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p Dear Comrades,

p The Communist Party of Belgium has for a number of years declared for a new conference of the Communist and Workers’ Parties. We did so again and again in bilateral talks with various Parties.

p In recent years and in 1968, as the differences in the world communist movement grew, we reaffirmed our position on this matter with increased insistence and force. There is not only a serious rupture between the vast majority of Parties and the Communist Party of China but lasting and disturbing differences have developed between other Parties, which, however, firmly adhere to the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism. The result, particularly after the Czechoslovak crisis and the military action of the five Warsaw Treaty countries in that country, is confusion and ambiguities.

p Yet the multiplication of unsolved problems and the persistence of some differences must not lead to disunity in our movement. On the contrary, this imperatively calls for a higher level of discussion and for new theoretical and political quests. We are in a position to launch an irreversible process of decisive defeats of imperialism. But we must remain united. This is conditional on our ability to analyse the causes of some setbacks and make better use of the gains we score in struggle.

p The deliberations of the International Meeting can make in substantial measure for a resolute resumption of our advance. Our Party accepts the objectives and principles contained in the Main Document on the present tasks and unity of action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all anti-imperialist forces. We may add that the Document tackles the substance of the main issue, namely, how we can clear the road to peace, freedom and socialism of the obstacles raised by imperialism. Of course, we will offer our criticisms and put forward our proposals further on. But it already seems more certain that as a result of this Meeting the world communist movement will be more united and stronger if it adopts the Main Document with further improvements, as well as the three other documents concerned with the maintenance 01 peace, solidarity with Vietnam and the hundredth anniversary of Lenin’s birth, respectively.

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p Since the International Meeting of 1960 the masses in Belgium have been fighting for peace, economic and social demands, and greater democracy in the life of society. The Communists have scored some gains, but they have also encountered difficulties that have yet to be overcome.

p Our Party has won a place for itself in the politics of the country. Thanks to its unrelenting fight against sectarianism in its own ranks and against the spirit of excommunication, it has been playing a prominent political role in numerous struggles. It now numbers more trade union leaders elected by the working people, members of parliament and people elected to local government bodies. At present the Party is advancing step by step towards the formation of a political force of progress powerful enough to curb, undermine and overthrow the rule of the big monopoly bourgeoisie. This matter is being widely discussed in all progressive organisations. The big bourgeoisie is concerned and is defending itself with energy. It has vast resources and facilities for propaganda. It is most ingenious in arguing for its policies and in sowing discord and vacillation among the working class and the democratic forces.

p Belgium is one of the West European countries whose foreign policy is unconditionally aligned with that of US imperialism, the most powerful of all. The leading quarters of the bourgeois parties and the Right wing of the Socialist Party make believe that they are independent in foreign policy. Of course, the plans which these quarters advertise in certain conditions when peace and security are under discussion are of some interest. But these political groups have put the country in a very difficult position of financial, economic, political and military dependence on the United States. The stationing of the main NATO agencies in Belgium has merely aggravated the situation.

p The peace movement has gathered momentum in recent years. Gaining ground among the working people are the ideas of peaceful coexistence, the simultaneous dissolution of antagonistic military blocs, progressive disarmament and support for Vietnam. These ideas have spread to the trade unions and to some Socialist and Christian Democratic quarters and organisations and have brought the younger generation into action.

p tye must not> however, refuse to put on record the adverse factors hampering our progress. The Communists of Belgium critically analyse the movement in general and their own activity in particular.

p We must ascertain the causes of the relative lag in the growth of the peace forces in our country. Here are some considerations on this point.

p There can be no doubt that the intensifying policy of subverting the fight for peaceful coexistence—a policy being pursued by the Communist Party of China—has had a most adverse effect. It has bred doubts about the effectiveness of the fight against imperialism. Between 1963 and 1965 our Party was under attack from a group of splitters, which held up our progress. But that is not the worst, for that group has already split into several powerless nuclei: The point is that bourgeois propaganda took ample advantage of that policy to split the ranks of the peace fighters. The policy of the CPC is having highly negative consequences.

