IN THE STRUGGLE FOR ANTI-IMPERIALIST UNITY, SOCIALISM
AND PEACE
p After the defeat of Hitler fascism in the Second World War, lessons from history were drawn in the eastern part of Germany; the first peace-loving German state, the German Democratic Republic, was set up there. Imperialism and fascism were uprooted in an industrially developed country, the rule of the people was established under the leadership of the working class and its revolutionary Party, in alliance with the peasantry, intelligentsia, artisans and handicraftsmen. It was demonstrated that it was fully possible to establish the rule of the working people in the heart of Western Europe, on German soil. The slogan: Everything through the people, with the people, and for the people! was translated into reality.
p That was not an easy task. Since US imperialism staked on the division of Germany in order to preserve German imperialism as a spearhead directed against socialism, in the German Democratic Republic socialism had to be built in the conditions of a divided country and an open frontier, in the conditions of a bitter class struggle. But the tasks of the transition period from capitalism to socialism were successfully accomplished because the Socialist Unity Party of Germany has always striven creatively to apply the principles of MarxismLeninism and general laws to the concrete conditions of our country, because it has been, and remains, fraternally linked with the Party of Lenin, the CPSU.
p The socialist system was established for the first time in a developed country where the working class comprised a majority of the population. This working class had to be able to direct onto the socialist road the peasants and all other 225 working sections, even rich peasants and small and middle capitalists. Our Party tirelessly substantiated this requirement and right of the working class to lead the nation and saw to its implementation. It conclusively demonstrated that the big bourgeoisie, which by its policy had repeatedly plunged the German people into wars and calamities, had forfeited this role for good.
p The most complicated task was undoubtedly that socialism had to be built by people millions of whom had been captives of fascist ideology. The monstrous loss of spiritual and moral stamina and ideological confusion in the minds of people were much worse for us than the material damage inflicted by the Second World War. It was necessary to eliminate the fascist way of thinking and the influence exerted by reactionary bourgeois ideas over the years.
p In the 20 years which passed after the defeat of Hitler fascism by the Soviet Army an anti-fascist democratic and a socialist revolution were effected in the German Democratic Republic in a democratic way. Socialist relations of production triumphed. That is why our Party at its 7th Congress was able to set the next goal: the creation of a developed social system of socialism. The most essential thing is that all sides of the social process are taken and developed in their interdependence, interconnection and unity.
p The economic system of socialism has now been comprehensively elaborated, we have experience in operating it, and it will be fully achieved in the next few years. This enables us to utilise all the advantages of socialism in solving problems of the scientific and technological revolution, to elaborate the most effective pattern of our national economy and to score outstanding achievements in the economy, science and technology. In the course of the third.reform of higher education which is carried out jointly by students and professors, the universities are being reorganised in conformity with the demands of developed socialist society. The single socialist system of education has been fully. intro-% duced and it is proving its worth. The socialist national .culture of the German Democratic Republic is growing out of the humanist and anti-fascist democratic legacy.
p In the course of shaping the developed system of socialism various. social strata of the working people draw increasingly closer to their vanguard, the working class. On the basis of the new, socialist relations, women and young people participate in social development more actively than ever before. People are shaping their lives more and more in conformity with the rules of socialist morality and ethics. The socialist community of people and their comradely co-operation are growing stronger.
p The GDR’s new Constitution not only reflects these deep social changes but also helps the people to shape an advanced socialist society while improving socialist democracy. The fact that the Constitution has been worked out and, is being implemented by the people demonstrates the essential superiority of the socialist system over the capitalist state system in the sphere of democracy.
p We are sometimes offered recipes from the capitalist countries for building socialist society in the GDR in a different and allegedly better way. Up to now we have held to our own recipes: we have been striving to make a creative application of the principles of Marxism-Leninism to our concrete national and 226 historical conditions. Up to now this has enabled us to achieve good results. We have eradicated in our German state the power of the monopolies, the militarists and the Junkers. In alliance with all sections of the working people, we have established the power of the Workers and peasants, and are successfully building a developed socialist society. Of course, we want the rule of monopoly capital to be overthrown in the capitalist countries and the rule of the working class in alliance with the toiling peasantry, the intelligentsia and other working people established. In the event, we shall make a thorough study of the experience and knowledge of these countries. And whatever is done better over there we shall Use and apply in accordance with our OWn conditions.
p Thanks to the existence of the GDR and its socialist policy of peace, which is being carried out in alliance with the USSR, the German people and all the pe6ples of Europe, despite the aggressive policy of West German imperialism, have been living through the longest peace period of this century. The GDR is fully resolved in the future to prevent, together with the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, a situation in which the vital interests of socialism would be infringed and encroachments made on the inviolable frontiers of the socialist community and hence on the foundations of universal peace.
