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p Comrades,

p The Communist Party of Cuba is convinced of the importance of achieving "united action of Communists and all other anti-imperialist forces so that maximum use may be made of the mounting possibilities for a broader offensive against imperialism, against the forces of reaction and war"—an aim which, as has been stated, the present Meeting aspires to achieve.

p Still, our Party, as you know, considered it necessary to effect changes in several aspects of the present-day communist and anti-imperialist movement so that the Meeting should really measure up to the tasks of the above-mentioned offensive against imperialism. That is why we abstained from participating in the preparatory work for this Meeting.

p We must say in all revolutionary frankness that our point of view has not changed. All the same, responding to the call of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and some other Parties with which we maintain close ties, we decided to take part as observers. We did so because the Communist Party of Cuba does not want its absence, falsely interpreted and artfully exploited by imperialist propaganda, to be used as a weapon by the enemies of the revolutionary world unity of Communists and anti-imperialist forces.

p Our Communist Party is in full accord with the analysis of the nature of imperialism in the Main Document under discussion. In our view, its definitions will help destroy all illusions about the possibility of “taming” the imperialists. Although, as the socialist forces grow, imperialism endeavours to reach partial and temporary agreements with the most powerful socialist states it obviously has not rejected direct armed struggle against socialism (as duly noted in the Document).

p At the same time, fighting against the national liberation movement of peoples anguishing under the yoke of colonialism and neo-colonialism, imperialism resorts to the barbarian cruelty that turned Vietnam into a vast holocaust, and to military interventions (in the Dominican Republic), as well as to financial and commercial manipulations and reformist manoeuvres. Fighting the working-class movement, imperialism alternately uses outright violence and social demagogy, bourgeois reformism and opportunist ideology and policy, as 304 exposed in the Document; it tries to undermine the working-class movement from within and "to integrate it into the capitalist system". Undeniably, its efforts have had a certain amount of success not only in the United States, but also in other large developed countries and, undeniably too, Engels’ forecast about the role of the labour aristocracy, correctly developed by Lenin, may well come true also in relation to broader sections of the proletariat in the large producing centres.

p The Communist Party of Cuba also agrees with the exposure of the special role played by US imperialism. As the Document avers, unquestionably "the events of the past decade have laid bare more forcefully than ever the nature of US imperialism as a world exploiter and gendarme, as the sworn enemy of liberation movements".

p That is why we express complete agreement with the task set in the Document for the working class and all the anti-imperialist forces, "to curb the aggressors and liberate mankind from imperialism”.

p The Communist Party of Cuba holds, however, that to carry this urgent historical task into effect, it is necessary to assert continuously the concepts of Marxism-Leninism in the ranks of .the communist and anti-imperialist forces, to draw on the latest experience facilitating the achievement of this goal and, at the same time, systematically to combat distortions which impede it and which, as we see it, assume .chiefly the form of opportunist views. Those views we consider the most dangerous of all possible deviations at the present time.

p By .virtue of this necessity; the Communist Party of Cuba presumes that greater accent should be laid in the Document on self-criticism, on a realistic appraisal of current events and on the problem of the world communist movement’s participation in them.

p ; While stressing the role of the working class, of its allies and of the Communist Parties, it is also necessary to analyse the weaknesses of the working-class movement in the developed capitalist countries and weaknesses in the actions of Communist Parties in different regions.

p : The Document points out correctly that "in the capitalist countries the working .class, as recent events have shown, is the principal driving force of the revolutionary struggle, of the entire anti-imperialist movement". Yet it is also a fact that the events in Europe have shown what the working class and its organisations still need to fulfil this role properly, and that they have also shown that the old European bourgeoisie is still able to manoeuvre in order to come out of the crises by taking advantage of the lack of unity among the proletarian forces, the students, and other middle strata.

p At the same time, while giving its due to the heroic behaviour of thousands of Latin American Communists, we consider as not quite precise the general formulation in the Document according to which in our region "the Communist and Workers’ Parties stand in the van of the democratic forces and are the standard-bearers .of the anti-imperialist struggle, fighting selflessly and courageously- for the demands of the masses, for revolutionary reconstruction”.

p We should be insincere before this Meeting if we did not say that, in our view, this picture does not conform to the actual situation in some of the Communist Parties of Latin America.

