviation from Marxism-Leninism constitutes a grave danger to the foundation of the world anti-imperialist struggle.

p This is the reason why the unity of the socialist countries and the safeguard of socialist gains of each socialist country, the safeguard of the frontiers of the countries of socialism, become the supreme internationalist duty of all Communists, of all Communist and Workers’ Parties, of all forces engaged in the struggle for peace, national liberation and socialism.

p Our epoch, characterised by the transition from capitalism to socialism, is witnessing unprecedented victories in the socialist countries, in the struggle of the workers in the developed capitalist countries, in the struggle of the revolutionary forces for national liberation in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

p This epoch also marks the declining of the forces of imperialism. The fact that imperialism is on the decline is further confirmed by the recognition of the German Democratic Republic by the Sudan, Iraq, Syria, Cambodia.

p This is a blow to the citadel of imperialism in Western Europe—the militarists of the Federal Republic of Germany—and its backer the USA, and a great victory of the forces of peace,, national liberation and socialism.

p It is important that we realise that the waning in strength of imperialism is a factor for its increased brutal aggressiveness. It is clear today that this increase in aggressiveness of imperialism calls for vigilance on the part of the world revolutionary forces and its vanguard, the world Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p The imperialist offensives in Africa, Asia and Latin America to stifle the struggle of the national liberation movements, the imperialist offensive in the developed capitalist countries to maintain the status quo, the imperialist offensive to sabotage the construction of socialism and communism in the socialist countries—call for a conscious renewed effort to unite the Communist and Workers’ Parties so that in unity we can play a more effective role as the vanguard in struggle against imperialism, for peace, national liberation and socialism. This historic Meeting becomes imperative and it is our hope that by the end of our deliberations we will have agreed on the specific guidelines for joint action against the forces of imperialism.

p The US aggressive war in Vietnam, the imperialist-inspired aggression of the Israeli ruling circles in the Middle East, the threat to the sovereignty of Cuba, the imperialist-inspired secession in Nigeria, the wars against national liberation in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Southern Rhodesia and 517 South Africa, and other imperialist manipulations against the world revolutionary forces show clearly that although imperialism is on the wane it is far from being just a paper tiger.

p The increased imperialist offensive in West Africa led to the reactionary coups in Ghana, Mali, Sierra Leone and Dahomey.

p In Nigeria the imperialist forces ganged up to split the country and weaken the revolutionary struggle of the people by playing up reactionary nationalism. It is our hope that genuine friends of the Nigerian people will study the situation in Nigeria and make such appraisal as will be helpful for the thorough understanding of the problems facing our country. Just now there are too many sweeping generalisations based more on emotion than reason.

p This is why we deem it necessary to give a brief outline of the position of the Nigerian Marxist-Leninists in the Nigerian crisis.

p Nigeria consists of over 100 national groups with a population now estimated at 61 million (UNO Census 1969 Feb.). It is rich in agricultural and mineral resources, holding leading positions in the world in the production of cocoa, groundnuts, palm oil and kernels, cotton, tin and petroleum.

p Unlike the development that took place in Europe in the 16th and 17th centuries resulting in the breakdown of old feudal empires and the rise of nation-states under the impact of capitalism, on the socio-economic formations in Nigeria was superimposed the influence of foreign monopoly capital. The semiprimitive communal, semi-slave and semi-feudal culture fell under the heavy influence of capitalism. The road to the formation of a nation-state was halted and in its place was the colonial experiment of arbitrarily forcing people within specified areas together to form a multinational state.

p Nigeria adopted a federal constitution and at the time of independence had four states—the North where the Hausas form the majority, the West where live the Yorubas, the Midwest which had a large number of small national groups, and the Eastern Region where the Ibos are the largest national group.

p At the time of independence, the bourgeoisie from the Eastern Region who now lead the struggle for secession shared effectively with the feudalists from the North the control of the federal government and fully controlled the government of the Eastern Region. They could not be said to be an oppressed national group. In fact their members were great advocates of unity and of a strong federal constitution.

p Like in any bourgeois state, there soon developed cut-throat competition between the bourgeoisie of one nation and the bourgeoisie of other national groups in a bid to gain economic advantage.

p The imperialists took advantage of the contradictions between the bourgeoisie and feudalist ruling groups in Nigeria and financed the secession of the Eastern Region of Nigeria.

p In considering the secession in Nigeria, Marxist-Leninists must consider the effect of such a move on Africa, on Nigeria itself. Further they must pay attention to the content of the secession and the internal and external motivating factors.

p Every country in Africa, as a result of colonial heritage, has acute national questions to solve. It is well known that the imperialists have worked up 518 reactionary nationalism in Congo-Kinshasa (Katanga), in Uganda and Kenya to split these countries. The Biafra experiment would have been a justification for intensifying this line of action which would lead to more mushroom states which can easily be kept as neo-colonial puppet states. Secondly, the energy which would have been spent in consolidating the anti-imperialist front would now be spent in fratricidal national struggles. Either way the imperialists stand to gain.

