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p Dear Comrades,

p This Meeting of the Communist Parties was convened to hold a wide exchange of views on current problems of the struggle against imperialism, on the tasks of our Parties in achieving unity of action of the communist and workingclass movement, of the entire anti-imperialist front, to fulfil the peoples’ aspirations for social progress and prevent a new world war. These problems are of fundamental importance for contemporary international life, the destiny of mankind, the revolutionary development of society.

p The conditions in which the Meeting is being held are distinctive both internationally and from the point of view of the relations between socialist-countries and Communist Parties. We have in mind the complexity of the events taking place in the world arena and the role the Communist Parties have to play in world affairs today. We also refer to the fact that the Parties of five socialist countries and a number of capitalist states are not participating in this Meeting, that there exist divergent views, differences and elements of tension in our movement which affect the relations of co-operation between the socialist countries and between our Communist Parties.

p When the idea of convening the Meeting was put forward, the Rumanian Communist Party declared, as you know, that the conditions for holding it were not as favourable as could be desired. Today we must say that, unfortunately, life has confirmed the correctness of our Party’s viewpoint.

p The Rumanian Communist Party decided to participate in the Meeting, animated by the desire to make an active contribution to its successful progress, so that the Meeting might create the prerequisites of overcoming the difficulties existing in the communist and working-class movement, normalising relations between all the fraternal Parties on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism and strengthening the cohesion of the antiimperialist forces. It is our desire, despite the existing divergences and on the basis of what unites us, what we have in common and what is fundamental in our struggle, to act in such a way as to ensure that the Meeting serves the unity of tens of millions of Communists throughout the world, of the gigantic 245 social forces opposed to imperialism, that it serves the victory of revolutionary ideals, the ideals of peace and the prosperity of the peoples.

p The preparatory work helped to overcome a number of difficulties, creating conditions for the participation of a great number of Parties in this Meeting. We appreciated the good start of our Meeting. But, as we emphasised in our remarks on the procedure of the Meeting, attacks against a Party which is not participating have resulted in giving the Meeting from the second day onwards a trend that affects the normal course of the proceedings and endangers the achievement of the goals of the Meeting, aimed at strengthening the unity of the Communist and Workers’ Parties and all the anti-imperialist forces in the struggle against imperialism, in defence of peace.

p The delegation of the Rumanian Communist Party very earnestly analysed the situation created as a result of the attacks* against the Chinese Communist Party and informed the Central Committee about it. While expressing concern about the evolution of the Meeting proceedings and the danger of an aggra^- vation of tension between the Communist and Workers’ Parties, the leadership of our Party decided that we should continue to participate in the Meeting in order to state our position with regard to the problems being dealt with and to do all in our power for this Meeting and the documents it will adopt to correspond to the set aim, that is, the tasks in the fight against imperialism and the unity of action of the Communist and Workers’ Parties, of all the anti-imperialist forces, and at the same time not to lead to sharper divergences, but, oil the contrary, to help find the ways to the unity of our entire movement on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism.

p Dear comrades, our Party holds that in order to understand correctly the international situation it is necessary to make a thorough, realistic and comprehensive analysis in the light of our Marxist-Leninist world outlook. That is the only way to reach scientifically valid political conclusions helping the anti-imperialist forces in their struggle.

p The fundamental feature of the contemporary world is that the revolutionary, progressive forces are on the rise, that their influence in world political affairs increases continuously, that it is these forces, and not imperialism, which are determining the course of events to an ever increasing degree.

p International life shows that the imperialist circles, and in the first place US imperialism, continue stubbornly to oppose the progressive development of mankind; in their efforts to maintain and consolidate their domination, they do not shrink from violating the sovereignty and independence of other peoples, the norms of international law, from launching attacks of all kinds against the revolutionary, democratic and national liberation movements. Imperialism organises armed aggressions, as in the case of Vietnam, maintains aggressive military blocs, goes out of its way to poison international relations and provokes conflicts and tensions in various parts of the world. One of the methods frequently used by the imperialist circles to expand their domination is to foster neo-colonialism: economic subordination of the new states and exploitation of their national resources.

p We cannot help noting that in a number of capitalist countries the most reactionary circles have mounted an offensive against the democratic rights and 246 freedoms of the masses, subjecting the Communist Parties and other democratic organisations to a regime of terror and persecution, arresting and persecuting the progressive elements of the nation and militants in the social field; in some countries ultra-reactionary regimes are being set up with the backing of the big imperialist powers, with the most retrograde forces coming to the fore in social life, ready to betray the national interests of the peoples and open the path to imperialist domination.

p Nor can we ignore the activity of reaction in certain West European countries, especially that of the revenge-seeking militarist circles in the Federal Republic of Germany, which, disregarding the lessons of history, want to continue with German imperialism’s old militarist policy that has done so much harm to the German people and the entire world.

p However, huge revolutionary, progressive forces are rising resolutely against the policy of the reactionary circles, inflicting powerful blows and smarting setbacks on imperialism. The defeat suffered by the United States in the war in Vietnam despite the huge concentration of armed force and military equipment is a point in case.

p This again demonstrates that in our day the policy of force is doomed to failure, that no power in the world can defeat a people resolved selflessly and courageously to defend its national freedom and independence, its sacred right to decide its own future. Life shows that such a people enjoys the broadest international solidarity, the active backing of all revolutionary and progressive forces, of forward-looking public opinion everywhere, helping it to victory in its just struggle and rendering it invincible.

p The policy of imperialist domination and diktat encounters energetic resistance by all the threatened nations. The peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America are rising with vigour and in a militant spirit against imperialist domination, demonstrating their determination to live in freedom and to decide their own fate. The tendency of the big imperialist powers to expand their domination, to redivide the world into zones of influence, is opposed by the firm resolve of the peoples to defend their independence, to use their material wealth and their entire national potential in a sovereign way, according to their own will, to develop economic and political relations with all states on the basis of fully equal rights and mutual advantage.

p It should be noted that a large and powerful current is swelling up against the hegemonic tendencies of US imperialism throughout the capitalist world. This is reflected in the mass movements headed by the working class, in the resentment against US policies even in certain government circles of the countries allied-to the United States, in the dissociation of some capitalist states from a number of aspects of the big-power policy of force conducted by the United States. Conclusive in this sense is the inclination of some states to withdraw from the military bodies of NATO, the intensification of the tendency against the maintenance of the aggressive North Atlantic Alliance. As a result of this domination-oriented- US policy, the contradictions between the USA and the other big capitalist states are deepening and the inter-imperialist struggle for the establishment of neo-colonialist domination, for seizure of markets and raw material resources, for dominant positions in international economic life is 247 growing in intensity. The contradictions between capitalist countries, especially the Common Market countries and those belonging to other bodies, are becoming deeper.

