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p Dear Comrades,

p The Tunisian delegation extends warm fraternal greetings to the delegates of all fraternal Parties. It gives its thanks to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which together with the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party assumed the brunt of preparations for our conference and is now showing us excellent hospitality in the Soviet capital.

p The draft Document is a result of considerable effort and careful preparations in which all brother Parties, big and small alike, took part on a completely equal footing and in an atmosphere of fraternal and democratic co-operation.

p Joint efforts bear fruit. They can overcome numerous difficulties which at a certain moment may seem insurmountable.

p Thanks to mutual understanding, common aims, joint responsibility and a patient search for unifying elements, as well as to a desire to preserve the internationalist character of our movement, we can take concrete steps towards unity.

p The Communists of Tunisia express complete agreement with the draft Document, its composition and the content of its various sections.

p We think the draft fully meets the exigencies of the present situation.

p We would like to submit certain considerations about the national liberation movement.

p The draft Main Document rightly stresses the growing, role of the national liberation movement in the world revolutionary process and lays emphasis on its new characteristics and prospects.

p Since the disintegration of the colonial system and the rise of new independent states in Africa and Asia this movement has gone through a stage of upsurge and striking progress. Africa, which for long years had been humiliated and kept down, cast off its chains and squared its shoulders as it fought for independence and freedom. Imperialism, driven into an impasse, had to retreat. In 1960 almost all African countries won political independence. Subsequently some of them chose the road of progressive development, striving to go beyond the objects of a purely national revolution. The ideas of socialism increasingly appealed to the patriots who wanted a better future for their people. The 185 diplomatic, economic and even military relations between the majority of thest countries and the socialist states developed and grew stronger. The leading parties of the progressive countries also proceeded to establish relations of friendship and co-operation with the major Communist Parties of Western Europe.

p It was then that the peculiarities of the contemporary stage of the liberation movement began to come out.

p It must be said that the world communist movement has made what is on the whole a correct estimation of the liberation movement.

p But the early successes gave rise to a much too optimistic and facile view of things which amounted to idealising the outlook. Afterwards difficulties and reverses, in particular the fall of some forward-looking regimes, brought out the negative, aspects of the activity of the progressive forces, which led to certain one-sided estimations tending to obscure or minimise the significance of the new developments.

p On the other hand, there arose demagogical theories attributing a revolutionary capacity to none but the peoples of the Third World, No need to argue that these theories were false and ignored obvious realities because they eschewed all class approach. No need to argue that they were harmful because they misled the peoples and were directed against the chief antiimperialist force, the Soviet Union, and against the working class of the developed capitalist countries and threatened to isolate the national liberation movement from its natural allies, especially from the Soviet Union.

p That being so, how can anyone pass over in silence the Maoist leaders’ disastrous role in the liberation movement, the harm they have done and are capable of doing in the future ? Gambling on the prestige of the Chinese revolution among the peoples of the* Third World, they developed feverish efforts to divert the progressive forces under their influence from the real struggle against imperialism and to slander Lenin’s Party—the Communist Party of the Soviet Union—, to smear the first socialist state—the land of the October Revolution—, the Communist Parties and to split them at all costs. They sowed discord, doubts and division. Maoism is a threat to the national liberation movement and an obstacle to its fight against imperialism. We in Africa and the Arab world are particularly aware of this threat. Wherever an armed struggle begins the Maoists try to set it on an adventurist road, to counterpose it to other forms of struggle and split the ranks of the fighters.

p There is no passing over in silence the 9th Congress of the Communist Party of China, a congress which legalised a policy jettisoning the most elementary principles of Marxism and making the struggle against the Soviet Union and the world communist movement its main objective.

p We are certain that had it not been for those activities, the liberation movement would have made further progress and the Communist Parties would have won the support of even larger segments of the population.

p Our fight against the notorious Maoist theories, far from meaning an underestimation of the national liberation movement and its growing contribution to the revolutionary cause, is an essential means helping the movement to fully accomplish its role and avoid tragic errors.