p Compared with other West European countries, West Germany has the highest degree of integration of all spheres of social life in a state-monopoly system of rule, with such characteristic developments as full-fledged domination by the most reactionary forces of’military and finance capital, the so-called internal state reform in the spirit of revanchism and militarism, the financial reform in the interests of finance capital, the extension of the monopoly dictatorship through emergency laws, the militarisation of social life and the manipulation of people’s spiritual world. In this way the imperialist rulers of the Bonn state want to create the conditions for brazenly using, at the expense of the working people, the scientific and technical revolution to consolidate their economic and political power. The concentration of capital has been markedly accelerated, the establishment of giant concerns is spreading in scope, and profits have soared to incredible heights.
p Comrade Max Reimann spoke of this in detail, and we fully agree with his views.
p Alt this serves to step up the economic and political expansion of West German imperialism, above all in the countries of Western Europe. For the Same purpose as Hitler, if by somewhat different methods, West German imperialism wants to secure domination of Western Europe for its aggressive policy against the socialist countries. For this, it holds, it is necessary to "display the required political insistence". West German imperialism is able to conduct this policy of intensifying dictatorship at home and unbf idled expansion and aggressive* ness in external relations only by using Social-Democratic ministers as accomplices of the ruling state-monopoly system and as executors of its will.
p Although West German imperialism has concentrated all its strength on maintaining the obsolete capitalist Order, it is incapable of easing its main internal contradiction. An ever greater section of the working class and other segments of the West German population realise the irreconcilable contradiction between their vital interests and the West German government’s policy. 227 West German imperialism has been able to intensify its expansionist policy because it could rely on Social-Democratic ministers alongside the conservative and militaristic forces, the neo-nazi organisations, and the reactionary clergy. Without the Social-Democratic ministers’ support for the imperialist policy, West German monopoly capital cannot exercise its function of chief ally of the United States in implementing its global strategy in Europe, But a situation has arisen in which, on the one hand, monopoly capital tries to lash the SocialDemocratic ministers to its policy with stronger bondSj and on the other, the movement for democratic progress tries to draw the Social-Democratic Party into the democratic struggle and the struggle to get the SPD to move away from the policy of the reactionary CDU/CSU party.
p As the scientific and technical revolution in West Germany advances, there is a growth of social insecurity. Although monopoly capital does manage to neutralise, by means of higher wages, a section of the skilled working people and condition them through bourgeois ideology, there is a growing uncertainty about the future among the majority of the working class and the toiling peasantry, a certain section of the intelligentsia and a section of the economic executives.
p The movement of the working class, youth and intelligentsia in West Germany against Bonn’s expansionist policy, for the international legal recognition of the GDR shows that the successes of our Workers’ and peasants’ state also benefit the working people of West Germany. The more they we far themselves the achievements of the Socialist German state* the stronger their drive against the monopoly rule, revanchism and militarism. Thus, the successful forming of a socialist society in the GDR goes to narrow down the social base of West German imperialism and its possibilities for manipulation.
p The "Grand Coalition" set up by the chief party of West German monopoly capital has turned out to be a major conspiracy against the wording people’s interests) against peace and security in Europe. This Clear-cut assessment is necessary to bring out and use the real possibilities for establishing a united anti-monopoly front in West Germany.
p That there is a growing awareness of this in West Germany is evidenced by the recent West German trade union cOngreSS. Thus.) for instance, Chairman of the Rheinland-Pfalz trade unions, Lelbachj supported by numerous delegates from industry, came out against the "Grand Coalition" subjecting the workers and their trade unions to "the coercion of concerted action". There is growing dissatisfaction among West German workers over the fast that the Social Democrats have totally abandoned Socialism.
p Up to the mid-1950s, the Social-Democratic leadership tried to create the impression that it was seeking a third way for Germany; This Social-Democratic propaganda benefited the big bourgeoisie, because it Was designed to divert the mass of workers in West Germany from the democratic alternative to statemonopoly capitalism. On the other hand, it was aimed at creating the illusion among petty bourgeois elements in the GDR that it is possible to set up a democratic state system without working-class domination.
p This "Social-Democratic way" was exposed by the SPD Right-wing leaders themselves, when they went over to the imperialist positions Of the Kiesinger- 228 Strauss government and supported the repeal of the democratic provisions in the Fundamental Law of West Germany through the introduction of emergency laws. In this way, the Social-Democratic leadership itself helped to undo its prestige. It is, after all, quite inconceivable that such a policy could evoke the slightest sympathy among GDR citizens.
p Social-Democratic Party members have started to sum up the results of the "Grand Coalition". Within the party there is a growing force demanding a real democratic alternative to the aggressive policy of West German imperialism, with the young people displaying the greatest activity, for they are not given any attractive prospects by the dictatorship of state-monopoly capitalism.