p In recent years, the US policy of force, diktat and interference in the affairs of other peoples has somewhat weakened the political positions of the United States in the world, leading to its isolation and impairing its prestige in the eyes of world opinion, a fact that is also admitted in the United States. The scope of the social movements of the American democratic forces, the wave of mass actions in the United States—comprising the most varied social sections and political circles—against continuing the war in Vietnam, for a policy of peace, the intensification of the struggle waged by the coloured people and progressive circles against segregation and racial discrimination—those are all clear expressions of the difficulties faced by the US ruling circles.

p Special note should be taken of the growing influence of the military in the governments of certain capitalist states and the ever closer blending of its interests with those of the big monopolies. In fact, economic, social and political life there is being militarised as a result of the policy of excessive arming and the growth of the armed forces. Historical experience has shown more than once that seizure of dominant positions by the military in political and social life is a peril to the general progress of society.

p It is evident from the examination of the general over-all trends in the capitalist world that a process is under way continuously restricting the field of action and the domination of imperialism, accentuating phenomena of its disintegration; this creates new possibilities for the successful conduct of the struggle for the abolition of the imperialist world system. At the same time, it is obvious that imperialism has not changed its aggressive character, that its existence is still fraught with the danger of a new world war. We must not therefore underestimate the threat presented by imperialism. The vigilance of the peoples against its actions must be continuously increased, and broad union of all revolutionary and progressive forces assured to thwart its aggressive designs and safeguard peace.

p Reality shows that imperialism is no longer all-powerful today, that it can no longer impose its will and domination whenever it likes, even by resorting to force; that imperialism’s aggressive actions prove not its strength but its weakness, being an expression of its desire to stem the precipitous flow of the anti-imperialist movement in the world and the struggle of the peoples for freedom and national independence, an expression of its desire to hinder the progressive development of the modern world, the fulfilment of the peoples’ aspirations to a better life, to independent development. The Marxist-Leninist analysis of the over-all picture of the struggle between the anti-imperialist front and the forces of reaction points clearly to the fact that superiority is on the side of the forces of progress and peace. Hence the conviction that no immediate threat of war exists and that there is a positive possibility of preventing imperialism from plunging mankind into a new world conflagration.

p Our Party holds that for the draft Document to correspond better to the requirements, some improvements are necessary in Section One, providing as objective as possible a description of the processes in the world, to avoid creating the 248 impression that the danger still presented by imperialism is being underestimated, yet .also avoid overestimating that danger.

p Comrades, the analysis of the world’s social and political picture reveals deep-going changes in the international arena.

p As is known, the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution inaugurated a new era in the history of mankind, opening up the way for proletarian revolutions, for the peoples’ liberation from imperialist domination and for building the classless communist society.

p Overcoming extremely great difficulties, the Soviet people, led by the Communist Party created by Lenin, succeeded in accomplishing the tasks of the economic and social construction of the new, socialist system. During the Second World War, shouldering the greatest burden in the fight against Hitler Germany, the USSR made the decisive contribution to defeating fascism and delivering mankind from the danger of nazi slavery. Scoring outstanding successes in rapidly developing the productive forces, building the technical and material basis of socialism and advancing science, technology and culture, the Soviet Union has become a great socialist power.

p In the early post-war, the revolutionary struggle of the working class, of the broad masses of working people under the leadership of the Communist Parties aimed at overthrowing the exploiters and building up the socialist society, was crowned by victory in a number of countries in Europe and on the Asian continent. Of great significance in international life was the victory of the people’s revolution in China and the creation of the great Chinese socialist state. OF special significance, too, was the emergence of the Republic of Cuba as the first socialist state on the American continent. The victory of socialist revolutions in these countries and the creation of the socialist world system comprising 14 states deepened the general crisis of capitalism, exerting an ever greater influence on the progressive development of human society.

p Battling against innumerable difficulties, the peoples of the socialist countries scored striking successes in developing the productive forces and their economies, in advancing science and culture and the material and spiritual life of the masses, and in consolidating the new social system.

p In this context, I should like to refer briefly to some aspects of what the Rumanian people have accomplished along the road of socialist construction in the 25 years since Rumania’s liberation from the fascist yoke. To appreciate fully what the new system has given the Rumanian people, one should bear in mind that before the Second World War Rumania was economically and socially one of the most backward countries of Europe. In its socialist years Rumania changed from a country with an underdeveloped industry and a predominantly agrarian economy, marked by survivals of feudalism, into a country with a dynamic economy, a powerful, vigorously growing industry based on modern technology, and a socialist agriculture. Today, industrial output is over 14 times greater than in 1938. Agriculture, too, has grown continuously and fully meets the requirements of the population.

p With the consolidation of socialist relations of production in industry and agriculture, in all branches of the economy, the exploiting classes were abolished for good and the full victory of socialism was secured.

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p Development of the material basis of the new society and growth of the national income assured a continuous rise of the living standard of the working class, peasants and intelligentsia, of all working people in our country.

p Another important success was the elimination of old legacies in education, the final removal of illiteracy, the raising of the education level of the entire people. This is reflected in the powerful development of free compulsory ten-year education. The vigorous development of science and culture and the flowering of the arts plays an increasingly important part in the growth of the socialist system, the education of the people and assertion of the Marxist-Leninist ideology, the raising of the level of the socialist consciousness of the members of our society.

p The programme for Rumania’s economic and social development up to 1970, drawn up by the 9th Party Congress, is being implemented successfully and there are solid prospects of overfulfilling the set targets. At the present time, the entire Party and people are discussing the Directives for the country’s development plan in 1971-1975, the fulfilment of which will bring Rumania up to a level approaching that of the economically and culturally advanced countries. After public discussion, these documents will be presented for endorsement to the 10th Party Congress, to be held at the beginning of August.

p All results obtained by Rumania in creating the new social order are due to the inspired labour of the working class, fulfilling its role of leading class to the best possible advantage, to the activity of the peasantry and the intelligentsia, of all the working people irrespective of nationality. These results demonstrate that our Party is creatively applying the general truths of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions of our country.