p .Diverse Leftist trends taking various forms have appeared. They regard the fight for peace as an instrument of the policy of class co-operation. The 458 Trotskyites spread anti-Sovietism in this environment. Some elements of the progressive forces have come to regard peaceful coexistence and armed struggle as contradictory .concepts whereas they correspond to different aspects, stages and periods of one and the same struggle.

p On the other hand, the peace forces are influenced by bourgeois elements who, agreeing to the idea of disarmament, persist hi condemning both the imperialist and the socialist countries. As a result, the peace forces do not assess properly the danger emanating from West German imperialism; Despite all our efforts since the military action in Czechoslovakia, these • negative trends have become stronger. Our political positions enabled us to prevent a boycott of the ships of socialist countries in Antwerp harbour. We therefore warn some comrades against all ill-advised estimations of the activity of the Parties fighting in the citadels of imperialism. Some talk about things they do not know.

p We must by all means expand in concrete forms the fight for European security. On March 30 last, the Central Committee of our Party passed a resolution to step up its campaign for the government to take concrete steps in line with the following objectives: >

p 1. Ending the American aggression in Vietnam. Withdrawal of the US troops. Recognising the National Liberation Front and the Vietnamese people’s right to freedom and independence without foreign interference. Establishing diplomatic relations between Belgium and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

p 2. Belgium to come out immediately and autonomously in favour of the proposals contained in the Budapest appeal of the Warsaw Treaty countries for European security. Parliament to ratify without delay the nuclear non- proliferation treaty.

p 3. Growing participation in the fight of the peoples of Europe to safeguard European security through measures paving the way for the dissolution of antagonistic military blocs. These measures are recognition of the frontiers existing in Europe, recognition of the German Democratic Republic, renunciation by the Federal Republic of Germany of its claim to represent the whole of Germany and to the possession of nuclear weapons, and the banning of revanchist and neo-nazi organisations in West Germany.

p 4. Public discussion of proposals for not renewing the North Atlantic Alliance as from 1969, for Belgium to withdraw from NATO, and for seeking a status of active neutrality and security for the Belgian state.

p Speaking of active neutrality, we consider it urgent for Belgium to adopt an independent foreign policy of its own.

p Belgium is a small peaceful country. Its people reject the theory of security based on arms, and want security based on detente and disarmament. This is how they can fight, not only for their own security but for that of other countries and take part in si vast movement to stave off war.

p Accordingly, ,our Party proposes an independent foreign policy of active neutrality, wjijeh is a special forrp of struggle—-and one more accessible to us—for the dissolution of opposed military blocs and for a collective security pact in Europe, The balance of World forces warrants the opinion that winning 459 a neutral status that would be respected by all has become really possible.

p Such an approach implies that our country must disengage itself from its commitments to NATO and the Atlantic Alliance. It would allow greater scope for fighting against military ventures, neo-colonialist and neo-fascist intrigues and racism. It involves as a necessary step greater disinterested aid to the developing countries.

p Furthermore, by taking this road, our country would prevent the further use of its army by foreign powers and outside Belgium as auxiliary forces fated to be rapidly destroyed in the event of war. The foreign troops stationed in Belgium would be pulled out. Disarmament would be carried out step by step according to the possibilities afforded by the actual international situation.

We must do all we can to intensify our activity. We can achieve this on two conditions.

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p One condition is to step up our fight and our polemics against opportunism in our country, “Left” and Right alike.

p The other condition is for the world communist and anti-imperialist movement to extend its concrete initiatives against bourgeois propaganda, which identifies peaceful coexistence with inaction. We would like the upsurge generated by the 20th and 23rd congresses of the CPSU to develop.

p We will insist on the government taking steps to secure the recognition of China and its admission to the UN as a full-fledged member.

