p It is an event of great historical and revolutionary significance that most of the Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world—the leading forces of socialism, of the working class, of national liberation—in short, of the contemporary world-revolutionary process are today meeting in Moscow to compare notes and take stock of our performance in the struggle against imperialism. In reviewing the world-wide fight against imperialism, we have naturally in pur minds not only the battlefields of yesterday and today but also of tomorrow. We are here to work out collectively the line for the consolidation of our forces and for further advance. Permit me, comrades, on behalf of the delegation of the Communist Party of India, to greet you all who have assembled in this hall in a world conference of the greatest revolutionary movement of all times.

p It was nearly nine years ago in 1960 that 81 Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world met in this very hall for the same purpose for which we are meeting today. Not since 1935, the year when the last Congress of the Communist International met, had the world Communist Parties had an occasion to review the world situation in all its aspects, until we met in 1960. The Second World War, the_defeat of fascism, the ushering in of the socialist world system, the rapid disintegration of the colonial system and the advance of the workingclass and democratic forces throughout the world had changed the correlation of forces in the world arena. Despite the existence of imperialism, now shrunk in size, despite the strength and aggressive character of US imperialism and its allies, human society had advanced a stage further on the road to socialist reconstruction, to- complete liquidation of colonialism and strengthening of democracy and freedom^ The decisive force in world development was no longer imperialism but the forces of socialism, of the working class and national liberation. Rightly was the present epoch characterised as an epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism.

p The conclusions of the 1960 World Conference summed up the experience of a period of mighty revolutionary upheavals in human history and the history of whole nations, continents and class relations. Guided by die revolutionary 469 essence of Marxism-Leninism, the conclusions of that world assembly gave to the working people and all revolutionary anti-imperialist forces a clearer vision, perspectives and the reliable compass for charting the revolutionary course ahead.

p At that conference, comrades, there were many controversies and many sharp and shrill arguments and voices. There was criticism and even anger. There were arguments on questions of principles and practical policies, of ideology and theory, and each other’s actions in class struggles. Our enemies and our critics were almost certain that we would never come to any agreed conclusions. But at the end of thirty days, we all came to sign unanimously the well-known 1960 Statement of 81 Parties.

p Soon after the conference the national liberation movement began to make greater strides forward. India liquidated the Portuguese rule on the Indian soil in Goa. The liberation movement in Africa and elsewhere began to move to newer offensives.

p At this juncture, US imperialism, whose hegemony of this American continent and the prestige of whose might had suffered a serious blow at the hands of the successes of the Cuban revolution, decided to invade Cuba with all its military strength. It was almost to be a test of the principles and platforms proclaimed by the 1960 Statement of 81 Parties. Would the world’s revolutionary forces with the Soviet Union in their van go to the help of little socialist Cuba, whose freedom was threatened by the most powerful imperialist military machine in the world ? The Soviet Union mobilised its forces for the defence of Cuba even at the risk of a world conflagration. US imperialism retreated and socialist Cuba was saved. The Soviet Union proved that it was ready to defend the freedom and socialism of even the smallest member of the^^1^^ socialist camp from imperialist aggression and counter-revolution, from wherever it may come. *

p It was at this very moment of the triumph of the socialist world system and the forces of national liberation and freedom, that the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government pressed their claim in several thousand square kilometres of Indian territory and on the pretext of border clashes, which they attributed to the “aggressive” Nehru Government, sent several divisions of the Chinese army into Indian territory and began an undeclared war.

p China, which had signed the famous Panch Sheel (Five Principles) Pact with India_s whose principles were held as a model for relations between all peace^: loving nations, threw the pact to the winds and the biggest and most powerful socialist country of Asia, claiming to be guided by the principles of MarxismLeninism, revealed its nationalist-chauvinist ambitions of hegemonism. This was only within two years of the solemn signing of the 1960 Statement of the conference of world Communist Parties, to which the Chinese Party had subscribed.

p China attacked India but withdrew her armies as soon as US imperialists retreated from Cuba and the threatened world war was averted. But while doing so, it openly attacked the positions taken by the CPSU in relation to Cuba and our Party in relation to the positions taken by us in the India-China conflict.-Our Party at this time had to openly state our differences with the 470 Chinese Party, when they failed to reply to our letters and appeals. We drew the attention of our brother Parties throughout the world to the Chinese attacks on our Party and to the nationalist and hegemonistic path pursued by the Chinese Party. The Chinese leadership had openly called on the “real” Indian Communists in the name of revolution and proletarian internationalism, as the Chinese put it, to split away from our Party. Our Party was denounced as a Party of revisionists, scabs and betrayers.

p It must be said to the credit of the Chinese Party that they never left the world’s Communist Parties in doubt as to what they wanted. They published their own alternative general line of world revolution in June 1963. They challenged each Party on the basis of a so-called “ideological” fight. But their own ideological line consisted essentially of a series of perversions, falsification and abuse of all the most experienced Parties of the world communist movement. The new dissident and disruptive Chinese general line threw overboard all the basic concepts and strategic and tactical propositions of the 1960 Statement. If one followed carefully the behaviour of the Chinese leadership in the subsequent period, it would appear as if to them the main enemy is not imperialism, but those socialist countries and those Communist Parties, who do not follow the Chinese line. In this concept the Soviet Union and the CPSU are worse than US imperialism. ,

p We need not prolong the story further. What first appeared as mere differences and divergences on individual questions has now ripened into a full-scale aggressive messianic philosophy of Maoism, The proceedings of the 9th Congress of the CPC have completed the process of replacing Marxism by Maoism. But we are sure the working class of China will in the end succeed in restoring Marxism-Leninism to the great Party of China.