p At the same time, I must emphasise the important role played in these successes by the economic collaboration and co-operation with the CMEA countries and all the socialist states, and we are working consistently for the intensification, expansion and improvement of these relationships.

p Naturally, comrades, we met with many difficulties in our work, there were mistakes as well, but our Party was able to take resolute action to overcome them. It goes without saying that if such mistakes had not been committed, and if the objective laws of social development had not been ignored at times, the results in building socialism would have been much better. , In recent years, our Party carried out thorough work in analysing the road covered so far, courageously revealing the deficiencies, criticising a number of abuses and illegalities committed in previous years and taking resolute steps not only to remedy them, but also to secure conditions ruling out the possibility of such negative phenomena in our society. In this we see a duty to our people and at the same time an obligation of an internationalist character, since it is well known that hostile propaganda makes the most of every negative aspect in the socialist countries to create difficulties for the Communist Parties and impair the activity of the revolutionary forces.

p Our Party works for the continuous improvement of economic management and planning, for improving the forms and methods of guiding all social life. We pay much attention to the development of socialist democracy, proceeding from the fact that the new system abolishes every kind of oppression and 250 economic and social inequality among men, creating conditions for a powerful extension of democratic liberties, for a higher organisation of relations among all members of society, for the full flowering of the personality and the assertion of socialist humanism.

p With the capitalist system undoubtedly representing progress as against the old, feudal system in the field of democratic liberties and civic rights, it is doubly obvious that the socialist system is called upon to create a society in which democratic liberties should be incomparably superior to those of the capitalist system. This, implies a definite process which obviously obliges the Communist Parties to advance resolutely in that direction.

p The essence of socialist democracy is rooted in the fact that the people, having become the master of political power and of the means of production, must directly participate in the entire activity of guiding economic and social life. In this serise, we wish to secure the organisational framework and a favourable climate, in which the working people could have their say openly on all problems and criticise without hindrance or repression any shortcoming, fully asserting their initiative, making proposals concerning the improvement of the entire activity of socialist construction. By public consultation and discussion of the most important problems of its home and foreign policy, our Party gains the assurance that the measures adopted by it fully correspond to the vital hopes of the entire people.

p That the working people criticise certain negative phenomena or mistakes in various sectors of society does not mean that they call in question the social system of socialism; it expresses the desire of the working masses that such phenomena should be eliminated, and this is in keeping with the concern of our Party for perfecting the forms and methods of guidance.

p The entire practice of socialist and communist construction demonstrates that the decisive lever, the main prerequisite for the creation of the new system, is to ensure the leading role in society for the working class in alliance with the working peasantry, with the intelligentsia and with the other working masses, to ensure leadership by the Communist Party of the struggle of the entire people, consistent mobilisation by each and every country of her own material and human resources, creative solution of the problems of the development of the technical and material basis, improvement of the new relations of production, of socialist democracy, of the entire social organisation. Successful implementation of the fundamental tasks of socialist construction represents the essential contribution of each country to the strengthening of the might of the socialist world system, to the victory of the cause of socialism and peace. At the same time, development of all-round collaboration and co-operation is an important factor for the continuous progress of the socialist countries. There is a close dialectical connection between the internal and external factors of the building of the new system, between the efforts of each people to promote continuous growth of its economic potential and the free and sovereign co-operation of the socialist countries; this is an expression of the unity between the national and international interests of the socialist countries.

p Life itself has proved that socialism has become an invincible force, both in each country and on a world scale.

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p It goes without saying that we cannot forget for a single moment that there still exist imperialist countries that are doing everything to impede the development of socialism and making use of all means, including propaganda and information media, against the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, against the socialist system; yet the wishes of the imperialist reactionary circles and the possibilities of their actual implementation are as far apart as heaven and earth.

p It is said sometimes that bourgeois propaganda and ideology are able to influence the Communist Parties and the peoples of the socialist countries to the extent of diverting them from the path of socialism.

p Doubtless, remnants of the former exploiting classes and of their ideology still exist in the socialist countries, and alien and backward views still penetrate from abroad under different guises. We must, therefore, wage a consistent struggle against the bourgeois ideology, we must pay the greatest attention to the Marxist-Leninist education of the masses, to the dissemination of our view of the world and society, an outlook that has forcefully asserted itself down the years under the most difficult conditions as the most advanced theory able to guide the peoples to a radical transformation of human society. However, it is both unacceptable and inconceivable that the working class, the peoples, the Communist Parties of the socialist countries that have overthrown the exploiting classes and foreign imperialist domination, that have won political power and built socialism in fierce class battles at the cost of immense sacrifices, would give up their revolutionary gains, their people’s power, and socialism itself at the urging of bourgeois propaganda, no matter how wily.

p Imperialism has not succeeded in stopping socialism when it won in one country or in the early post-war, when the power of the workers and peasants in the socialist countries was not yet consolidated, when there still were exploiting classes holding important economic and political positions. And today, when socialism represents a vigorous reality in our countries, when the people are the masters of the country’s destinies and possess all the means of defence, when we have a powerful socialist world system, it is even less conceivable that any power could divert the peoples of the socialist countries from their chosen path or stop their victorious advance.

p The invincibility of the socialist system is, first of all, based on the exercise by the working class of its historic mission of leadership, on the fact that power rests in the hands of the working people, on the unshakable determination of the peoples headed by the Communist Parties to strengthen and develop their revolutionary gains, to defend their freedom and independence. At the same time, it is based on the internationalist solidarity of the socialist countries, the communist movement and all anti-imperialist forces in the fight against any armed imperialist aggression.

p As was indicated also by representatives of other Parties, serious divergences have arisen between socialist countries over the past several years, elements of tension have appeared, affecting their relations of co-operation and. the unity of the socialist world system. Those representatives of Parties who have raised the problem of a thorough analysis of the causes of these divergences are right, because that is the only way to find the means for their removal, for strengthening co-operation and unity among the socialist countries.