p The opinion of many Social-Democratic Party members was recently voiced by former deputy chairman of the SPD Waldemar von Knoringen. In a pamphlet significantly entitled What Is Left of Socialism?, he makes sharp objection to the fact that the Social-Democratic leadership has jettisoned socialism, and that the word socialism does not occur a single time in its Prospects for the 1970s. He says Social Democracy is in crisis, "for it is seized with profound theoretical doubt which is expressed in the fact that there is almost no fundamental research into theoretical, and thereby practical, questions of social policy". Social Democracy no longer has the answers for the revolutionary transformation of the world. He adds that in West Germany the task today is to "rescue and safeguard man and his values from a social system which confines itself to soft pressure, manipulation and indirect coercion to induce man to adopt a definite mode of action". Knoringen says that "socialism expresses the urge for a just, social, humane community system showing respect for man in each individual; and the idea that the free development of each is a condition for the free development of all”.
p It is becoming increasingly clear that the views of a sizable section of West German Social Democrats largely coincide with our own. Most members of the Social-Democratic Party stand
p for achievement of mutual understanding with other European states on the question of European security;
p for a decisive say in the struggle against the dominant positions of the employers, and for abolition of all privileges for the rich monopolists;
p against the ruin of the toiling peasants by the big banks and the Bonn government ;
p against the conservative policy in public education, for equal opportunities for education for all;
p in defence of the rights of youth and women.
p All these are demands we also back. Of the greatest importance in this connection is the fact that the socialist German state has already proved that these demands can be implemented. But this makes it necessary to break the power of the conservative forces of latter-day West German capitalism.
p The GDR’s way is the only possible way to our people’s peaceful democratic and socialist future. In accordance with the law governing development in our day, our republic embodies the national alternative to the latter-day capitalist system of West Germany. The fundamental historical proposition that the German people can win the respect and friendship of nations, peace and security 229 only by its achievements in peaceful, creative labour is being implemented in our country.
p By its achievements, the GDR has won the respect and recognition of all peoples. For 20 years now, the Bonn government and NATO have been conducting a malicious campaign against the international legal recognition of the GDR. It is obvious that European security can be achieved only on the basis of the equality of all European states. This applies especially to the need for all European states to establish normal relations with the GDR, that is, the German state which has consistently implemented the Potsdam Agreements signed by the leading powers of the anti-Hitler coalition.
p The GDR has striven to improve relations also with the German Federal Republic, which, together with the Western Powers, it will be recalled, bears the responsibility for the division of Germany, and has tried to establish normal relations with it under a treaty based on international law. This proposal was rejected both by the conservative government parties and by the SPD leadership on the plea that such a treaty would allegedly perpetuate the division of Germany. This attitude stems from the purpose set out in the Paris Agreementsinclusion of both German states in the NATO military pact, something that would be fraught with the greatest danger to all the peoples of Europe and the world. The reality of the situation should serve as the starting point. Following the establishment in West Germany of full-fledged rule by military-industrial monopolies and militarists, following the legalisation of neo-nazism there, the two German states can coexist peacefully only by concluding international legal treaties with each other. The way to the subsequent unification of the two states will be paved only after the West German state abandons its policy of revenge in any form, stops claiming sole representation of all Germans, and recognises the status quo, only after the democratic progressive forces in West Germany acquire the necessary influence. Those who want to stop West German militarism and put an end to the expansionist policy of the imperialist forces of West Germany, those who want to ensure peace must, in the interests of their own security, come out for normal relations with the GDR. If the Social-Democratic ministers in Bonn really -take -a serious view of peace and mutual understanding, all they have to do is to abandon their claims to sole representation of all Germans and favour the establishment of normal relations with the socialist German state.
p The establishment of diplomatic relations with the GDR by Iraq, Cambodia, Sudan and Syria is evidence of the growing international prestige of the first peace-loving German state—the German Democratic Republic.
p The peoples of the world draw a clear line of distinction between the imperialist Bonn state and the German state of peace. The Arab peoples highly value friendship and anti-imperialist co-operation with our republic. As for West German imperialism, it took part in preparing Israel’s imperialist aggression against the Arab states and is actively supporting it.
p The GDR’s foreign policy is aimed at working steadily, together with the Soviet Union and other members of the Warsaw Treaty Organisation, to secure support for the Budapest message on the achievement of European security by the peoples and governments of the European states. We have not put 230 forward any preconditions for preparing and holding a conference on European security in which all European states would take an equal part.
We are doing everything we can to ensure European security, to bring about a relaxation of tensions in a way that would also facilitate the normalisation of relations between the German Democratic Republic and the German Federal Republic. A European security conference would help pave the way for the establishment of peaceful coexistence between states with differing social systems.
Notes