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p Comrades, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union regards with the utmost attention and respect the great work being carried on by our foreign comrades.

p The historical experience of many countries, the experience of the class struggle has given convincing evidence of how necessary the activity of the Communist Parties is for mankind and how fruitful this activity is for social development. Guided by Marxist-Leninist theory, the Communist Parties show the peoples the road to the communist future. They rally the peoples to the struggle and steadfastly march in the van of the mass movements for the great goals of social progress. Communists are always in the front rank of the fighters for the vital rights.of the working people, for peace. They carry high the invincible banner of the socialist revolution.

p Soviet Communists, whose path to the socialist revolution was complex and difficult, are well aware of the tension, the determination and flexibility, steadfastness of spirit and readiness at any moment to sacrifice everything for the Party’s cause that are constantly demanded of the revolutionary fighters confronting the class enemy. These qualities of Communists are of especial importance in our time, a time of intense and bitter class battles.

p The successes which the Communist Parties have achieved are incontestable. But our Meeting is right to concentrate its attention on unresolved tasks, on the new possibilities in the anti-imperialist struggle, on the difficulties that arise in its path. Such difficulties do exist, and some of them spring from the state of affairs in our movement itself, which is going through a difficult period of its development. Unity has been seriously disrupted in some of its links. Some fraternal Parties have suffered setbacks and even defeats.

p There are various reasons for these difficulties.

p One of them is connected with present-day conditions. The tremendous social break-up of the pillars of the old world taking place under the onslaught of socialism and all the revolutionary forces is meeting with growing resistance from the bourgeoisie. To safeguard its positions it strives to use all the economic and political possibilities of state-monopoly capitalism. In the capitalist countries, anti-communism has been elevated to the status of state policy. To erode the communist and the whole revolutionary movement from within is now one of the most important directions of the class strategy of imperialism.

p Another reason for the difficulties that have arisen is that fresh millions of people belonging to various social strata are being drawn into vigorous political action. Many of them enter politics with a great store of revolutionary energy, but with rather hazy ideas about how to solve the problems agitating them. Hence the vacillations, the swings from stormy political explosions to political passivity, from reformist illusions to anarchic impatience. All this tends to complicate the activity of the Communist Parties, multiplies their tasks and makes much greater demands on their practical work. In this situation, 156 Communists must display Marxist-Leninist firmness and loyalty to principle and a creative approach to the problems of social development if they are to keep control of developments, and tackle their problems in the light not only of short-term requirements but also of the long-term interests of the revolutionary movement. Otherwise, grave errors in policy are inevitable.

p We cannot afford to ignore the divergences existing in the communist movement today and pretend they do not exist. These differences have been largely caused by the penetration into the communist movement of revisionist influences both of a Right and of a “Left” nature. And these influences are making themselves felt not only in the sphere of “pure” theory. Revisionism in theory paves the way to opportunist practices, which inflict direct harm on the antiimperialist struggle. Revisionism is a departure from proletarian class positions, a substitution for Marxism-Leninism of all sorts of bourgeois and pettybourgeois concepts, old and modernistic.

p We share the stand of the fraternal Parties which in their decisions draw attention to the need for resolutely combating this danger. The Communist Parties justly believe that the interests of their own cohesion, the interests of the whole anti-imperialist movement insistently demand an intensification of the struggle against revisionism and both Right and “Left” opportunism. A principled stand on this issue has always been a most important Condition for strengthening a Party’s political positions and has always mobilised and enhanced the activity of Communists in the class struggle.

p Right-wing opportunism means a slide-down to liquidationist positions and to conciliation with Social Democracy in policy and ideology. In socialist countries, Right-wing opportunism goes to the length of repudiating the leading role of the Marxist-Leninist Party, and this can lead to surrender of the positions won by socialism and to capitulation to the anti-socialist forces.

p “Left-wing" opportunists, behind a barrage of ultra-revolutionary verbiage, push the masses into adventurist action, and the Party onto a sectarian path, which paralyses its ability to rally the fighters against imperialism.

p For all their distinctions, deviations from Marxism-Leninism to the right or to the “left” ultimately result in similarly harmful consequences: they weaken the fighting ability of the Communist Parties and undermine the revolutionary positions of the working class and the unity of the anti-imperialist forces.