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p In our view, we must start from the historically different conditions of development in which the socialist countries are carrying out their work. This leads to the appearance of variants in the assessment of certain phenomena and in the practical work of building the socialist system. But the fact that these different points of view and assessments grow into divergences and lead to tension, affecting relations between the socialist countries, is largely due to subjective factors, to the lack of understanding of the diversity of conditions of development, to non-observance of norms of relations among socialist countries.

p Of course, it should be taken into account that the relations between socialist countries have no precedent so far in the development of mankind, that they are an entirely new phenomenon in international life, a unique experience in the history of human society. A number of defects and anomalies can appear in the development of these relations which, in our opinion, have a transient and remediable character. Such phenomena can and must disappear in the process of continuous improvement of internationalist co-operation among the peoples building the new system.

p For several years, our Party has noted with alarm the sharpening of the public polemics and the aggravation of differences between Communist and Workers’ Parties, especially between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party. We expressed the view that the policy of any Communist Party should not be criticised or condemned, either at congresses of other Parties or at international meetings and conferences. In the spring of 1964 the Rumanian Communist Party called on both the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party to refrain from extending or sharpening the polemics, and to search for ways of solving the questions in dispute. Unfortunately, events took a course that brought matters to a situation which we all know.

p Comrades, to be sure, this is neither the time nor the place for analysing the causes of this state of affairs, nor is it on the agenda of our Meeting; we had no intention of referring to*>the matter if it was not raised in the discussion. Our delegation wishes to emphasise that the Rumanian Communist Party and our people are deeply troubled by the fact that the relations between the two big socialist countries have reached the point of border conflicts and clashes.

p At the same time we note with satisfaction that the statement of the government of the Soviet Union proposes that these problems be settled by negotiation and that the Chinese People’s Republic, too, has declared in favour of negotiations in its reply. As we see it, the way of discussion and negotiation is the only way in which problems of any kind can and should be settled among socialist countries; any other way can only cause great damage to the socialist world system, to our communist movement and to the influence of socialism in the world.

p In this context, our Party believes that the censure and condemnation of the Chinese Communist Party voiced at this Meeting, like censure of any other Party in general, do not help in creating a favourable climate for settling the differences and controversies.

p As we have already publicly declared and as we have told the Chinese 253 comrades, we disagree with their charges against the Communist Party of.the Soviet Union and other Communist Parties. At the same time, we have told the Soviet comrades and comrades of other fraternal Parties that we do not agree with their charges against the Chinese Communist Party.

p While hearing some of the speeches at this Meeting we recalled that there had been cases in the history of the communist movement when grave accusations were levelled against some Communist and Workers’ Parties, including those of some socialist countries, which later proved to be unfounded. We all know the extremely serious consequences such practices and methods had for the working-class movement and for the cause of socialism. Drawing all the due conclusions from the mistakes made in the past, when the Rumanian Communist Party participated in such campaigns, we here declare that we are firmly resolved not to repeat these mistakes and never again follow the course of condemning other Communist and Workers’ Parties. Accusations, censure, name-calling and insults, from whatever quarter, can only sharpen the tension and deepen the disagreements; they do not create conditions for settling the controversial problems, for extending the co-operation and unity of our Parties. And calls of any kind, originating abroad, to replace the leading bodies of any Communist or Workers’ Party, are even less likely to promote normal relations.between the Parties.

p We are deeply convinced that the only way to create conditions for normalising relations between the Communist and Workers’ Parties, is comradely discussion, the tackling of different viewpoints and divergences from Marxist-Leninist positions, proceeding from the interests of one’s own people, of the working class, the world communist movement and the socialist cause in the world. And in accordance with this spirit, we believe that our Meeting must contribute not to deepening the divergences but to smoothing the path for their attenuation and elimination. Only thus would we live up to the hopes of Communists throughout the world, the hopes of the working class and all the anti-imperialist forces.

p Our delegation is empowered again to urge all Communist and Workers’ Parties, whether they are taking part in the Meeting or not, to rise above the dissensions and disagreements and find the ways for uniting in the fight against imperialism, for socialism and communism. That is the vital requirement of the present anti-imperialist struggle, the main internationalist duty of the present day.

p Only in unity can the socialist world system throw its full power and material, political and moral superiority into the international fight for peace and progress. However, to achieve this, we must assure close observance by all socialist countries in their relationships of the principles of Marxism-Leninism, socialist internationalism, independence and national sovereignty, equal rights and non-interference in internal affairs, and comradely mutual assistance.

p These principles, which comprise a single dialectical whole, cannot be considered separately or opposed to each other. Any weakening of international solidarity obviously harms the cause of each country and our common cause, but the principle of internationalism should not be invoked on any account to justify non-observance of the other principles, to justify interference of any kind in the internal affairs of a socialist country 01 fraternal Party.

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p The sovereignty of the socialist countries is not to be counterposed in any way to socialist internationalism; on the contrary, it is an essential condition for cementing solidarity, for free and conscious co-operation in the fight against imperialism, for the triumph of our common aims,

p By developing their relations of co-operation in all fields on the basis of the above principles, the socialist countries will offer the world a model of fruitful co-operation by peoples, by free and sovereign states. Identity of the social and political order, of fundamental interests and goals, the common MarxistLeninist ideology are objective preconditions for rebuilding and strengthening the unity of the socialist countries, for the development of friendly ties and fraternal co-operation.

p The favourable results of the Warsaw Treaty Conference in Budapest and the session of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in Moscow illustrate this point Very well. They show that whenever we proceed from the desire to find mutually acceptable solutions, whenever the existing problems are approached in a spirit of comradeship, mutual esteem and with a mind open to the opinions and interests of the others, it is possible to reach common decisions and cement the solidarity of the socialist countries.

p Comrades, the working class in the capitalist countries, headed by the Communist Parties, is a great force of our time engaged in the revolutionary struggle against imperialism. Despite indescribable difficulties, the Communist Parties in these countries are intensifying their struggle for the economic and political rights of the working class, of all working people, for freedom and democracy, for progressive changes in society, for the national independence of the peoples.

p Broad social movements of the proletariat, of millions of working people, are under way in the capitalist countries.

p In many capitalist countries, the proletariat plays an ever more important political role thanks to its revolutionary consciousness and militancy; the ruling circles are compelled to heed its will and demands. In the anti- imperialist struggle the proletariat acts with increasing unity; regardless of their political and philosophical conceptions and religious beliefs, the workers are cementing their solidarity. To achieve working-class unity is an imperative for the fulfilment of the workers’ lofty revolutionary mission and the historic part they are called upon to play in society.

