p Comrades,

p We do not intend to repeat the analysis of imperialism, a subject on which many other comrades have already spoken. We wish to confine our remarks to some aspects of the position in Switzerland and set out our Party’s point of view on the problems under discussion at this Meeting.

p Since the end of World War II, Switzerland, a highly developed capitalist country, has enjoyed sustained economic stability. Business activity over the past 25 years has been at a high levels producing immense profits for the big capitalist concerns. There is no unemployment.) nor have there been any major strikes. Economic stability and a high level of business activity are attributable to the fact that, due to a happy conjuncture of circumstances, Switzerland was not involved in the world war and entered the postwar period with its ,- reduction apparatus intact. Another factor is the high skill level of our workers and the people generally. And still another is the fact that in the past 150 years Switzerland has not been involved in military conflicts and was able to profit from rehabilitation of war-ravaged countries.

p Swiss financial capital has close economic and political ties with the West German and US monopolies. Export of capital and industrial expansion in many areas of the world is a source of additional superprofits, Swiss finance capital has an active share in imperialist exploitation of Undeveloped countries. Switzerland has never had any colonies, consequently it has been able to make a handsome profit out of colonial exploitation without having to run the risks that face every colonial power. And today, too, it is not affected by the economic aftermaths of the liberation of Africa and Asia from colonialism. That is why it enjoys—quite unjustly’—deep respect among ex-colonia! peoples.

p The proposition in the Main Document that no capitalist country is free from harsh cyclical economic fluctuations and recessions does not, therefore, apply to Switzerland.

p Concentration is proceeding apace in industry and banking. Small, technically backward enterprises are swallowed up by their bigger brethren. Big firms in engineering, electrical engineering and chemicals, are combining to co-ordinate research and production. This steadily increasing coalescence of 344 industrial and banking capital reaffirms the correctness of Lenin’s theory of imperialism and emergence of a financial oligarchy. And it is these forces that largely determine Swiss policy. Our Party’s policy is to unite the popular masses to restrict the power of the trusts and monopolies.

p A high level of business activity and unemployment in neighbouring countries have increased the influx of foreign labour power. Out of a total of 709,015 industrial workers in 1966, 277,470, or nearly one-third, were foreigners, with a higher proportion in building, textiles and the service industries. The difference is still wider in the case of women workers: 110,761 foreigners to 98,925 Swiss. True, the absolute figures have changed somewhat since then, but the ratio remains the same.

p Most of the foreigners come from Italy, but there are sizeable numbers of Spaniards, Germans, Austrians, Greeks, Turks and people of other nationalities. Together, they make up a considerable segment of our proletariat, but are denied all political and democratic rights. Wide use of foreign labour tends to foster chauvinist and nationalist sentiments among the politically less conscious part of the population, because important problems of the infrastructure, primarily housing, posed by this rapid growth of the population, are not being adequately solved.

p Big Business refuses to finance such projects and is shifting the burden onto the population by an anti-social tax policy.

p All this is deliberately encouraged by the reactionary forces to split the working class. The Swiss Party of Labour is therefore giving priority to safeguarding the interests of these foreign workers and securing equal economic, social and political rights for them. The Party calls on all progressive forces to fight together with the foreign workers, and this, we believe, is a practical example of proletarian internationalism.

p The favourable economic situation has, of course, influenced the position of the working people. Without abandoning the drive for maximum profits— actually in .order to further increase profits—the capitalists have made certain concessions, for example adjusting wages to meet higher living costs. This helps the reformist trade-union leadership operate its policy of "peace on the shopfloor" and "social partnership". It also fosters reformist illusions.

p But the capitalists are dead set against any concessions that might even slightly infringe on capitalist property, and they obstinately refuse to budge on the demand for worker participation in industry: much-vaunted Swiss democracy ends at the factory gates.

p Nor are all Swiss benefiting from the high level of business activity—- hundreds of thousands have no share in it whatever. Living costs are steadily rising; the housing shortage continues, primarily because of the fantastic land speculation; rents have never been so high.