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p The manifold experiences of the last decade, the experiences of victories and defeats, should help us correct some extreme estimations and define the main trend of the national liberation movement more objectively.

p Just because scientific socialism came into being in Europe and Karl Marx applied his method in analysing capitalist society, some ideologists assert that the Marxist doctrine becomes meaningless the moment the geographical and historical boundaries of the industrial society of today are crossed, and that it is of no use in evaluating a new phenomenon—the revolution in the Third World. In reality, however, the entire course of events is a remarkable confirmation of Marxism-Leninism, which has furnished the only correct explanation of this phenomenon, enlightened the Communist Parties of Asia and Africa and shown them the way. It has been wielding growing influence on other revolutionary and progressive forces.

p What makes the teachings of Marx and Lenin valuable is that they constitute a living science and not a rigid dogma. That is why they enable one to approach new phenomena in a creative spirit. From this point of view, the deepening social content of the national liberation movement not only proves the validity of Marxism but calls for new political and theoretical thinking.

p In these circumstances Lenin’s thesis that backward countries can avoid or abandon capitalist development has become highly relevant and has served as a starting point for new investigations.

p The term "non-capitalist road" now in use is not quite satisfactory but it reflects a reality. Without carping at phrases and terminology, we must try to analyse the phenomenon, the reality, as it manifests itself and develops.

p What is new is that the movement is directed against imperialism and is, moreover, acquiring an anti-capitalist content in some countries.

p What is new is that progressive forces of a petty-bourgeois and nationalist origin have emerged and are developing that lead the process of deep-going social and economic reforms reaching to a degree beyond the framework of the national democratic revolution. Today this process does not properly reflect the interests of these social strata, it reflects the interests of larger sections of the people.

p What is new is that the national bourgeoisie is losing its exclusive control of the movement and that its interests are being fully or partly called in question by structural reforms.

p The increasing role of the working class and its Marxist-Leninist Parties, a role which is growing with the deepening social content of the movement, is an aspect of this developing reality. But this role should not prevent us from seeing other aspects. The fact that forces coming from a petty-bourgeois environment can at a definite stage lead the anti-capitalist process was made possible by qualitative changes in the balance of international forces, by the power of the socialist camp, especially the Soviet Union, who renders the new states disinterested aid in every field, enabling them not to retreat in face of imperialist blackmail and pressure and to go about setting up an independent national economy. It was made possible thanks to the main content of our epoch, distinguished by transition from capitalism to socialism. Besides, economic backwardness and socio-economic needs in most of the independent 187 countries of Africa and Asia are such that energetic and radical measures are not only necessary but are of vital importance and brook no delay. This inevitably has its effect on any national government and on the course steered by the leaders.

p We should know exactly what the non-capitalist road and its relation to the socialist stage mean. Two pitfalls must be avoided. One is identification of the non-capitalist road with the socialist stage. True, the two are not separated by a Chinese Wall and are., in fact, linked logically and historically in that the non-capitalist road can lead to socialism. Nevertheless, there is a distinction between them and it would be wrong to identify them with each other or to claim that the non-capitalist road almost automatically leads to socialism. Some of the material and subjective prerequisites of socialism are still lacking. It is a question of a stage which may be long or may be accompanied by grim battles, with possible retreats and pauses due to the activity of reactionary forces still operating. Nor should we underestimate the activity of imperialism, which has not downed arms and is making constant efforts to regain its lost positions, and above all to strike at the countries that have taken the road of progress.

p The petty bourgeoisie in power in these countries, while going through a beneficial political and ideological evolution, reveals, on the other hand, its numerous negative aspects, as demonstrated by recent events in Africa and the Arab world. It is a question not only of false conceptions of socialism but of methods of statesmanship, the attitude to the role of the masses, in particular of the working class, the tendency to win political monopoly by forming a single party, and so on.

p In the ideological sphere, the attitude to scientific socialism is still reserved, which expresses itself, among other things, in the conception of distinctive conditions, which are counterposed to the general laws of socialism. It goes without saying that socialism should be applied creatively, according to the distinctive conditions of the country concerned, in particular in the Third World, and that it must assume new and original forms. But scientific socialism is universal in character even though the historical and geographical conditions of its genesis are not. Socialism can be neither Arab, African nor Destour. It can only be scientific. Of course, this conclusion should not lead us to a sectarian stance on non-Marxist socialist trends, which are a reflection of the immense appeal of socialism and which can serve as forms of transition to scientific socialism and are to a degree expressive.of a socialist orientation.