p In this respect, efforts to achieve unity of action with the Socialist and Social-Democratic parties, which in some countries embrace large masses of working people, are of particular importance. Of course, there are profound differences of outlook between the Communist and the Social-Democratic parties on a number of fundamental issues of social and political life. Furthermore, the policy of some Social-Democratic leaders, who refuse to co-operate with the Communist Parties, obstructs joint action. For all this, the experience of some countries shows that Communists and Social Democrats can act in unity, achieving success in securing the interests of the working class, of broad strata of people. It is therefore necessary to work perseveringly for close cooperation by the Communist and the Socialist and Social-Democratic parties.

p Profound changes in international affairs were wrought by the disintegration 255 of the colonial system. The national liberation movement of the peoples still languishing under the yoke of colonial slavery is dealing powerful blows at the last remnants of that hateful system of exploitation and oppression. This struggle, which has the solidarity, sympathy and active support of all progressive mankind, plays an important part in the anti-imperialist movement. As a result of the downfall of the colonial system, dozens of new independent states have come into being, faced by the historical task of eliminating the economic and social backwardness inherited "from imperialism, and embarking resolutely on the road to progress and prosperity. The struggle of the newly independent states of Asia and Africa against imperialism and neo-colonialism, in defence of their independence, national sovereignty and right to choose their own way of social development with no outside interference, has a strong bearing on the evolution of the modern world.

p The struggle of the peoples in the Latin American countries is unfolding rapidly, centred on liberation from the tutelage of US imperialism, on independent economic and social development, on safeguarding vital national interests, and on developing relations with the socialist states. The movement of the Latin American revolutionary forces headed by strong detachments of the proletariat is a particularly important component of the world anti-imperialist struggle.

p As you know, the economic gap between the advanced and the developing countries is growing wider. It is therefore most important that the Communist Parties work for reducing this gap and that these countries are given due aid in their fight for economic and social progress.

p As life has shown, the right way to secure the economic and social progress of the new states, to safeguard and consolidate their national independence is, primarily, to intensify their own efforts, mobilise their entire material and human potential, and concentrate and unify all the progressive forces of each nation.

p In many countries that have recently flung off’the imperialist yoke, the state and co*0perative sector is growing rapidly alongside the private capitalist sector. To secure the advance of these countries to socialism presupposes versatile support of the state and co-operative sector, which must become decisive in the economy of the country, and strengthening the revolutionary political forces.

p “As is known, in a number of these countries an important role is played in political life by the democratic and progressive movements. In some of the newly independent countries, reaction persecutes the Communist Parties and other revolutionary forces. In some, even democratic and patriotic organisations with anti-imperialist platforms ignore the role of Communists or refuse to col" laborate with them, which cannot but injure the interests of the respective peoples. Historical experience shows, however, that progress in those countries depends largely on the existence of revolutionary parties based on the teaching of dialectical and historical materialism and determined to unite brc ad social forces in the fight for a democratic and independent development of society. Close co-operation between Communists and other patriotic progressive national forces, their joint struggle under the aegis of advanced revolutionary 256 ideas, is the sole and decisive factor in the progressive reconstruction of society, ’the independent economic and political growth of those countries.

p These countries are greatly supported by their many-sided co-operation with the socialist states in the fight for progress, against imperialist rule, against the policy of neo-colonialism and in their socio-economic development.

p One of the significant social forces of the modern world possessing a considerable revolutionary potential in the struggle against imperialism, for progress, is the peasantry—the natural and close ally of the working,class. In many countries, particularly those with a less developed economy, the peasants constitute a substantial part of the population and play a significant role in social and political life. It is an indisputable fact that participation of peasant masses in political life, in the fight against imperialism, is now growing. That is why it is particularly important to buttress the alliance of the working class and the peasantry, to put the Communist Parties in the front ranks of struggles fought by peasant masses for their economic and social rights,’ against monopoly exploitation, for a better life, just as it is particularly important, too, to draw the peasants of all countries into the great anti-imperialist movement.

p In the conditions of the profound scientific and technological revolution, the intelligentsia is gaining weight in society and playing an ever growing role in material production and the creative sphere, and in accelerating social progress. It is an objective necessity of the revolutionary struggle to take into account the changes in the structure of modern society and the increasingly evident tendency of the intelligentsia to join the anti-monopoly struggle alongside the working class and the masses for the progressive reconstruction of society and the solution of urgent problems in the life of the peoples. For this reason the intellectuals can be drawn more broadly into the great social and political battles led by the Communist Parties, into the general anti-imperialist struggle.

p In the present period young people are asserting themselves ever more vigorously, representing a giant potential for the progressive transformation of the world by virtue of their enthusiasm, their militant spirit and lofty ideals. The younger generation has a vital stake in eliminating the danger of a new world war, in securing favourable conditions in which to display and apply their energies and creative enthusiasm. Deep-going unrest has gripped the young people in the capitalist world over crucial problems of their existence, of how to organise their future, of what their life will look like tomorrow. The working youth is taking a big part in this movement, and the vigorous actions of the student youth, top, command attention. Ever more obvious is the outspoken desire of the young people to participate in the political struggle for a better future, a struggle which, even though comprising diverse trends, views and orientations, plays an important part.

p The youth must find the adequate answers to its problems in the Communist and Workers’ Parties, which can offer it a clear perspective of revolutionary social development. Given correct guidance of their craving for progress, millions of young people in the capitalist world can be a potent social force in the struggle against reaction, for democracy and peace.

p An important role in the anti-imperialist struggle for piogress and peace is played also by other social forces—women’s organisations, middle strata, social 257 groups of varied political, philosophical and religious beliefs, personalities of culture and science, and members of bourgeois political parties favouring a realistic policy in matters concerning peace and social progress.

p The growing contribution of all states to the settlement of problems of concern to mankind is an essential feature of contemporary political life. One might say that these days every state, every nation—big or small—bears responsibility for the future of peace and human civilisation, and is obliged to contribute actively to preventing a new war, to strengthening the friendship and co-operation of the peoples. It should be stressed that the small and medium-sized countries are playing an increasingly determinative role in world affairs and contributing more and more to the adjustment of international issues, establishment of relations of complete equality and respect for the will and aspirations of every people.

p One of the basic features of our epoch is the fact that international problems, the problems of war and peace, have become the major preoccupation of hundreds of millions of men and women in all latitudes, and that these millions act with determination to safeguard peace, to prevent imperialism from unleashing a new war.

p Dear comrades, the main objective of the united struggle of all the anti-imperialist forces is to safeguard peace and .international security* thwart the aggressive policy of imperialism, defend the independence and sovereignty of the peoples and ensure the progressive development of human society.