p Economic stability is attended by a political stability probably unknown in any other capitalist country. For many years now, the Social Democrats have, under our plurality system, been in the government—they hold twd ministerial portfolios. But like the trade unions, they are committed to a policy of "social peace”.

p As a result of our so-called direct democracy, political struggle is largely 345 confined to parliamentary methods, referendums on certain issues, and legislative proposals. One such referendum was held on June lj after a vigorous campaign by the students, and rejected a parliamentary law envisaging preservation of the patently obsolete structure of our higher technical schools.

p Its outcome was decided only by the male population^ since women enjoy the franchise only in 5 of our 22 cantons.

p Our Party utilises every opportunity of this direct-democracy procedure to work for reform in the interests of the working people and endeavours to combine parliamentary with extra-parliamentary activity. And it has made considerable headway in this respect. Right now we are conducting a broad nation-wide campaign to overhaul the pension system, for social maintenance of our senior citizens is manifestly inadequate. All this has won the Party support, as evidenced by its election successes in recent years.

p In common with other countries, there is a process of radicalisation among students, vocational school trainees and young workers. Its causes should be sought in the hopelessly outdated educational system, from primary school to the university, which does not meet even the rudimentary requirements of the technological revolution. However, these young people are coming to realise that the reforms they want are not achievable in a capitalist society and the economic conditions it creates. This is leading them to question the efficacy of capitalism and increasingly to turn their attention to socialism. And as in other capitalist countries, there is a good deal of ideological confusion. It is therefore important for our Party patiently and persistently to inject clarity on ideological issues and, first of all, promote the understanding among students and intellectuals that their only chance of success is to fight shoulder to shoulder with the workers.

p The Party is campaigning for partial demands, but also for thoroughgoing reform; it is working to safeguard and extend the people’s democratic rights; fighting to eliminate or lessen the burden of military spending, etc.

p Ours is the only real opposition party. It is fighting for socialism basing itself on Marxism-Leninism, for a socialism founded on the great democratic traditions of the people.

p For a small country like Switzerland, situated moreover in the very heart of Europe, the struggle for peace is a vital issue. Switzerland is a neutral country, and this calls for stringent observance of genuine state-political neutrality; an eifective and constructive policy of peace initiatives; recognition of the German Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Korean People’s Democratic Republic; support for atom-free zones in Europe; immediate signing of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and, lastly, abandonment of the wild arms drive which accords with the strategic requirements of NATO and other Western blocs.

p In the face of West German militarism, revanchism and neo-nazism, a European security system would be of first-rate importance for Switzerland. That is why ve welcome the Budapest statement of the Warsaw Treaty nations calling for the dissolution of military blocs, and the Finnish initiative for a European security conference. We are urging our government to support that initiative and actively share in the preparation of the conference. Switzerland would thus 346 be significantly contributing to the preservation of peace. Our Party has consistently advocated such a policy in parliament and in the country, for it is the only policy that accords with the fundamental interests of our people.

p The Swiss have always had a strong feeling of solidarity. And that is so today, too, with the wide movement in support of the heroic Vietnamese people in their fight for independence and freedom. Well to the fore in this, along with Party members, is our youth. There have also been powerful protest demonstrations against the colonels’ dictatorship in Greece and in solidarity with the Spanish people. Spanish and Greek workers had, an active part in these demonstrations.

p The 9th Congress of the Swiss Party of Labour adopted this resolution on the struggle against imperialism:

p “Faced with the sharpening class struggle of oppressed peoples and exploited classes, capitalism is increasingly resorting to violence, fascism and the threat and use of armed aggression. In this situation, the struggle for peace and peaceful coexistence, which the Party considers a priority task, retains all its importance. But it must be tied in with support of all liberation movements and with efforts to expose, isolate and combat imperialism. The effectiveness of this struggle depends on the unity of the socialist system and of the international workingclass movement.”