p If we are calling attention to these ideological shortcomings, it is not to say that we are going to wait for a complete and perfect ideological evolution of these forces before supporting them. We want to chart the road we are to travel, we want to see well the ideological and other barriers that have to be overcome if the socialist orientation is to assert itself, gain strength and become a reality. We give this orientation our full support in order to bring about qualitative ideological, social and political changes which are a requisite of the transition to socialism. If the first pitfall is the identification of the non-capitalist road with the stage of building sociaiism, the second is the underrating of new phenomena, the minimising of their import and significance, the falling back 188 on classical patterns and clinging to the static and rigid conception of workingclass hegemony.

p The working class and its Party must lead the revolutionary movement during the transition to socialism. This is the fundamental postulate of Marxism. But that leadership is the outcome and not the beginning of the evolutionary process, whose forms vary from country to country and from stage to stage. We should avoid an oversimplified approach to historical development and should not represent the ultimate results of a process as a condition for its development at the initial stage.

p In the course of the revolutionary process and in the atmosphere of sharp class struggles a differentiation takes place leading to the elimination of Rightwing elements and a radicalisation of the movement, with the most revolutionary social and political forces coming to the fore. Developments have shown that the social composition of the progressive forces is not immutable but may shift, change and extend. This, in turn, poses the question of alliances with these forces on new lines and enabling Communists and the most advanced contingent of the progressive forces to co-operate on the main issues on a Marxist basis.

p The Communists are aware of this historical potentiality of the process of development and deepening of the national liberation movement and are striving to realise it. They know that there is no single pattern valid for every country and that life will put forward many different methods and forms of development in African and Asian countries.

p The progressive countries play a vanguard role in the national liberation movement and this must be noted. We should know how to distinguish between them and other countries in this respect. But this distinction should not be absolute, that is, it would be wrong to class all other countries as “reactionary”. There are countries whose policies and general trend of development are not progressive. But there are certain positive aspects there which in definite conditions could become the starting point for a progressive policy.

p The general trend of development in Tunisia cannot be called progressive because of the country’s foreign policy, of anti-communism and infringements of democratic liberties. But there are other aspects on which we cannot assume a negative posture and which we openly support. The petty bourgeoisie in power, which is following this double-faced and contradictory policy, is tied . down by the economic needs of an underdeveloped country, on the one hand, and by the desire for a definite kind of capitalist development, on the other. Evef since 1961 the government has had to renounce the policy of economic liberalism and adhere to a policy of planning and of expanding the public and co-operative sectors. As a result, industrialisation has been launched and the first public and semi-public enterprises have come into being, including agricultural ones. The Tunisian Communists are capable of objectively appreciating these achievements. They support the positive initiatives taken despite reactionary pressures, and try to establish contacts with the progressive elements of the Socialist Destour Party. Their criticisms have always been constructive. It must be noted that most of the progressive countries, having chosen a new road, radically changed their foreign policy by embarking on an anti- 189 imperialist course. The foreign policy of the Tunisian government has a particularly negative aspect. But we cannot merely show vigilance in this respect— we must also be careful not to overlook the changes that may occur in other spheres, such as the economic, social or political sphere. We must give these changes an orientation favourable to the workers, peasants and the people as a whole and pave the way for the progressive and democratic development of our country.

p The struggle of the masses and unity of the progressive forces, including those in the ruling party, could provide conditions for such changes. The Communists of Tunisia, who express the interests of the workers and peasants and the aspirations of the youth, do not confine themselves to propaganda nor to adopting a negative attitude. They take concrete steps to hasten the realisation of the changes the people long for, and support all that is progressive and meets the interests of our country.

p These, then, are certain of our considerations about a problem which we feel is acquiring special theoretical and political importance. We think this discussion should be continued after the Meeting and all available facilities will be used, in particular the journal Problems of Peace and Socialism, which effectively promotes exchanges of views and experiences bearing on the national liberation movement.

p Before concluding we think it necessary to deal with the situation in the Middle East, that is, with a matter having a direct bearing on us and causing concern to our people. The situation in the area causes concern to other peoples too, especially those of the Arab countries.