p To accomplish this in the modern world, it is of crucial importance to align relations among states, irrespective of social system, with the principles of independence and national sovereignty, equal rights, non-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, respect for the sacred rights of each people to decide without outside interference on the way of its social and political development. The very cause of detente, the fate of peace, hangs on consistent observance of these principles, infringements of which are the main source of danger for international security. That is why they are so widely acknowledged these days, with more and more states raising their voice in their behalf and acting to promote them and to ensure their observance. That is why we deem it necessary for the Communist and Workers’ Parties to work perseveringly for the application of these principles in international affairs as a goal of major importance in the struggle of the anti-imperialist forces.

p Eliminating the armed conflicts now in progress in the world is an outstanding aim of the anti-imperialist movement. We are in complete accord with those parts of the Document submitted to the Meeting that call on all who cherish peace and detente to intensify the struggle for a final stop to the US aggression in Vietnam, for conditions that; would enable the Vietnamese people to decide their own destiny without outside interference.

p We hold that it is an essential duty of the socialist countries, the communist movement and the entire anti-imperialist front to redouble their efforts at all levels in order to end as soon as possible the imperialist aggression in Vietnam, secure the withdrawal of US troops and those of its allies from that country and the cessation of the war imposed on that heroic people, The recent proposals 258 made by the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam offer a realistic and constructive basis for progress in the Paris negotiations towards a political solution of the conflict, ensuring the right of the Vietnamese people to solve the problems of their development independently. The Party, government and people of Rumania have always given, and will continue to give, every material, political, moral and diplomatic support to the Vietnamese people in their just struggle for the independence and freedom of their country.

p World opinion shows increasing concern over the continuing tension in the Middle East; it is, therefore, necessary that the efforts of all peace-loving forces should be directed at lessening tension in that region of the world, at resolving the conflict there on the basis of the Security Council resolution. In this respect, an essential condition is withdrawal of Israeli troops from the occupied territories, ensuring sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence for all the states in the region, and settling the problem of Palestine refugees with due regard for their national interests.

p We understand and firmly support the aspirations of the Arab peoples for complete national liberation, social emancipation and democratic, progressive development. In expressing our viewpoint, we proceed from the thesis that a people which denies the right to independence and independent existence to other nations, cannot be free itself. Clearly the imperialists are the only ones to gain from continued tensions and conflicts and perpetuation of a state of war in the Middle East, their aim being to divide the peoples, to fan strife and tension in order to maintain and consolidate their domination. This suits none but the reactionary circles in the countries of the region.

p Disarmament, and nuclear disarmament first and foremost, is a vital cause of all men in the contemporary world. All know that the only radical way to stamp out the danger of a thermonuclear war is nuclear disarmament. Certainly, the nuclear non-proliferation treaty is a step forward in that direction; however, it must be followed by further concrete steps reducing and eliminating the nuclear danger, banning and destroying atomic weapons, so that the force of the Atom, that great achievement of the human genius, should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes, for the progress of society.

p Achieving European security is an important problem, on which depends the assurance of peace. On analysing the processes taking place in Europe and examining the new trends in the political arena of the continent, the socialist Warsaw Treaty countries produced in their Bucharest Declaration of 1966 and the recent Budapest Appeal, an ample and mobilising perspective of the possibilities and ways of achieving European security. The strong response which these documents evoked in the international arena confirms the keen interest of the peoples, of public opinion, in achieving a climate of active co-operation, detente, security and peace in the European continent. It should be noted that some Western states and government circles consider these documents an efficient basis for talks with a view to achieving real and concrete progress to a detente and security in Europe.

p What is important for achieving security in Europe is recognition of the post-war historical realities—including the existence of the two German states—guaranteed inviolability of frontiers, the simultaneous dismantling of 259 NATO and the Warsaw Treaty, abolition of military bases and withdrawal of foreign troops to within their national boundaries, and renunciation of any show or demonstration of force. That is the alternative we must put forward to the policy of tension in international relations on the European continent as pursued by the aggressive, militarist and revaachist imperialist circles.

p A system of collective security in Europe is not only a vital need for the peoples of the continent; it would contribute greatly to improving the general international political climate and to settling controversial issues on other continents.

p Conclusion of regional agreements, creation of an atmosphere of confidence and good-neighbourliness in various parts of the globe, including establishment of denuclearised zones, would have special importance for international stability and peace.

p Safeguarding security requires that the revolutionary, and progressive forces work actively for the strictest observance of the norms of international law by all states, for the international recognition of such countries as the People’s Republic of China, the sole lawful representative of the Chinese people, the German Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea; for United Nations universality; for conditions necessary for the participation of all states in resolving the major problems of the modern world.

p To achieve the aims of peace .and security the process of detente must be continued and deepened, with economic, political, diplomatic, technical, scientific and cultural relations expanding broadly among all states, irrespective of their social systems, and outstanding international problems settled peacefully through talks and negotiations.

p Animated by a sense of responsibility for the destiny of mankind, for the cause of socialism and peace, the Rumanian Communist Party and the government of Socialist Rumania will continue to act with energy and perseverance for the triumph of peace, security and progress.

p Comrades, the Document presented to the Meeting speaks rightly of the need to fight against any signs of nationalism and racialism, as well as against hegemonic trends. As you know, nationalism expresses itself through failure to recognise the rights of other nations and nationalities, through unequal treatment and violation of their legitimate interests, through persecution and oppression of other peoples.

p Reactionary imperialist circles, as we know, always resorted to nationalism and chauvinism to divide the peoples in order to exploit and oppress them barbarously. It is therefore the duty of Communists to combat most resolutely all manifestations of nationalism or racialism, chauvinism and hegemonism— all concepts typical of the bourgeois ideology and irreconcilably contrary to Marxism-Leninism.

p As Lenin emphasised, to wage this struggle successfully, it is necessary to combat primarily every form of nationalism and hegemonic trend in the ranks of one’s own nation. The nationalism of small nations or nationalities is largely determined and continuously fed by the policy of national domination and oppression. Therefore the fight for national liberation, for winning or 260 consolidating independence is part of the fight against nationalism, for friendship among the peoples.

p The Marxist-Leninist approach to this problem implies a clear distinction between nationalism and the fight in defence of the national interests of each people. It would be altogether incorrect to consider assertion of the principles of equal rights, national sovereignty and the independence of the Parties as a manifestation of nationalism or violation of proletarian internationalism.