p A frequent feature of both “Left” and Right-wing opportunism is concessions to nationalism, and sometimes even an outright switch to nationalistic positions. Lenin showed up this connection a long time ago. He wrote: "The ideological and political affinity, connection, and even identity between opportunism and social-nationalism are beyond doubt" (Collected Works, Vol. 21, p. 154).

p Of course, the struggle against opportunism and nationalism in one country or another is, above all, a sphere within the competence of the fraternal Party concerned. No Party can advance successfully unless it consistently and resolutely upholds the purity of Marxist-Leninist principles. But it is also true that when this struggle is abandoned in some sector of our movement, it affects the movement as a whole.

p The stand taken by the leadership of the Communist Party of China offers 157 a striking example of the harm that can be done to the common cause of the Communists by departure from Marxism-Leninism and a break with internationalism.

p Frankly speaking, only recently we had no intention at all of touching on this question at the Meeting. However, the events of the recent period, particularly the nature of the decisions taken by the Ninth Congress of the CPC, have forced us to deal with it. There has arisen a new situation which is having a grave negative influence on the whole world situation and the conditions of the struggle of the anti-imperialist forces.

p Peking’s present political platform, as you are well aware, was not shaped either today or yesterday. Almost 10 years ago Mao Tse-tung and his supporters mounted an attack on the principles of scientific communism. In its numerous statements on questions of theory the CPC leadership has step by step revised the principled line of the communist movement. In opposition to this it has laid down a special line of its own on all the fundamental questions of our day.

p At the same time, Peking started a political offensive against the communist movement. This offensive steadily gathered momentum, assuming ever sharper and more open forms. From polemics with the Communist Parties the CPC leaders went on to splitting, subversive activity, to active attempts to set the revolutionary forces of our day against each other. From cutting off their ties with the socialist countries to hostile acts against them. From criticism of peaceful coexistence to the staging of armed conflicts, to a policy undermining the cause of peace.

p The Ninth Congress of the CPC marked a new stage in the evolution of the ideological and political propositions of Maoism. In the new Constitution of the CPC, Mao Tse-tung’s thought has been proclaimed the Marxism-Leninism of the modern epoch. Chinese propaganda openly proclaims the task of " hoisting the banner of Mao Tse-tung’s thought over the globe”.

p It is a big and serious task to make an all-round Marxist-Leninist analysis of the class content of the events in China over the last few years, and of the roots of the present line of the CPC leaders, which is jeopardising the socialist gains of the Chinese people. The CPSU, like the other fraternal Parties, is giving it due attention. But in the light of the tasks facing the Meeting there is a need to dwell here, primarily, on the international aspects of the Chinese leadership’s policy. It is doubly important to speak about this because a section of progressive world opinion still believes that the present Chinese leadership has revolutionary aspirations, believes its assertions that it is fighting imperialism.

p It seems to us that the Ninth Congress of the CPC helps to understand whom the Chinese leadership is really fighting, and for what purpose. The Congress indicated the necessity of "a merciless struggle" principally against so-called "modern revisionism". Yet, as we know, un4er this category Peking classifies not revisionists, but the overwhelming majority of the socialist countries and Communist Parties.

p You will recall that the Chinese leadership accused the Communist Parties of France, India, the United States, Italy, Latin American and other countries of refusal "to conduct revolution", of being renegades, and of other deadly 158 sins. “Traitors”, “social-strikebreakers”, “social-imperialists”—those are the labels attached to many of the Parties represented here. Everybody here knows what insults were showered on all the participants in the present Meeting by the CPC leadership in reply to the invitation to take part in it.

p The Peking leaders impute “revisionism” to all Parties that do not share their views and aims. They resort to all possible means against these Parties— from slanderous charges of "collusion with imperialism" to organising subversive splinter groups. Such groups now exist in nearly 30 countries. The Peking leadership is trying to give them the nature of an organised movement.

p The damage done by Peking’s splitting activities should not be underestimated. Recent class battles clearly show what great harm Peking’s activity, which prods people on to an adventurist path, is doing to the organised struggle of the working class, of all working people.