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p We also agree with the Document that "the world socialist system is the decisive force in the anti-imperialist struggle". But, as we see it, the internal differences in the socialist system, some of the erroneous concepts of the process of development to socialism, the consequences of which surfaced so dramatically of late, as well as the faulty appraisals understating the danger of imperialism and regarding as possible its evolution towards reconciliation injured the role of the socialist system in the anti-imperialist liberation struggle. The general trend of the Document is a considerable step forward in comparison with the above-mentioned concepts.

p It seems to us, too, that the role of bourgeois reformism in the general imperialist strategy should be brought out in bolder relief.

p For example, in analysing the situation in Latin America the main accent is laid on the traditional aspects of imperialist penetration and the use of the most reactionary groups ("armed coups, reactionary dictatorships", etc). However, in the view of our Party “democratic” temptations presented as alternatives, taking the form of support rendered by Washington on definite conditions to reformist Latin American governments, are no less significant. These methods are all the more dangerous because they are used to stimulate reformist trends in the ranks of working-class, anti-imperialist and communist forces, breeding illusions about the prospects of gradually destroying imperialism in our countries in this way. A closer scrutiny of this problem would reveal, for example, that the establishment and expansion of diplomatic relations by Latin American governments with socialist countries, coupled with pronouncements of possible changes in the position of these governments towards Cuba, do not necessarily represent an earnest policy of repulsing US imperialism, but a mere manoeuvre to win time in face of difficulties, to deceive and mislead the masses. That is why we stand for a more thorough exposure of bourgeois reformism as a tool used by the imperialists to maintain their domination in countries of the Third World.

p When describing present-day capitalism one cannot ignore those moral and cultural aspects which are connected with the accelerated process of industrialisation and the technological revolution, making the so-called "consumer society" unbearable and exercising a particularly depressing effect on the working youth and students, causing more and more frequent eruptions of rebellion.

p As we see it, this issue is taken up but rarely because some sections of the communist movement are reluctant to admit what we consider an obvious fact—that for reasons that have nothing in common with what the apologists of capitalism call the permanent stability of the system, the material situation of broad sections of the working class and other groups of working people in the developed capitalist countries has improved since the Second World War chiefly at the price of growing poverty among the Asian, African and Latin American peoples and as a result of the unbridled militarisation of the economies of separate imperialist countries. In our opinion, a more exhaustive study of these aspects would facilitate a.more accurate definition of the place occupied by the rebellious actions of the youth in the framework Of the general struggle for the final destruction of capitalism.

p Allow us now to express some ideas concerning the third section of the 306 Document and especially that part of it which deals with questions related to the struggle for peace.

p The Communist Party of Cuba is fully conscious of the importance of the struggle for peace, against the aggressive actions of modern imperialism, especially US imperialism. It is a fact that championing peace enables us to unite in the anti-imperialist front the broadest forces, including large sections of the population not yet opposed to imperialism as a system of oppression and those which, by reason of their specific interests, will probably never join us in the fight against capitalism.

p However, our Party assumes that for the purpose of developing a victorious anti-imperialist struggle and achieving the aim of liberating mankind from imperialism, proclaimed in the Document, we must draw a line of distinction between the methods and programmes of the struggle for peace capable of uniting all those who do not oppose capitalism, and even imperialism, on the one hand, and the more profound aims and programmes of those forces that come or may come into collision with imperialism, being determined to wipe imperialism off the face of the earth as a system, on the "other.

p It seems to us, therefore, that the exposition of this question in some parts of the third section could create some confusion as regards strategy and tactics.

p Beyond question, the prime aim of united action by all who are prepared to fight for peace, freedom and progress should now be, as the Document stresses, all-round support far the heroic Vietnamese people. The people of Cuba, who have declared through their Party and government that they are determined to give their last drop of blood for the Vietnamese cause, again here declare their solidarity with the people of Vietnam. In this we see a cardinal duty of every honest man. The Cuban people approve the proposals contained in the Document, designed to bring nearer the day of victory for the heroic Vietnamese people, and approve the general content of the suggested Appeal. We fully support the 10 points advanced by the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam.

p All the same, our Party cannot agree with the proposition that the main direction of united action of the anti-imperialist forces remains the struggle against war, for world peace,

p To be sure, world peace is the universal wish of mankind. Only a man-hating minority personifying the most beastly features of modern militaristic imperialism, objects to it. However, securing peace is no more than a part, although a very important one, of the battle against imperialism. Past history shows that peace may be maintained for a long time, while there continues the most brutal economic, political and social oppression of the vast majority of mankind.

p Safeguarding peace may be viewed as the main direction when we deal with a broad united movement of Communists and foes of imperialism, embracing other forces, including, as the Document points out, the peace-loving states. However, safeguarding peace cannot be "the main direction of united action of the anti-imperialist forces", because that would set a limit to our historical aims. It is crushing and eliminating imperialism that should be considered by the anti-imperialist forces as the main direction in their actions.

p In our view, this is an unfortunate formulation. A clearer exposition of the 307 matter would help make more effective the correct explanation of the importance of fighting for the peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems which is given in the Document. The Communist Party of Cuba is in agreement with this approach, because it thinks that the definition pinpoints correctly, in a Leninist way, the relation between the peaceful coexistence of states and the struggle of the peoples against imperialist oppression! In that sense, we welcome the statement that "the policy of peaceful coexistence in no way signifies support for reactionary regimes, does not restrict the right of any oppressed people to fight for its liberation by any means, including the armed one... It is equally indisputable that every people has the inalienable right to take up arms in defence against encroachments by imperialist aggressors and to avail itself of the help of other peoples in its just cause. This is an integral part of the general anti-imperialist struggle of the peoples”.