p Internationalism unconditionally implies free and equal existence of the nations and development of independent Communist Parties as the fundamental and decisive premise for their fraternal solidarity. The duty of Communists is, first and foremost, to concentrate on organising the revolutionary struggle in their own country and, where they are government parties, to secure the building of socialist society. Concern for their country’s progress and prosperity, for its economic and cultural growth which is not achieved to the detriment of other peoples, to the detriment or the negation of the interests of others, cannot possibly be represented as an expression of nationalism. On the contrary, it is only in this way that Communists fulfil their role of vanguard and leading force of their people and contribute to relations of respect and trust between the peoples, relations that are the foundation of genuine solidarity with the revolutionary movements of all countries.

p There is no contradiction between the struggle in defence of national interests, for full equality of countries and. Parties, and international solidarity. On the contrary, there is a close dialectical unity. One cannot successfully defend working class interests in one’s own country without close co-operation with the working class of other countries. Similarly, one cannot be an internationalist without upholding the interests of one’s own working class and people. Only by correctly combining national interests with those of the international struggle can we assure effective implementation of Marxist-Leninist principles.

p Now as always, the Rumanian Communist Party is endeavouring harmoniously to combine its revolutionary struggle and efforts in building socialism in Rumania with the development of international solidarity. The internationalism of the Rumanian Communists has a long and solid tradition. It was displayed in the armed struggle for the victory and in defence of the Great October Socialist Revolution, in countless manifestations of solidarity with revolutionary movements in various countries, in participation in the International Brigades that fought fascism in Spain, in the Resistance movement in France and .other countries during the Second World War.

p The Rumanian Communist Party gave effective assistance to the Korean people in fighting US aggression, is giving unstinting support to the heroic Vietnamese people, has given proof of its solidarity with revolutionary Cuba in the fight to defend its freedom and independence. It is giving all-round material, political, and moral support to national liberation movements and the struggles of colonial peoples.

p As for international ties, our Party, guided by the principles of proletarian internationalism, has developed relations with the Communist and Workers’ Parties of all the socialist countries, and maintains close relations and intensifies its contacts with a large number of Communist and Workers’ Parties in other 261 countries, as well as with national liberation movements on all the continents.

p I have dwelt on this because it has sometimes been said, or hinted, that the Rumanian Communists follow a nationalist policy and are inclined to neglect their internationalist obligations. No, comrades. Nationalism and national narrowness are alien to the Rumanian Communist Party and people. More, the ideas of international solidarity, of proletarian internationalism, understood and interpreted as Marx, Engels and Lenin’ understood them, are dear to them;

p As Rumanian Communists, we are firm defenders of our people’s national interests, and we spare no effort in building socialism in Rumania. But at the same time, we make our maximum contribution to strengthening the, world forces of socialism and the world positions of communism. And precisely because we are internationalists, we stand for the full factual implementation of equality between nations and between Parties. The Rumanian Communist Party will continue tirelessly to work for closer international solidarity with all Communist and Workers’ Parties, will always fulfil its duty as a contingent of the great international communist front.

p Dear comrades, the concluding section of the draft Document submitted to this Meeting, examines some of the problems of the development of the communist and workers’ movement and of relations between fraternal Parti.es.

p The Rumanian Communist Party proceeds from the fact that its revolutionary resolve and militancy, the attractive power of its ideology, make the communist and working-class movement the main political force of our time. In many countries, the Communist Parties have accumulated rich revolutionary experience, have enhanced their political and ideological strength, their organisar tional ability and their influence on the masses, on social and political life.

p The increasing diversity of conditions and situations in which Communist and Workers’ Parties have to operate is a distinguishing feature of the presentday revolutionary struggle. This tends to vary the tasks and problems facing the Parties; there are differences regarding both strategic and tactical lines; the specific objectives of the revolutionary struggle and socialist construction; reaction to specific situations; approaches to theoretical and ideological problems relating to the evolution of contemporary society. That is why it is appropriate to recall what Marx said a century ago: "Since the various sections of working men in the same country, and the working classes in different countries, are placed under different circumstances and have attained different degrees of development, it seems almost necessary that the theoretical notions, which reflect the real movement, should also diverge" (General Council to International Alliance of Socialist Democracy, March 9, 1869).

p It has, of course, to be stressed that knowledge and application of the general tenets of scientific socialism, of the objective laws of social development, is an obligatory condition for a correct orientation of the Communist and Workers’ Parties. At the same time, experience proves that the proletariat, the Communist Parties, can assure the success of the struggle only by studying the conditions and concrete characteristics of the situation in which they function and acting accordingly in elaborating their political line, forms and methods of work, creatively applying the principles of Marxism-Leninism to the existing situation. In this context, what Lenin said at the turn of the century retains all its validity: 262 “We think that an independent elaboration of Marx’s theory is especially essential for Russian socialists; for this theory provides only general guiding principles, which, in particular, are applied in England differently than in France, in France differently than in Germany, and in Germany differently than in Russia" (Collected Works, Vol. 4, p. 212).

p Many of the differences in the communist movement are associated with the changes taking place in the world, the result of profound social transformations in various countries and continents and of the rapid expansion of the productive forces and the technological revolution. All these new phenomena have to be explained, and this necessitates wide scientific Marxist-Leninist discussion. Of course, this requires a deep knowledge of reality, creative thought and a new spirit—the Courage to see things as they are, and not as we wish them to be.

p In the course of such discussions there could appear wrong views alongside correct ones. For we know, comrades, that in every branch of science, and especially in the social sciences, not only correct ideas emerge, and that we cannot advance without a confrontation of views. The important thing is for the discussion to proceed in a cultured, scientific spirit. Nobody could claim that he has the magic key to the solution of all the problems.

p We must always start from the fact that what was correct yesterday can be obsolete, out-of-date today and no longer meet the requirements of historical progress. It is necessary to keep in mind that the forms of revolutionary struggle valid in certain circumstances, cannot mechanically be applied to other historical conditions or stages of development. This Marxist-Leninist proposition is confirmed by the different, ways in which the revolution and socialist construction have been carried out in various countries, the variety of forms of the Communist and Workers’ Parties’ revolutionary struggle in the capitalist countries, their different approach to the capture of power and socialist reconstruction of society. We know, for example, that a whole historical epoch lies between the development levels of advanced capitalist and many AfroAsian countries,, and determines differing viewpoints and a differing approach to practical problems.