p The present Peking leadership’s fight against the Marxist-Leninist Parties for hegemony in the communist movement is linked closely with its great-power aspirations, with its claims to territory of other countries. The idea that China has a messianic role to play is drummed into the heads of the Chinese workers and peasants. A wholesale indoctrination in the spirit of chauvinism and malicious anti-Sovietism is under way. Children are taught geography by text.books and maps that show territories of other countries as belonging to the Chinese state. The Chinese people are being oriented to "starve and prepare for war". Nor is any doubt left about what sort of war is meant. Only two days ago the Peking Kuangmin Jihpao issued the call "to prepare both for a conventional and a big nuclear war against Soviet revisionism". Of course, noisy statements are a far cry from actual possibilities. The Soviet Union has enough strength to stand up for itself, and the Soviet people have strong nerves—they will not be frightened by shrieks. But the trend of official Chinese propaganda speaks for itself.

p In the light of all this, the policy of militarising China takes on a specific meaning. We cannot help comparing the feverish military preparations with the fanning of chauvinistic feelings hostile to the socialist countries, with the Chinese leaders’ general approach to the problems of war and peace in the modern epoch.

p Possibly, many of the comrades here remember Mao Tse-tung’s speech in this hall during the 1957 Meeting. With appalling airiness and cynicism he spoke of the possible destruction of half of mankind in the event of an atomic war. The facts show that Maoism calls not for struggle against war but, on the contrary, for war, which it regards as a positive historical phenomenon.

p The combination of the Chinese leaders’ political adventurism with the sustained atmosphere of war hysteria injects new elements into the international situation which we have no right to ignore.

p Peking’s practical activity on the international scene convinces us increasingly that China’s foreign policy has, in effect, departed from proletarian internationalism and shed all socialist class content. That is the only possible explanation for the persistent efforts to identify the Soviet Union with US imperialism. What is more, these days the spearhead of Peking’s foreign policy is aimed chiefly against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. For a start, the 159 Chinese leaders reduced to a minimum China’s economic.contacts with most of the socialist states and rejected political co-operation with them, ending up with armed provocations on the Soviet frontier. More, provocative calls resound from Peking, exhorting the Soviet people to "accomplish a revolution", to change the social system in our country.

p The facts show that the Chinese leadership only speaks of struggle against imperialism while in fact helping the latter, directly or indirectly, in deeds. It helps the imperialists by seeking to split the united front of the socialist states. It helps them by its incitement and its obstructions to relaxation of international tension at times of acute international crisis. It helps them by striving to hamper the emergence of a broad anti-imperialist front, by seeking to split the international mass organisations of youth, women and scientists, the peace movement, the trade union movement, and so on.

p Naturally, the imperialists make the most of the present orientation of Peking’s foreign policy as a trump in their struggle against world socialism and the liberation movement.

p To sum up: attack on the Soviet Union all along the line; specious propaganda; slander of the Soviet people, our socialist state, our Communist Party; fanning hatred against the USSR among the people of China and now also resort to arms; intimidation and blackmail in relation to other socialist states and the developing countries; flirting with the big capitalist powers, including the Federal Republic of Germany—such are the guidelines of China’s present foreign policy!

p As you know, comrades, in March the Soviet Government, striving to end the clashes organised by the Chinese side on the Soviet-Chinese border, called on the Government of China to refrain from border actions that might create complications, and resolve differences, whenever these occur, by negotiation in a tranquil atmosphere. We proposed that the Soviet-Chinese consultations on border issues, which were begun in 1964, should be resumed in the immediate future. At the same time, we warned that any attempt to talk in the language of guns to the Soviet Union would be firmly repulsed.

p Recently, the Chinese Government made a reply statement. If one may judge from words, the Chinese side does not reject the idea of negotiations. There are also expressions of consent to avoid conflicts on the border and not to open fire. At present, we are preparing a reply to this Chinese statement. This reply, like the Soviet Government’s statement of March 29, will naturally be in complete accord with our principled stand: to settle differences through negotiation and promote equitable and mutually beneficial co-operation.

p It should be pointed out, however, that the statement of the CPR Government .can in no way be described as constructive either in content or spirit. The wordy document is full of historical falsifications, distortions of the facts of modem times and of rude, hostile attacks against the Soviet Union. It renews groundless territorial claims on the Soviet Union, which we categorically reject.

p The future will show whether the Chinese leaders are really eager to negotiate, whether they desire agreement, and what course events will take. However, we cannot afford to overlook the fact that the provocations by Chinese military 160 personnel on the Soviet border have not stopped. At the same time, an unprecedentedly broad and intensive anti-Soviet campaign is being conducted all over China on the basis of the decisions of the Ninth Congress of the CPC. The idea is being forcibly drummed into the heads of the Chinese people that the Soviet Union wants to attack China.