p Comrades, we believe that this unity must be achieved. And it can be achieved only through strict adherence to the fundamental principles we have jointly formulated, observance of which our Party regards as its bounden duty—- assuring the independence and right to self-determination of peoples and states; the right of each Communist Party to define its policy, activity and road to socialism in accordance with proletarian internationalism, the concrete situation in its country and its militant traditions, and without interference by other Parties. Any violation of these principles will produce new difficulties, will lead to differences and splits, and will damage the entire international workers’ movement.

p Proceeding from this principled position, we rejected the attitude and actions of the Chinese Party, especially its interference in the affairs of other Parties and its attempts to engineer a split.

p Similarly, proceeding from these same principles, we cannot approve the action of the five Warsaw Treaty countries in relation to the Czechossovak Socialist Republic. This does not imply interference in the internal affairs of another Party. Such events concern the whole movement.

p We realise that, considering the wide differences between conditions and the levels of development in various countries, restoration of full unity will be a long and difficult process. We are aware of the difficulties and believe we should carefully, in a scientific way, examine the reasons for our differences and find ways and means of resolving them. Accordingly, we support the proposal on this subject put forward by the Belgian comrades.

p We urge all fraternal Parties to do everything they can to avoid aggravating the situation by emotional polemics, and to help moderate the differences.

p Comrades, proletarian internationalism and defence of socialism and the socialist countries, which, of course, is a natural obligation, cannot be 347 interpreted to mean that every Party is under obligation automatically to welcome every measure of one of these Parties or states. For we realise that in the vast and difficult work of building the new social system there are likely to be mistakes and setbacks alongside victories and achievements. These are questions which the Parties concerned should discuss in a comradely atmosphere. Not every kind of criticism should be considered anti-Soviet and anti-socialist; it can be an expression of fraternal unity.

p Comrades, on June 1 our Central Committee examined the draft which the Preparatory Committee has submitted to this Meeting. We highly appreciate the new method of preparting our Meeting through broad collective and comradely discussion, and heartily thank all comrades who contributed to this work, We are especially grateful to the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party and to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for providing such good conditions for our Meeting.

p The fact that 5 of the 14 socialist countries are not participating in this Meeting, and also the absence of a number of other Parties, indicates that, at this time, it is impossible to draw up a comprehensive document that would serve as a scientifically-grounded political and ideological basis for all Parties. However, we think that this Meeting is an important stage in overcoming our differences.

p Our Party would have preferred a shorter and more propaganda-oriented document with the accent on practical anti-imperialist actions, similar to what we have in Section Three. We also think that some of the formulations are too general and are open to different interpretations; to avoid this, they should be re-formulated. Section Two, in our view, contains a number of formulations that tend to idealise relations between Parties of the socialist countries in a way that does not correspond to present realities, and, in the best of cases, can only be regarded as a wish for the future.

p Our Central Committee, therefore, has instructed our delegation to insist on some of the amendments made in the Preparatory Committee and support the appropriate amendments of other Parties with a view to improving the Document. Our final position on the Document will depend on the adoption of these amendments.

p We support the "Appeal in Defence of Peace" and the appeal " Independence, Freedom and Peace for Vietnam!". Needless to say, our Party will fittingly celebrate the 100th anniversary of the birth of the great Lenin. Lenin lived and worked for a long time in Switzerland and exerted a considerable influence on the development of our socialist workers’ movement.

p Comrades, documents and resolutions are one thing, but even the very best documents can only be a guide to action. Our Party considers itself an inalienable component of the world communist movement. We are deeply attached to the Soviet Union, the first state to have changed the very image of the world, and to the community of socialist states, to all peoples battling for freedom.

p We assure you that we will not evade our internationalist duty and will do everything in our power to contribute to the unity of our great communist movement in the fight against imperialism.

p We can assess the significance of our work in Switzerland. But we know that every fresh achievement of the socialist countries helps our struggle, and that every achievement of another Party strengthens our Party.

That is why we welcome the delegations of all the fraternal Parties and through them, their peoples.