p Also, we give our backing to the proposition in the Document according to which the policy of peaceful coexistence "does not imply either the preservation of the social and political status quo, or a weakening of the ideological struggle", and that "mass action against imperialism is a condition for implementing the policy of peaceful coexistence”.

p As we see it, these formulations in the Document, like the basic propositions in the Appeal in Defence of Peace, were indispensable. Recently we learned with great surprise that in the opinion of a leader of the Communist Party of a certain capitalist country, the armed struggle for independence in Latin America jeopardises peaceful coexistence and should, therefore, be repudiated by the communist movement.

p Our Party is in accord with the idea that "the main effort should be directed towards the prohibition of nuclear weapons; nuclear energy should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes". However, so long as this ban is not achieved, we shall retain our view, well known to the participants here, on the question of the spread of nuclear weapons.

p Needless to say, in the fight for peace the Communist Party of Cuba supports exposure of the US aggression against the Korean People’s Democratic Republic and the threats emanating from the West German imperialists and their associates in the United States against the German Democratic Republic. We are in accord with the call to world opinion to display continuous and active solidarity with the GDR and the KPDR and the entire Korean people, including those millions who live south of the 38th parallel. We also join in demanding the restoration of the legitimate rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations.

p As indicated in the draft Document, it is highly important for the struggle against imperialism that Communists strive to do everything in their power "to bring about greater mutual understanding between the numerous and diverse anti-imperialist trends and movements, taking into consideration their specific features and showing respect for their independence”.

p Both the Communists and the non-communist forces opposing imperialism must make efforts in that direction. It says rightly in the draft that "any hostility or mistrust with regard to Communists, all repressions against them, contradict the cause of struggle for the national and social emancipation of the 308 peoples". However, to eliminate such mistrust, the Communists must possess the skill of always performing the role of vanguard, which is theirs not because they are Communists by name; they have to earn it in struggle and by showing the right example.

p It is also necessary that in the struggle for unity against imperialism, the Communists, being representatives of the most mature and conscious ideology, should cast oif all arrogance and sectarian limitations and use the most democratic methods in preparing for and effecting unity.

p Those are some of the ideas of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba in relation to the draft of the Document, which we should like, in all sincerity, without pretensions, to present to the representatives of the Communist and Workers’ Parties gathered here.

p Other remarks would have arisen in a more detailed discussion, as was the case in the Preparatory Committee. However, there is no need to restate the reasons why we did not take part in its work.

p We cannot overlook the references in the documents and in numerous speeches to Cuba’s struggle for consolidating and developing the revolution in the conditions of blockade and US imperialist threats. We think highly of the statement that defending Cuba is "the duty of Communists and all other revolutionary and anti-imperialist forces in Latin America and throughout the world”.

p It is evident that "US- imperialism has not abandoned its plans to strangle revolutionary Cuba", whatever forms its attitude towards our country may adopt, depending on the circumstances. The less successful its peacemaking reformist manoeuvres in Latin America, the greater its irritation with Cuba and the greater the danger for us. This policy will inevitably fail, as is most clearly illustrated by the failure of the Alliance for Progress, the events in Peru and the wave of prptests in Latin America over Rockefeller’s tour.

p That is why the death of Che Guevara is not the end but the beginning of a new period in the development of the revolutionary process in Latin America. The people of Cuba and their Party know the responsibilities and dangers this implies, and must show firmness in defending victoriously their national independence and revolution.

p In defending the outpost of socialism in the Western Hemisphere, we have had the support of the Soviet Union, the socialist camp and the entire revolutionary movement. Here, in the homeland of the great Lenin, on the threshold of the glorious anniversary of his birth, in the country which was the first in history to destroy capitalist oppression and break the fetters of capitalism, we should like to stress on behalf of the Communist Party of Cuba the full significance for our struggle of the military aid, the economic support and the political and moral solidarity of the Soviet Union, the Soviet people and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Comrade Fidel Castro spoke of this in his speech on January 2 on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the Cuban revolution.

p As this friendship and co-operation developed, inevitable, sometimes even acute, differences arose. However, the Communist Party of Cuba holds that in the struggle of the peoples against imperialism the Soviet Union plays the role of main bastion, and this historic role in our time has taken the form 309 of support for the socialist revolution in Cuba, all the Arab peoples in the Middle East, and aid tor the cause of the Vietnamese people. We shall never forget the immense sacrifices and efforts made by the Soviet people for the good of mankind, including its heroic, decisive contribution to the liberation of mankind from nazism, which cost it 20 million lives.

p That is why we declare from this rostrum: Cuba will always without hesitation take the side of the Soviet Union in any decisive confrontation—as in the case of Soviet action against the danger of any country being torn away from the socialist system as a result .of imperialist manoeuvres, so in the case of provocations and aggressions against the Soviet people, wherever these may originate.

Thank you.