p It is needless to refute these fabrications. Not only Communists, but all decent people on earth know perfectly well that our people are preoccupied with peaceful creative labour, building communist society, and that they have never attacked nor intend to attack anyone.

p Our policy with regard to China is consistent and based on principle. The Central Committee of the CPSU and the Soviet Government chart their policy on the long-term perspective. We are conscious of the fact that the basic interests of the Soviet and Chinese peoples coincide. We have always persevered and will continue to persevere in our efforts to keep alive the friendly feelings which exist among the Soviet people for the fraternal Chinese people, and we are certain that the Chinese people, too, have the same feelings towards the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries.

p At the same time we do not consider it possible to remain silent about the anti-Leninist, anti-popular essence of the political and ideological principles of the present leaders of China. We shall carry on a resolute struggle against Peking’s splitting policy and against its great-power foreign-policy line. It stands to reason that we will do everything to safeguard the interests of the Soviet people, who are building communism, against all encroachments.

p We do not identify the declarations and actions of the present Chinese leadership with the aspirations, wishes and true interests of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people. We are deeply convinced that China’s genuine national renascence, and its socialist development, wilj be best served not by struggle against the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, against the whole communist movement, but by alliance and fraternal co-operation with them.

p Comrades, the situation created by the policy of the Chinese leadership introduces a new element into the problem of anti-imperialist unity. We Communists must take a responsible and clear stand. The policy of subverting the communist ranks, of dividing the anti-imperialist ’forces, can and must be opposed by our firm will for unity, by our deeds and joint actions promoting unity.

p In their fight for unity the Communists have a tested weapon. One that has brought victory in glorious battles for the cause of the working class, for socialism. That weapon is proletarian internationalism.

p The imperialists are well aware of the power of international proletarian solidarity. That is why they bank on nationalism in fighting the socialist forces, the revolutionary movement. They expect thereby to divide and split up the communist movement, to set the revolutionary contingents one against the other.

p Bourgeois propaganda goes out of its way to malign the principle of proletarian internationalism and to oppose it artificially to the principles of the independence, sovereignty and equality of the national contingents:of the 161 working-class and communist movement. That is the purpose for which imperialist propagandists have fabricated and put into circulation the notorious theory of "limited sovereignty”.

p As for us Soviet Communists, we hold that the present world situation a^ain forcefully bears out the validity and viability of Lenin’s concept of proletarian internationalism.

p In our time, a time of a global confrontation of two worlds—those of capitalism and socialism—Lenin’s fundamental propositions regarding an internationalist, class approach to national problems also remain in full force.

p As valid as ever, for example, is Lenin’s definition that to be an internationalist is to do "the utmost possible in one country for the development, support and awakening of the revolution in all countries" (Vol. 28, p. 292).

p The proletarian Party derives its strength from its ability to use to the full the internal opportunities for struggle in the interest of its people, for its country’s progress, and at the same time, in the interest of the common internationalist cause of revolution and socialism. On the other hand, attempts to “strengthen” the Party’s positions by weakening, or even breaking off, its internationalist ties, by rejecting united action with other contingents of the communist movement, lead to loss of ideological independence from the bourgeoisie and inevitably injure the political prestige of the Party concerned.

p It goes without saying, comrades, that all this does not refute or belittle the principles of the independence, sovereignty and equality of either the socialist countries or of individual national contingents of the world working-class and communist movement. Respect for, and strict observance of, these principles is for Communists a law precisely because they are internationalists.

p Genuine internationalism also implies support of the existing socialist society by all fraternal Parties. We highly appreciate the stand of our friends who are irreconcilable to any and all slander of socialism. For Communists that is not only a natural expression of their internationalist sentiments, but also an approach to internationalism as a realistic policy serving the common cause of revolution. For example, all of us agree that new opportunities have arisen in the struggle for peace, democracy, national independence and socialism resulting from the radical changes in the international arena in favour of socialism, to the detriment of imperialism. But this also means that any weakening of socialist positions in the world is bound to reflect negatively on the positions of all Communist Parties.

p For our Meeting, strengthening the unity of the communist movement is an important task. There are adequate objective preconditions for this. But we cannot confine ourselves to merely declaring once again that the interests of the various national contingents of our movement coincide. Unity means action, not words. It is not automatically attainable, and must be fought for.

p When still preparing for this Meeting, all of us agreed that in order to strengthen the unity of the communist movement we must search for ways to overcome the existing divergences. These are of different kinds. And, naturally, different ways must be used to overcome them. In some cases doubts and questions may be removed through bilateral meetings and comradely 162 discussion. In other cases they may be ironed out in the practical experience of the joint struggle for common aims in the international arena. But there are also differences that concern fundamental problems and the very essence of the communist movement. And it will probably take a long time and uncompromising struggle to overcome them.

p In reference to our line in surmounting differences, we should like to dwell on three points.

p The first is the significance-of joint action against imperialism for solidifying the communist movement. In the present conditions, with Communists bearing a direct responsibility for the destiny of their peoples, for the future of mankind, we cannot afford to put the matter thus: let’s first resolve all the differences in our movement, and then come to terms about joint action. The realities require a different approach: differences over specific issues must not interfere with joint communist actions in our common struggle against imperialism; let us jointly tackle the practical tasks related to united action and then, in the course of our joint struggle, we shall see more clearly which views are in accord with the common interests of the communist movement and which go against these interests and interfere with, even injure, the common cause. In other words, that which brings the Communists of all countries together should be put at the top of the list in our practical activity.

p Secondly, we should like to emphasise the need for expanding in every way the ties and contacts among fraternal Parties. They are essential both as a mechanism for agreeing our actions on the international scene and as a means of comparing views on current problems and of settling differences. In the present conditions, bilateral and multilateral meetings are doubly useful. The experience of the Vienna Conference of European Communist Parties, that of the Karlovy Vary Conference, the conferences of the fraternal Latin American Parties and meetings held by Communists of the Arab countries bear out the importance of regional meetings to discuss a specific range of questions and promote international communist co-operation. The practice of co-operation in the new conditions has also brought into being such a collective form as world conferences.

p Last but not least, the third important way of overcoming differences and fighting for the unity of our movement is to generalise the theoretical work of the Parties, to advance Marxist-Leninist theory on that basis and to safeguard its principles and fundamental ideas. Lenin stressed the need for theoretically assessing the new forms of struggle prompted by practice (Vol. 9, p. 212). The practice of recent years has convincingly demonstrated the benefits for the whole communist movement of creatively elaborating such problems as the convergence in our epoch of the democratic and socialist tasks of the revolutionary struggle, of correctly combining peaceful and non-peaceful forms of revolution, and of the possibility of non-capitalist development for the former colonial countries.

p The creative approach to theory imparts strength and confidence to the builders of socialism and communism, to all Communists, wherever they may be. As we see it, it would be useful to improve the methods of joint theoretical 163 work by the Communist Parties, to devise concrete measures for improving mutual information, for studying each other’s experience and organising systematic exchanges of opinion. We are in favour of regular international theoretical conferences.

p Loyalty to Marxism-Leninism and joint struggle for common aims—that is what cements our movement, securing a high degree of unity. Our calls for a united anti-imperialist front will be a waste of breath unless we ourselves each day display our indomitable will to cement the communist ranks. That is why we consider Section Four of the draft Main Document of our Meeting, the section specifically devoted to these problems, of fundamental importance.

p Building up a world-wide anti-imperialist front, the task of tasks in our time, cannot be successful without struggle for the unity of the world communist movement.

p Comrades, there is still another question, and one of extreme importance, that has a most direct bearing on the agenda of our Meeting. I think that all the comrades here will agree that the battle against imperialism cannot be won and the unity of our movement and of all the anti-imperialist forces cannot be strengthened without the most active offensive against bourgeois ideology.

p Imperialism cannot expect to succeed if it openly speaks of its true aims. It is compelled to create a system of ideological myths to disguise its true intentions and lull the vigilance of the peoples. For this purpose it has built up a mammoth propaganda machine equipped with all modern means of ideological indoctrination. Indeed, comrades, every hour, by day and by night, the working people of almost the entire world are to one or another extent subjected to the influence of bourgeois propaganda, of bourgeois ideology. The hired ideologists of the imperialists have created a special pseudo-culture designed to befuddle the masses, to blunt their social consciousness. And combating its corrupting influence on the working people is an important area of communist work.

p Comrades, we have a powerful weapon against bourgeois ideology. That weapon is the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. We know how powerful it is. We are witness to the fact that our ideas are spreading more and more among the masses. Marxism-Leninism is on the offensive today, and we must develop that offensive to the utmost. It is more important than ever to recall Lenin’s warning that any relaxation by Communists in ideological work, any standing aloof from it, redoubles the influence of bourgeois ideology.

p It is important that Communists in all countries should fight the corrupting influence of bourgeois ideology on the working people. In this connection we should like to stress in particular the advantages of coordinated efforts by fraternal Parties, of mutual support in concrete actions designed to expose the ideological fabrications of the enemies of communism.

p Communists must be in the van of the fight against imperialism in all sectors, including the ideological sector. We are convinced that by concerted efforts imperialism can be decisively defeated in all areas and a world-wide victory achieved for the cause of the working class and all other working people.

p Comrades, the draft Document of our Meeting contains the following call: "Peoples of the socialist countries, workers, democratic forces in the capitalist 164 countries, newly-liberated peoples and those who are oppressed, unite in a common struggle against imperialism, for peace, national liberation, social progress, democracy and socialism!" In our view, it aptly expresses the requirement of our times.

p At our Meeting we shall collectively define the main lines and concrete tasks in the struggle against imperialism in present-day conditions. By advancing them on behalf of our Parties, which in some countries are followed by entire nations and by the biggest trade unions and other democratic organisations, we shall take a very important step towards uniting all anti-imperialist forces. A democratic discussion of these lines and tasks with other participants in the anti-imperialist movement will enable us to work out concrete programmes of struggle at national and international levels.

p We are deeply convinced that all this will help merge in a single stream a wide range of social movements, political trends and organisations, and give the struggle a maximum of purpose. In the course of joint actions the antiimperialist front will move more and more from the realm of slogans and conferences into the area of daily political practice.

p In this connection we should like to go back to the question of unity of the working-class movement and, in particular, to the problem of the relationship between Communists and Social Democrats.

p It cannot be said that the consistent communist policy of promoting the unity of the working-class movement has been fruitless. The differentiation in the Social-Democratic movement is now more pronounced, and a certain section of it, including a few leading personalities, is departing from anti-communist positions. The ties between trade unions of different orientation in separate countries and on an international scale have been activated. Instances when agreement and united action have been achieved by trade union centres of different orientation are now more numerous. Recent events in many capitalist! countries have shown how deeply the masses desire unity in their practical struggle against the monopolies and their governments. However, this sound trend is running into stubborn resistance from many Social-Democratic leaders.

p The leadership of a considerable number of Social-Democratic parties, especially those prominent in the Socialist International, still consider fighting communism, fighting the socialist countries, their main task. We are aware that for some of them anti-communism is a way of disguising the failure of their own reformist policy, and for others a total renunciation of socialist aims and surrender to state-monopoly capitalism.

p Social-Democratic leaders have often held, and now hold, government office in some countries, but it is farthest from their minds to work for the transfer of power into the hands of the working class, and the socialist cause makes no progress there at all. It is not surprising that Right-wing Social-Democratic leaders try to discredit the real socialism built, or being built, by the peoples of a large group of countries under the leadership of Communists.

p Anti-communism makes Right-wing Social Democracy a captive of the imperialist bourgeoisie also in matters of international policy. In the past 20 years, Social-Democratic leaders in a number of countries laid the main accent in 165 foreign affairs on strengthening "Atlantic solidarity", that is, strengthening the politico-military alliance of the West-European countries with the United States in the context of the North Atlantic Treaty.

p That is why we avail ourselves of this forum to again remind the SocialDemocratic leaders at this grave hour for the world that they and their anti- Communism are responsible for the fact that the possibilities of the present-day working class in the fight against imperialism are not fully used!

p Our stand in relation to Social Democracy could not be clearer. We are combating and shall continue to combat our ideological and political opponents in its ranks from the principled positions of Marxism-Leninism. At the same time, we agree to co-operation, to joint action, with those genuinely prepared to fight imperialism, for peace, for the interests of the working people. There are vital issues in regard to which the need for unity of action by working-class Parties, including those responsible for the policy of their countries, is now particularly timely. Above all, this concerns questions related to averting a world war, building up a system of European security and combating the threat of fascism.

Such are some of the considerations of the CPSU delegation concerning the problems of consolidating the communist movement and building up a broad anti-imperialist front of the peoples.