p The policy of monopoly is aggravating the contradictions in our country. Whether it is a question of the demands of the national communities, guaranteed employment, the industrialisation of backward areas, higher wages, tax reforms or the problems of youth and higher education, the ruling classes are no longer in a position to find effective solutions acceptable to the masses, for the traditional political system of the big bourgeoisie has entered a period of deep crisis. This political system is based on the so-called three-party principle. For fifty years now, the two bourgeois parties have contrived to enlist the participation of the Socialist Party in the management of state affairs. The number of tripartite agreements has grown markedly since World War II. Irrespective of the composition of the government, these agreements have assumed an all but institutional character. It is a question of the three-party character of the political headquarters in foreign policy, the military sphere, in social issues and problems of education, in the control of radio and television. The system is still functioning but its crisis is deep and nothing can save it any more,

p The result is a precarious hold on power and a growing instability of the government. This is why the more reactionary sections of big monopoly, which are directly linked with US and West German imperialism, would like to effect a swing to the right, reduce parliamentarianism to a fiction, form a new ultra-reactionary political alignment and split the Socialist and trade union organisations. They foment anti-communism. Police repressions against youth demonstrations have become more brutal. Part of the leading cadre of the armed forces has become a mouthpiece of the political demands of NATO and has begun to speak of democracy in threatening terms.

p We must be prepared for a sharpening of the struggle in our country. There are forces which can—provided they reach an early agreement—not only 460 frustrate the ultrareactionaries’ plans but create initial conditions for establishing a new political power. These forces may be defined as follows:

p 1. In recent years the working people have become more active, not only in campaigning for higher wages and guaranteed employment but in demanding the establishment of workers’ control at the enterprises and the formation of a state sector in industry. Mass strikes and demonstrations continue. This struggle is increasingly shifting the trade unions to the left in relation to the Socialist Party, in which a Left trend continues its pressure. We must also point out the increased autonomy of the popular Christian organisations in relation to the traditional Catholic Party (PSC). The other bourgeois party, the PLP, has lost some of its following among the middle classes. Naturally, this leftward movement is not following a straight line, nor is it a simple process.

p 2. On the other hand, there is an irresistible growth of the movement for the genuine political and economic rights of the national communities—Flanders and Wallonia—as well as of Brussels, which must become the federal capital. In the social sphere this complex national movement for federalisation tends to fuse with the class struggle. Both bourgeois parties and the Socialist Party are badly split over the problem of the national communities.

p Lastly, the constant orientation of the political headquarters of the three traditional parties towards the rulers of the United States is deeply resented by large segments of public opinion, notably by the intellectuals and young people. Besides, an increasingly intolerable fact is that, at a time when science itself is becoming a productive force, the intellectuals and scientists are shackled by a regime that is retrogressive all along the line.

p The necessity for revolutionary change is beyond question. But it would be wrong to rely in this matter on only the disarray, incapacity or mistakes of the enemy. It is clear that the big bourgeoisie is in a blind alley. But only by raising the militancy of the masses to a still higher level is it possible to create a really new situation.

p We have determined our road. Our goal is to bring about changes by peaceful means. But in recent months we have seen signs of an intensification of the repressive functions of the state whereas there are Socialist ministers in the government. Our task is to show our ability to propose action plans, multiply and extend our actions and bring into them as many Socialist, trade union and Christian Democratic organisations as possible.

p But again, we must not shut our eyes to negative factors. ” -"-’•-"

p —We have yet to evolve a common programme for the forces which are swinging to the left. To fill this big gap as early as possible, our Party has drawn up a programme which it has submitted to the public for discussion.’ The programme includes not only demands bearing on the tax system, education, cultural and social matters but a plan for workers’ and democratic control, anti-monopoly reforms and the constitution of a federal state. This is the way which subsequently should lead to socialism.

p —We note that the two big trade union federations—the General Federation of Labour and the Christian Trade Unions—have formed a Common Front which, however, has not yet become a widespread movement for unity from 461 below in the enterprises and working-class communities. This is a weak spot. An alliance of progressive political forces should be based on the Common Front of trade unions. But at a time when a rapprochement between them is only just beginning to materialise, it is impossible in the absence of a clear-cut stance to combat trends leading to the subordination of labour organisations to the nationalist and chauvinist organisations of the middle classes and the petty bourgeoisie. We must also fight against Leftist groups. It should be clear that Left unity or alliance is not the same as ambiguous unanimity.