p The international crisis brought on by imperialism through the Israeli aggression against the Arab countries on June 5, 1967, revealed the danger which threatened and still threatens progressive regimes and, in the final analysis, the Arab national liberation movement as a whole. However, despite the military defeat of the Arab countries in June 1967, US and British imperialism and Israel, whom the imperialists backed, were unable to fully achieve their objectives. It must be admitted, of course, that that defeat and the seizure of sizable areas of the UAR, Jordan and Syria put the Arab peoples in a difficult situation. But the prerequisites of our peoples eliminating the effects of the aggression are maturing. Militarily and politically, the situation of the progressive Arab countries has considerably improved. In the occupied areas, armed struggle against the invaders is expanding.

p Besides, a growing body of nationalist opinion is beginning to draw proper conclusions from the defeat. It is coming to realise that big talk merely led to an intensification of Zionist propaganda that portrayed Israel as a country threatened by attack. By now large sections of world opinion have satisfied themselves of the reverse: it is the Arab countries that were and still are threatened, and they were the ones who became victims of aggression. The Israeli aggression was made possible by American imperialism, and it is imperialism that backs the territorial claims of Israel and complicates the continuous efforts of the Soviet Union to bring about the liberation of the occupied areas and the elimination of the effects of the aggression. On the other hand, the aggression showed the more far-sighted Arab patriots that in Israel, too, there is a 190 progressive trend which, though small in number, is striving courageously for goals serving the cause of national liberation and the fight against imperialism. We welcome this new fact and note with satisfaction that a situation of sincere comradeship and solidarity is shaping between the Communists of the Arab countries and their Israeli comrades, which found expression, among other things, in their jointly proposing amendments to the draft Main Document and the draft Statement in Support of the Just Struggle of the Arab Peoples Against Israeli Aggression.

p We realise the difficulties ahead but are convinced that the Arab liberation movement has taken a stride forward and is now in a much more favourable position than two years ago. Indeed, the progressive regimes have not only held their ground against the occupation army thanks to the invaluable political and military aid of the Soviet Union and the support given by the vanguard of the working class in the capitalist countries, the world forces of national liberation, and democratic world opinion. We must also note such developments in the area as, for example, the fall of the reactionary regime in the Sudan and its replacement by a progressive regime which we hail and which we wish the best of success. We are witnessing the rise and development in the Middle East of a movement of heroic resistance to the invaders and the growth of the Palestine liberation movement.

p We regard this movement as an unquestionably positive phenomenon, not only because it has been stimulating increasing activity by the masses in the occupied areas but because it is arousing the national and anti-imperialist consciousness of those segments of the Palestine population which in the past were under reactionary influence and adhered to a wait-and-see stance. This movement is inseparable from the Arab liberation movement and the worldwide struggle against colonialism and imperialism. The Palestine people’s struggle for recognition of their legitimate and inalienable national rights is a just one. True, some nationalist Arab quarters go as far as to counterpose the Palestine resistance movement to the struggle of other Arab countries against the occupation of their territory, whereas it is a question of two mutually complementary aspects of one and the same struggle for the victory of the Arab liberation movement. These quarters refuse to regard the UN resolution of November 1967 as a constructive basis for compelling the Israeli leaders to pull out their occupation troops.

p It should be recalled that the UN resolution, which we consider an important political phase in the fight of the Arab peoples, was adopted as a result of a bitter political controversy in which the Soviet Union had to bring the full weight of its international prestige to bear.

p That is why we think execution of the resolution is bound to promote the struggle of the Arab peoples, including the Arab people of Palestine. Since the Israeli leaders arrogantly refuse to reckon with that international resolution, it is safe to presume that the resolution can be put into effect only through a political campaign for which maximum support must be secured throughout the world. The realistic approach which is gaining ground in progressive Arab quarters should be encouraged.

p In conclusion we would like to point out that despite the defeat of June 191 1967, the situation in the Middle East today affords the progressive and antiimperialist forces of the Arab countries considerable opportunities to fight for the withdrawal of the occupation troops and a real recognition of the national rights of the Palestine people, impart a deeper content to the national and anti-imperialist struggle and bring the ideas of social progress and democracy home to increasing sections of the population.

Dear comrades, we are convinced that the holding of this Meeting is an event of great importance that will foster world communist unity and exercise a certain influence in rallying the anti-imperialist, progressive and peace-loving forces and consolidating the alliance of the three main streams of the world revolutionary movement.