p Experience shows that in the practical revolutionary struggle, as in life itself, the general is realised through the particular; application of the general principles of Marxism-Leninism has nothing in common with setting uniform methods, and patterns of thinking and action, for all Parties. To absolutise certain forms and methods of revolutionary struggle, or certain experiences in building socialism, cannot help the Communist Parties solve the complex problems raised by social life and fulfil their mission in society. Only the Communists of the given country are able to know best the realities of its national, social and political life; they know how to solve, in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, the problems confronting them. Of course, mutual acquaintance with each other’s problems, and exchanges of experience between Parties are very useful and necessary. This adds to our common fund of knowledge and strengthens the unity and solidarity of the communist movement.

p I am not, of course, saying anything new. I am just recalling certain truths which are sometimes forgotten or neglected, with absolutisation of certain 263 experiences proclaimed to be generally valid and Compulsory for all. In our opinion, this is one of the factors largely responsible for the present divergences.

p Diiferent modes of action in given situations, or different approaches to specific problems should not be a matter of dispute between Communist and Workers’ Parties. We appreciate the fact that the Document before us, proceeding from the great diversity of conditions in which the Communist Parties operate, emphasises the right of each Party to elaborate its policy in full independence, guiding itself by the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

p Each Party is responsible to the working class, to its own people, and at the same time to the international communist and working-class movement, for the way it accomplishes its revolutionary tasks and carries into life the ideals and aspirations of the working people. The better each Party fulfils its obligations towards its working class and people, the greater will be the confidence of the masses in its policy, the more powerful its vanguard role, the greater the prestige of the communist and working-class movement. In this lies its main contribution to the common cause of socialism and coannunism, to strengthening the power and cohesion of the international communist and working-class movement.

p Historical experience has proved the correctness of the conclusions, long since reached by the Communist Parties, that, in view of the wide differences in the levels and development paths of the various countries, and the increasing diversification of the world revolutionary process, which call for an independent approach to the Parties’ concrete tasks, there is no need for a leading centre.

p What we need in the present period of sweeping economic and social change, and of the powerful assertion of the revolutionary forces, is bilateral and multilateral contacts, links and discussions between fraternal Parties on ideological and current political problems of the communist and working-class movement, on questions of the revolutionary struggle against imperialism, for socialism, dsmocracy and peace. In this connection we would like to stress that our Party regards international meetings of the Communist and Workers’ Parties not as forums to frame programmatic documents binding on all Parties, or to issue directives arid set policy lines. Such meetings should be aimed at assuring a free and principled exchange of views to work out joint positions and goals on fundamental problems of general interest, after which each Party can independently decide what concrete methods to follow.

p The submitted Document calls—and this is a positive fact—for solution of controversial issues in the communist and working-class movement through comradely discussion and co-operation. We will follow and promote that method in our practical work.

p The policy of the Communist Parties is subject to verification by life and the control of public opinion. People judge us not by declarations of good intent— even the road to hell is paved with good intentions—but by our deeds, by how we carry out our policy. That is why we shall act in such a way that the word is matched by the deed.

p The over-all unity of our movement decisively depends on the unity and cohesion of each and every Party, on its organisational, political and ideological strength. The stronger and more united each Party is, the stronger will be the unity of the communist and working-class movement. That is why in relations 264 between Parties we must under no circumstances allow actions that tend to weaken the unity and combat capacity of any Party. In this connection we believe that each Party has the right to take adequate measures to safeguard its unity.

p The draft Document emphasises that non-participation in this Meeting of some Parties should not affect fraternal relations and internationalist co-operation with them. This is a cardinal problem of principle. For every Party has the right to decide whether or not to participate in international meetings of the communist movement; similarly, the absence of a Party from such meetings should not affect comradely relations, co-operation and joint actions of Communist Parties. A Party’s fidelity to internationalism is not measured by its participation or non-participation in meetings and conferences, but by the way its entire activity serves the revolutionary cause of its working class and people and the common cause of world socialism. We therefore believe that the Document we adopt should clearly stress the need further to develop co-operation between all Communist and Workers’ Parties.

p Our Party will continue its collaboration with all fraternal Parties, with those attending this Meeting and those not participating in its proceedings, with all anti-imperialist forces, for we are convinced that in this way we will be fulfilling our duty as an active detachment in the fight against imperialism, for socialism, peace and social progress.

p Comrades, having examined the draft Document in its present form, the delegation of the Rumanian Communist Party believes that it can be taken as a working basis for our Meeting.

p We appreciate the fact that intensive work has gone into the drafting of the Document, that the representatives of Parties—including representatives of our Party—shared in the work of the Preparatory Committee, that there was a comprehensive and fruitful exchange of views which helped to narrow down divergences between some viewpoints. We consider that the Document contains a number of correct ideas and outlines a series .of important general tasks in the fight against imperialism. That it does not contain critical remarks, or condemnation of any Party, is, we think, a positive fact. But it does contain some assessments which, in our view, ought to be improved, and our delegation is putting forward appropriate proposals to this end. Our documents should reflect common views, the effort for unity. Consequently, I agree with the comrades who suggested that the Main Document deal with questions on which we hold common views, leaving aside questions on which views differ.

p Dear comrades, our motto in celebrating the 100th anniversary of the birth of Lenin, a historic event of world importance, should be closer unity of the revolutionary forces, intensification of the anti-imperialist struggle, development and enrichment of our philosophy, so as to carry forward the invincible banner of Marxism-Leninism, in keeping with the new world conditions. We believe that this will be our greatest tribute to Lenin.

p The communist and working-class movement is facing tasks that involve vast responsibility. Our era demands of all Communists that they rise above all divergences and animosities, that they place the general interests of the 265 working-class, the peoples, the anti-imperialist struggle, the cause of socialism and communism, above transient and minor divisions.

p The Rumanian Communist Party will spare no effort, will continue to act with all its vigour and resolve, for the victory of the world anti-imperialist struggle, for the unity and cohesion of the international communist and working-class movement, of all the forces fighting on the great front of socialism, progress and peace, for peaceful coexistence and international detente.

In conclusion, I wish to thank the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for its splendid arrangements for the Meeting, and for the hospitality it has extended to us. On behalf of the Rumanian Communist Party and the entire Rumanian people, we also address a message of internationalist solidarity to all the Communist and Workers’ Parties, as well as wishes for their success in the fight for socialism, social progress and world peace.