p :—The movement should be led by the working class. —At the heart of the problem of alliances everywhere is the issue of unity of action of the Socialist and Communist organisations. Unity of action does not depend on agreements at the top, nor do such agreements exist in our country. But there is a real possibility to reach an understanding with various Socialist organisations swinging to the left. We are faced with a special difficulty: our Party is far less strong than the Socialist Party. However, this did not prevent in some areas the conclusion of agreements beneficial to the working class. We think it would be a big mistake to imagine that the Communists’ insufficient numerical strength makes it impossible to advance to unity. Our Party should strive for greater strength in the conditions of united action, but it does not claim that it is the only one to suggest good ideas that are bound to succeed. Nevertheless, it is we who must give young workers and students a theory of revolutionary struggle which other organisations cannot offer them, and must equip them with the theory of Marxism-Leninism. This is an important aspect of the fight against bourgeois ideology, which insists on the alleged superiority of capitalism in the matter of economic and political progress and affirms that the negative phenomena existing in the socialist countries must result in undermining socialism.

p The successes that the working people of our country can achieve hinge on the further development of internationalism in the struggle for peace, freedom and socialism.

p That is why we must fulfil our internationalist duty as Communists. In view of the decisive role which the socialist system, particularly the Soviet Union, plays we should acquaint the working people more fully with the real strength of socialism. But we ask the Parties in power to help us in this. We should see all that is new in the contribution of the socialist countries, which inevitably come up against the forces of the past in the sphere of economic and scientific progress as well as in the sphere of so.cialist democracy.

p Our Party regards this Meeting as a beginning rather than an end. The Main Document does not fully satisfy us for all its numerous merits. Furthermore, we believe that the contributions of the various delegations to this debate are far richer in analysis, ideas and suggestions than the text worked out by the Committee. However, the text is acceptable as a basis for discussion that in no way handicaps the political work or the autonomy of any Party. The task is to promote unity of action and the cohesion of the Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p Allow me to present to you and comment on the resolution which the Central Committee of our Party passed on at its meeting May 3 and 4. It says:

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p “The Central Committee of the CPB accepts the objectives and principles contained in the draft statement submitted to the International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p “This position does not rule out certain criticisms which the Central Committee reserves the right to offer.”

p A few words in explanation. As our long discussion is drawing to a close we consider that we can sign the Document without hesitation unless some negative proposal is included in it. We think so for the simple reason that the working people of our country will find in it most useful ideas for their further struggle. Needless to say we would like to have a deeper Marxist-Leninist analysis of the social phenomena and specific problems of our epoch, a more exhaustive search for ways and means of setting in motion and uniting all anti-imperialist forces.

p Nevertheless, we attach great importance to the principles formulated in the Document. First of all, we are arriving at a fundamental agreement. We will not list these principles. But it seems obvious that the different ways in which they have been interpreted in the past or may be interpreted subsequently do not safeguard us against future misunderstandings. However, we believe in the future. All peoples should assimilate these just principles and press forward their struggle along these lines, and then they will be invincible.

p The resolution of our Central Committee also says:

p “The principles formulated in the draft statement are also at the basis of decisions of the congresses of the Communist Party of Belgium. The Central Committee considers that to respect these principles is the duty of all Communist and Workers’Parties.”

p This means that, in the opinion of our Party, the international communist movement should show to the world, not only through its declarations but by its deeds its ability to combine national and international tasks and successfully apply the principles of a convincing internationalism, of genuine and effective mutual assistance, of sovereignty without isolation, of independence and unqualified non-interference in internal affairs. It also means that the Document should contribute to the progress of our own struggle on the basis of the decisions of our Party congresses.

p The resolution of our Central Committee instructs its delegates to the Meeting "to uphold positions intended to facilitate the re-unification of all forces fighting for peace, against imperialism.

p “The Central Committee empowers them to uphold a project to continue subsequently the discussion between the Parties with a view to’proceeding to a concrete analysis of concrete situations giving rise to lasting differences in the world communist movement and in the general movement for peace and democracy."

p “It resolves to strengthen its internationalist bonds with all Communist and Workers’ Parties, inclvjdmg those not represented at this Meeting.”