p The strongest case put forward by the supporters of secession is that the “Biafrans” should have a right to self-determination, including secession.

p In answering those who hold this view we have to point out that the Eastern Region of Nigeria is occupied by the Ibos who number over seven million people (1965 census), the Efiks 3,5 million, Ogojans 0,8 million and the Igaws 1.5 million.

p That the petroleum and the rich agricultural areas were in the minority areas. That even under colonialism and after political independence the minority national groups have always struggled for self-determination but their efforts were thwarted by the ruling Ibo bourgeoisie who controlled the regional government and had a strong influence in the federal government.

p Therefore it is important to realise that the Ibo bourgeoisie secessionists after the pogrom in the northern states decided to set up a Biafra without any mandate from the people and certainly against the aspiration of the minority groups in the area for a right to self-determination, in order to found a new state dominated by the Ibo bourgeoisie. The short-lived administration of the secessionists in the minority areas showed clearly an effort to dominate the minority national groups and their rich natural resources.

p In this venture the secessionists had the support of the USA, France, West Germany, Portugal, South Africa, Vatican, some independent African states, and the Mao Tse-tung clique.

p We must not lose sight of the fact that contradictions among the imperialist circles also have its effect on the secession. The US and French imperialists wanted to seize the rich oil deposits of Nigeria from Britain. The secessionists became a pawn on the chess board of the imperialists.

p Besides, Nigerian Marxist-Leninists hold the view that it is only a united Nigeria that will be able to fight effectively against foreign exploitation, for economic independence. Realising that Africa has been split into small states— over thirty of these states have populations of under five million—it becomes imperative to keep Nigeria united and to develop its potentialities for the furtherance of the African revolution.

p In his work, "Critical Remarks on the National Question", Lenin stressed that the right of nations to self-determination should not be confused with the advisability of secession. He emphasised that,". ..while, and in so far as, different nations constitute a single state, Marxists will never, under any circumstances, advocate either the federal principle or decentralisation. The great centralised state is a tremendous historical step forward from medieval disunity to the future socialist unity of the whole world."

p The creation of twelve states by the federal military government of Nigeria provides real conditions for the exercise of the right to self-determination. The former Eastern Region of Nigeria now consists of three states. We rnight 519 recall Lenin’s words: "Far from precluding local self-government, with autonomy for regions having special economic and social conditions, a distinct national composition of the population, and so forth, democratic centralism necessarily demands both" (Collected Works, Vol. 20, p. 46).

p In the light of this Marxist-Leninist exposition which has been justified by history and the example of the USSR, the claim of the bourgeois secessionists of the Eastern Region of Nigeria to self-determination and secession cannot be justified.

p We would like to stress that the struggle to keep Nigeria united is a struggle against imperialism, a contribution to the cause of national liberation and full independence. As such we have cause to thank all the anti-imperialist forces which have given moral and material support to this -struggle. More especially We thank the GPSU and the entire Soviet people for an objective appraisal of the Nigerian situation and their positive stand against imperialism.

p In Nigeria, the struggle for a united front of all patriotic forces against neo-colonialism and local reaction is the cornerstone of Marxist-Leninists’ programme for the present stage at home. We agree with the Document that in both the national and international spheres the existing situation demands the united action of Communists and all other anti-imperialist forces so that maximum use may be made of the mounting possibilities for a broader offensive against imperialism, against the forces of reaction and war.

p This realisation ought to lead all Communists to close their ranks and to sit at a conference of this nature to iron out differences, adopt a common attitude towards imperialism and give the other revolutionary forces of the world a united communist leadership.

p But on the contrary today we note several Parties who take a definite negative attitude to this Meeting.

p The leaders of the Communist Party of China—the Mao Tse-tung clique— come in for special mention in this respect.

p The slander against the great Party of Lenin, against the gigantic achievements of the CPSU and the entire Soviet people and other socialist countries, the splitting activities among fraternal Parties and the introduction of adventurist programmes among developing parties and democratic forces, the persistent effort to isolate the anti-imperialist forces of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America from the progressive forces of the capitalist countries and their reliable friends, the peoples of the socialist countries—all these, far from enhancing the course of socialism, impede the revolutionary progress of our epoch by widening the gap between Communist and Workers’ Parties, endangering ’he solidarity of the socialist countries, and indeed constitute a great help to imperialism.