p When such dangerous developments were taking place, was it not time for the Communists of the world to meet and discuss together in order to find a solution and try for unity again? At that time, it was just the beginning of the new Chinese line and things were not yet very clear. Even then years elapsed, before we all, who are now here, could agree even to meet and discuss these happenings and the serious breaches in the unity of the world communist movement.

p In fact, in certain parties there was a tendency to put blame on the Soviet Union rather than see the monstrous behaviour of the CPC leadership in its true colours. Many well-intentioned attempts by so-called “neutrals” were made to make’the Chinese comrades come to the conference table, desist from open polemics and disruption, and return to positions of unity of world communism. But it all failed.

p It must, however, be said that it is not enough to blame the Chinese leadership alone, When: they gave us an open warning of their total separation from our commonly agreed line of thinking and behaviour, we ourselves helped by refusing to come together to reforge unity.

p Our differences and divergences were used by-the imperialists, particularly the US imperialists to step up their acts of aggression and interference in the affairs Of smaller countries. They organised massive aggression against Vietnam. They armed and incited the militarists of Pakistan to invade India in 471 1965, in which the Chinese also openly lent a hand. Then they incited Israel to attack the Arab countries. They attacked those Latin American countries which tried to overthrow the rule of American monopolies and their puppet dictators. The influence of Maoist adventurism led the Indonesian Party into serious miscalculations, which were used by the counter-revolution to behead it.

p In spite of this atmosphere of setbacks, a message of optimism and hope was spread throughout the world by the heroic battles of the Vietnamese people. When they inflicted defeats on the US imperialist forces despite the latter’s superiority, in weapons and resources, this further inspired the world forces of socialism and national liberation to meet and unite for common action. Then a mighty wave of solidarity with Vietnam arose throughout the world, including the USA. The whole of the working class throughout the capitalist world began to rise in revolt against attacks on their living standards and their trade union and democratic rights. But the most unprecedented and surprising was the upsurge in the youth and student masses. Never in history -were the schools, colleges and the placid depths of universities in such.turmoil resounding with demands of democratic rights against the: outdated rules and reactionary teachings of old chancellors, deans, and doctors.

p Most of these revolts arose out of the crisis of the world capitalist system. They were motivated by the protest against exploitation and obscurantism. Though, in some places, the leadership of these struggles fell into the hands of anti-communists and in some cases in the hands of even difeet agents of the reactionary ruling classes, who tried to lead them to disruption, the overwhelming mass of youths, students and workers were on the right path of revolution. They were all a signal of the rising revolution against imperialist exploitation, against unemployment and for democracy,, freedom and a bigger share in the affluence of the capitalist world. Such a situation called upon all Communists and freedom fighters of the world to meet, unite and lead those forces.

p Serious preparations were undertaken to bring about this Meeting and we have at last met.

p It is our sincere request that having now met let us once again review the world situation and the state of the revolutionary forces on the basis of MarxismLeninism and lay down firm and clear tasks in the battle against imperialism.

p For this purpose, the Preparatory Committee of the Conference has prepared documents, after long debate and deep thought, after taking into account . suggestions from all shades of opinion.

p We are glad to state that our Party, which participated actively in its preparations, fully supports the documents placed before the conference. We hope they will be unanimously adopted, even if some Parties may have some reservations on this or that point,

p In a document of this kind the views of the individual Parties on all issues cannot obviously be reflected in tola and in all thdfcdetails, All the .same, this draft before us represents the largest measure of agreement among the participating Parties and this is no small achievement,,The draft Document truly embodies what unites us as well as our shared strivings for thd unity of the international communist movement.

p If we adopt the draft Main Document, we shall have given a good blow to 472 imperialism and fulfilled a great task at the present stage of the struggle against imperialism and for united action.

The Document does not discuss the theoretical roots of the divergences or at what stage of theoretical development Marxist-Leninist thought stands today. However, comrades, we have to think of the future as well. The relations between brother Parties are not limited to unity in action against the common enemy. There are innumerable political, ideological and theoretical problems on which we need collective thinking and co-operation. Our Party holds that our world conferences should’be held periodically. In this very Meeting we can set up a body Which can take such initiative when necessary. It can also help to organise other kinds of gatherings of brother Parties, suited to, the issue and the occasion,^^1^^ where exchange of views and experience ^;and a collective examination of problems can be done. This should help to resolve differences before they assume an -acute form. We are not making any cut and dried suggestion because new conventions will have to be built in the course of actual experience. Nor are we proposing the setting up of a mechanism which will have some sort of authority over the participating Parties. The independence of each Party has to be respected. But the bilateral and multilateral meetings which we have evolved since 1960 are not enough if we are serious about the position taken in the Document, namely, that the national and the international tasks of Communist Parties are indivisible.