p Some of our amendments to the Main Document were accepted at meetings of the Preparatory Committee. We think it worth stressing that the method of preparing for this Meeting should be recognised to be right and very useful for renovating methods of discussion. The emphasis was on organising fruitful collective work, on guaranteeing the equality of all participants, and on the 463 possibility freely to voice the various points of view. All Communist and Workers’ Parties were enabled to take part in the preparations for the Meeting. This example is of international significance.

p We are also interested in other problems. We must stress at this Meeting that we support the Arab peoples’ fight for economic and political liberation, meaning first of all the Arab Communists who, because of the heterogeneity of the Arab states, have to combat nationalist and racialist trends hindering a settlement of the problems that have arisen in the Middle East.

p We condemn the expansionist, nationalist and racialist policy being followed by the leaders of Israel. But the existence of that state cannot be called into question. It is necessary to insist on executing the Security Council resolution of November 22, 1967. This is an important component of the struggle to prevent the aggressive forces of Israel from establishing an alibi for their dangerous activity.

p We wish to add that the Communist Party of Belgium condemns antiSemitism wherever it may manifest itself. During the anti-fascist fight that developed in our country there fell, side by side with other fighters, so many Jews that we regard it as our duty to state once again that, in our view, no Communist or Workers’ Party can grow if it yields to anti-Semitic trends. Anti-Semitism and Zionism are so harmful to our common cause that we must not allow an opportunist attitude to them.

p We note with satisfaction that our idea of searching for forms of continuing the discussion after:this Meeting brought response at the plenary meeting. The statements which Comrade Brezhnev made on this point in his important speech, as well as statements by the spokesmen of other delegations entitle us to hope that international theoretical meetings will be held in the future to overcome the differences existing in our movement. We must work out a theoretical evaluation of the new forms of struggle born of reality.

p We therefore call the attention of all delegations to the content of our Party’s proposals concerning the activities that could be developed after this Meeting. We wish to specify that by “after” we mean a more or less long period—months or even years—depending on the situation.

p We believe it would be a good idea to provide for the formation of international collective bodies to study a definite range of problems. They should include scientists and political leaders. We have broken up the problems to be studied into three categories but the number of groups should be greater.

p The category of general problems should include examination of the balance of world forces, the state of the national liberation movement and of the labour movement in the capitalist countries, whose role in the common struggle, we fear, is underrated in some cases. The general problems should also include the contradictions between capitalist Europe and the United States, and the evolution and new role of youth in the world.

p A second category should include the study of individual countries and the outlook for the social and political evolution of the United States, the Federal Republic of Germany and China.

p Lastly, we should not hesitate to tackle delicate and disputed issues. It is not only a question of discussions about the events of August 21. We would also 464 do well to find an answer to the following question: how are we to re-establish relations with some Parties which are not taking part in the Meeting or are withdrawing from the world communist movement? We think this particularly important because if we fail over a long period to answer certain questions the objective result could be greater disunity even if concealed behind a fa9ade of cohesion.

p The Belgian delegation shares the opinion that differences over this or that issue should not prevent co-ordinated action by Communists and that we must solve the practical problems of joint action. We think all those who want the struggle for a system of collective security and for disarmament in Europe to rise to a new, qualitatively higher plane are perfectly right.

p We are surprised that nothing has so far been said about a concrete plan of preparations for a conference of European nations. We cannot be satisfied with high-sounding appeals. We need a plan to facilitate in Western Europe contacts and meetings between Communists, Socialists, Christian Democrats, trade unionists, intellectuals and young people. It will take enormous effort to develop an irresistible mass movement, which alone can bring about a conference of European nations, a conference of states.

p That is a matter of decisive importance. The task is to show in practice that we are resolved to change the balance offerees between the bellicose imperialist powers and the peace-loving powers. By proceeding efficiently along these lines, we will put an end to the criminal actions of imperialism, as the draft Document says in speaking of unity of action. We can induce the working class, the democratic and revolutionary forces and the peoples to unite and act together, specifically in Europe. It is an important region where it is possible to curb the aggressors, weaken, undermine and destroy imperialism and more firmly open the way to peace, socialism and freedom.

Allow me to conclude by thanking the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for its hospitality and for providing excellent working conditions for our Meeting.