p In the Nigerian crisis, the Mao Tse-tung clique ganged up with the most reactionary imperialist circles—the USA, France, West Germany, Portugal and South Africa, to support the secession in Nigeria. More and more the Mao Tse-tung clique lines up on the same side with imperialist forces against the vital interests of the Nigerian people, against the forces of national liberation. . Comrades, far from burying our heads in the sand like the proverbial ostrich, far from avoiding the criticism of this manifestation of nationalism, big-power 520 chauvinism and racialism which constitute a deviation from Marxism- Leninism, a grave danger to the world-wide revolutionary struggle against imperialism, delegates to this Meeting must direct their minds to find a lasting positive solution to enhance through struggle the unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

p The unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and of all anti-imperialist movements is the key factor to our further revolutionary progress. Our delegation will therefore sign the Main Document.

p It is significant that this Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties is taking place in Moscow on the eve of the centenary celebration of Lenin’s birthday. This factor should give us all inspiration to unite our forces against the forces of imperialism and war so that we can celebrate the glorious centenary of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, our great teacher and leader, with greater offensives of the anti-imperialist forces, with greater victories of the contingents of world revolutionary forces, based on our correct appraisal of the world situation by the creative application of Marxism-Leninism.

p In accordance with the spirit of the document to commemorate the centenary of the birth of the immortal Lenin, Nigerian Marxist-Leninists are making preparations to-build a hospital to be named after Lenin for the care of our sick people. Further we have directed that the foundation stone of the Lenin Library be laid on 22nd of April 1970. We hope to establish Lenin’s inaugural lectures which will be a yearly feature and in which outstanding leaders of the Communist and Workers’ Parties will be invited to participate.

p These new ventures will be concrete contributions to the development and spread of Marxist-Leninist ideas in Nigeria, to the further growth of the friendship of the Nigerian people and the people of the socialist countries, a cornerstone of proletarian internationalism. It is therefore fitting that the unity of our Parties should also be vividly expressed in the material and moral support for this type of ventures in awakening centres of the revolutionary struggle of the African peoples, where bourgeois ideology with its corrupting influence is sowing confusion and doubts among our working people.

p We fully support the document on the celebration of the centenary of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin.

p It is envisaged in the Main Document that after the Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, larger and broader meetings of the contingents of the world anti-imperialist forces will be called to further consolidate the unity of action of the peoples of the socialist countries, all democratic forces in the capitalist countries, the newly free and the oppressed colonial peoples in a common struggle against imperialism, for peace, national liberation, democracy and socialism.

p We wish to emphasise that there is urgent need for these meetings at the international level, at regional levels and in particular in Africa where the co-ordinating centre for African anti-imperialist fighters ceased to exist «fter the unannounced disappearance of the All-Africa Peoples’ Congress secretariat.

p It is true that the full facts of the socio-economic formations in Africa are not fully understood and therefore need a more careful detailed examination, However, the revolutionary movement in Africa may be carried away with 521 such terminology as non-capitalist road, or progressive non-capitalist road of development, which may be a varying qualification for the mounting struggle of the patriotic forces of Africa in the struggle for the national democratic revolution, for full economic and cultural independence from’ neo-colonialism. It should be borne in mind that the non-capitalist stage of development in one or another country is not the final culmination of the revolution. This stage is only a transitory period in the process of the national democratic revolution. If it is not so understood such terminology blurs the assessment of the correlation of the class forces hi operation and the increase in number and activities of the revolutionary forces of the working class and the peasantry and leads to overestimation of the role of the national bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie ha further developing the national democratic revolution into a socialist revolution. This terminology may further blur the leading role of the working class and the necessity for its vanguard Party, the Party of Communists, in the development to culmination of the national democratic revolution and the development of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a precondition to the success of the socialist revolution.

p Facts are becoming available about the fall of progressive regimes in Ghana, Mali and some of the other African states. Facts also need to be collected about social conditions and the correlation of class forces in such progressive countries as Algeria, UAR and Sudan. Perhaps we Communists should find out how Cuba, having overthrown local reaction, took a non-capitalist road and by the full appraisal of the nature of the struggle gave birth to the unity of the Communists and established the vanguard Party for the promotion of the socialist revolution.

p African Communists must found a platform for the appraisal of theoretical problems in Africa, for sharing practical experiences in struggle so that they can make more profound and far-reaching contributions to the development of Marxist-Leninist thought, so that they can become a more potent vanguard of the African liberation movement, so that they can make a vital contribution to the struggle for peace, national liberation, democracy and socialism.

p We would like to register our support for the document on Vietnam. We firmly support the heroic Vietnamese people in their struggle against Yankee imperialism, for full national independence, democracy and social progress.

p We support the Appeal in Defence of Peace. We uphold the view that "wars, acts of aggression and violence, encroachments on freedom of nations—all have their roots in the policies of imperialism". As such, our Meeting, calling and working for the unity of all anti-imperialist forces constitutes at the same time the backbone for the struggle for peace. It becomes our binding duty to unite all progressive, peace-loving bodies in the struggle to ensure the triumph of the sacred cause of world peace.

p Long live the unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties!,

Long live Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism!