p We welcome this Meeting as a high forum for a free and serious exchange of views on our common struggle against imperialism. We take part with a keen desire to exchange views and particularly to learn from other Parties’ experiences. We are deeply conscious of the contribution which different sections of the international movement and especially the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are making to the struggle against our common enemy, imperialism.

p We state our determination to work for closer unity of our movement, for united action against imperialism, and our desire for fraternal relations with all Communist and Workers’ Parties, no matter what differences we may have.

p Our leadership has endorsed in principle the Third Section of the Document before us. In doing so, we are motivated by a will for united action and by our general endorsement of its aims to develop anti-imperialist unity and struj gle at this historic moment. Yet we also have reservations about some concepts stated in this section. We feel that some things are not said that should be said; some others are qualified in ways they should not be. We will submit some amendments to Section Three about the most important issues.

p At the same time we adhere to the anti-imperialist action programme as stated in Section Three, and pledge our energy and comradely co-operation in fighting for this programme. We re-submit the proposal that this part of the Document should be separated from the rest, so that all Parties could sign it and thus make a unanimous affirmation of our unity around the most urgent anti- imperialist tasks. The remainder of the Document, seeking to enunciate a general line for the international communist movement, could then be signed by those Parties which endorse it. The Australian Communist Party cannot sign the Document as a whole, since it cannot accept some principles as stated and because what we believe are some fundamental issues and principles are omitted.

p Stated briefly, these are our main criticisms of the Document:

p 1. While setting out to lay down in effect a general line for the international movement, it does not make a deep and objective analysis of some new features of the present stage of the complicated process of social .development and struggle. Some of these are: the scientific and technological revolution in its 127 world impact (upon the developed capitalist countries, the socialist countries and the Third World countries); the significance of the new revolutionary potentials, particularly among the young generations; the problems of socialist development and of relations between socialist countries.

p 2. The Document ignores some important developments in the relations between socialist countries which have a negative impact on our movement. These relations are described unrealistically and in an idealised way in some passages of the draft.

p 3. The Document makes a superficial and sometimes contradictory analysis of the imperialist world system and the international situation. This could hinder the maximum mobilisation of the anti-imperialist forces and stop us from turning to maximum advantage the ideological and moral crisis of imperialism, reflecting its deep general crisis.

p 4. Relations between Parties are again described only in formal principles which, worthy as they are, in fact are not always honoured. This description neither reflects the reality nor helps to reach a new stage of relations between Parties, and within the movement as a whole. We also consider that the Document’s description of the Communist Parties’ leading role does not take into account all the conditions of struggle for winning and maintaining the working people’s support for the Communist Parties.

p 5. Some formulations in the Document are so vague and suggestive that they could be interpreted in different ways, including possible endorsement of some recent new concepts with which we do not agree (such as those concerning relations between socialist countries).

p Our delegation wishes to expand these comments to make clearer what we mean.

p The scientific and technological revolution is a decisive reality, even if it is only at its first stage. Its essential feature is precisely an exponential growth in knowledge and technological innovation, with revolutionary effects upon society. Marxism-Leninism must strive to keep up with this onward rush, analysing its deep revolutionary significance for all societies in the world today, to deepen our theoretical understanding of the revolutionary process. This requires an open and forward-looking generalisation and a scientific daring in open theoretical and political debate and contention with other world outlooks. In this connection, we support our Belgian comrades’ proposals for study and exchange of views on modern world developments by our movement.

p These social developments demand new ideas of revolutionary strategy in the developed capitalist countries. These concern the whole range of social forces which are potentially revolutionary—the working class, which is itself changing and enlarging, youth and students, the intellectuals. A revolutionary strategy must also advance new types of social demands which are at once economic, political and moral. In particular, one thinks of the depth and vigour of new democratic demands and forms of action which challenge every aspect and mode of monopoly capitalist domination: the state itself, including its function of deciding foreign policy and making war; the bureaucratic control and manipulation of human beings as workers in huge depersonalised enterprises and structures, of students in schools and universities; the manipulation of human 128 beings as citizens in society, and by the mass media apparatus for control o_f i .leas.

p Our Party is grappling with these theoretical and political questions as they affect Australia, trying to develop a theoretical programme to meet this changing situation. Some recent experiences tend to confirm and enrich our concepts. Last month, a mighty mass workers’ struggle erupted in Australia. A million industrial workers walked off their jobs in protest against the undemocratic and repressive anti-union legislation which has been in force for the last 20 years. This was essentially a political struggle of a democratic character, sweeping into action half the industrial workers in the nation, in the biggest strike movement of the last 80 years.

p We think this movement also expressed the deep frustrations and the human aspirations of the working class, arising from their affirmation of human dignity and their demand for a human orientation of the whole society, an orientation impossible in conditions of monopoly capitalist society. In our opinion, articulation of a radical programme of trade’ union demands and action is a vital component of our revolutionary strategy, a working-class challenge to the whole statemonopoly structure of ownership, distribution and control. Our Party, which has a considerable influence in the workers’ movement, made the first call for a decisive confrontation of the anti-union legislation last January.

p We believe that a new stage for working-class advance has been reached, in which the old reformism has reached an impasse and in which a new turn to the left is possible. Even if this must begin at a certain level of industrial demands, it also has important political potentials in the struggle for workingclass unity. An important new feature of Australian unionism, which also reflects deep social changes, is the growth of white collar unions which are turning to militant actions and reaching for unity with the industrial unions. We see these developments as an answer, in life, to theories that the working class has lost its revolutionary potential.

p Then there is the qualitatively new radical student and youth movement which is developing in Australia as elsewhere. There are problems here asking for an exchange of views. How is this powerful force to be united with the working class ? Why do these movements not always turn to the Communist Parties ? One can criticise or rebuke some trends in them, yet this is not the real answer. In our view, we have to work patiently for worker-student co-operation— and there are trends developing in this way in Australia—and to enter a dialogue on theories and strategies precisely in the course of common actions.

p Another great problem of the world impact of the scientific and technological revolution is the huge gap between the developed nations and the Third World, a’ gap which grows annually. This is a tremendous world problem— the most urgent and tragic aspect of the human condition today—and a dynamic of the anti-imperialist struggle. This is the social essence of the national liberation struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The huge obstacle to changing this world division is, of course, imperialism, with its economic domination and exploitation, its global political and military strategies. It is also a great issue of conscience for revolutionary forces in the West, demanding of the Communists a powerful lead for co-ordinated action with the 129 national liberation movements and the efforts of the socialist countries to help the new nations. Here, our responsibility is to support the national liberation movements, for these are the internal force for social transformation in the Third World. At the same time, we should elaborate an anti-imperialist action programme within the imperialist countries themselves, struggling for new policies that oppose the dynamics of imperialist exploitation.

p In Australia, we have some heavy responsibilities for anti-imperialist action, which we are trying to meet. First is the struggle against the Vietnam war and the projected Australian part in the United States’ programme for domination of Southeast Asia. Besides this, we are called upon to support the developing national liberation movement in New Guinea and to support the struggle of our own aboriginal people for independent development and equal rights. In both these fields there are quite important new developments.

p Struggle against the Vietnam war is a decisive issue of Australian politics. Big demonstrations and continued strong opposition against the war are a new feature of political life. Never before has an aggressive war caused such national division.

p The Vietnam war has awakened the social conscience of new masses and social forces in Australia. This should continue as a movement of conscience against imperialism and its consequences, exploitation, hunger and wars of domination. Its revolutionary implications, in the West as in the Third World, can be noted in the fact that in many countries radical youth of diverging viewpoints express their opposition to imperialism by acknowledging the inspiration of such Communist heroes as Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro.

p Today, new possibilities exist for anti-imperialist action and revolutionary advance. Communists everywhere have to make a clear, sober, searching and self-critical examination of their theoretical and practical work in meeting this challenge. Australian Communists are trying to do this. We believe some advances have been made, although much more remains to be done to build a mass party and extend its influence into diverse spheres of society. We believe this Meeting should stimulate the further development of creative Marxist thinking.

p From this standpoint, we suggest for consideration a criticism of the draft Document. In our view it does not make an inspiring call to the peoples everywhere for anti-imperialist and revolutionary action. And we feel that this is not just a question of style or language. It is connected with deeper problems of our movement, including the complex process of development of socialist societies.

p We feel that this arises because the Document does not face up to theoretical and policy questions that are posed sharply today by problems of relations between socialist countries, and also the development of socialist democracy.

p At present, the established capitalist social order is increasingly under challenge by ever-growing numbers of people, particularly the youth.

p Young people, especially, are critical of the hypocrisy of capitalist society, of its false values and double standards, of the gap between words and deeds. They are increasingly conscious of the manipulation of society by those in power, of the shams of bourgeois democracy.

p All this provides socialism with an historic opportunity to present a clear and attractive alternative.

p This directly affects and concerns Communists everywhere. An expansion of democracy in the socialist countries would have a significant impact on the development of the democratic and revolutionary movement in, the Western countries.

p Concretely, we believe that this Meeting should declare its full and unequivocal support for national independence, sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs for all nations, whether great or small, and whatever their social system. We support the amendment already proposed in the Preparatory Commission by the Italian comrades which states this clearly. This would demonstrate the moral superiority of socialism, guaranteeing fulfilment of Marx’s prediction that the new society will establish relations between nations that correspond to human relations between people. This problem is posed before us by the events of August 1968 and their consequences.

p If we say openly that the August 1968 intervention in Czechoslovakia was wrong, it is not because we want to intervene in the internal affairs of the Parties which made the decision. If we say the continued presence of troops is wrong, it is not because we seek to intervene in the internal affairs of the Czechoslovakian Party, nor to comment upon its policies. We have spoken up, and speak up before this Meeting, out of a deep and heartfelt commitment to the socialist cause and to our understanding of Communist principles and ideals.

p We have said, and we say again, that the intervention harmed our cause, the struggle for a socialist world. Its impact was deep, its consequences far- reaching. They will not be easily overcome; this will be all the more difficult so long as unequal relations continue. Others may disagree; we hope our debate can develop on the level of principle and theory.

p Internationalism cannot be separated from a regard for rights of all nations, great or small.

p In our view, internationalism cannot be identified with the state interests of any socialist country. This is all the more important when contradictions and even antagonisms arise between socialist states. Then, we must say that it is not possible to decide the issues by an appeal to internationalism.

p Permit us to state again our belief that the Document should clearly condemn all anti-semitism, wherever it may exist, and this without any reservations or qualifications.

p This Meeting has a responsibility to take every possible initiative towards restoring unity of the movement, whatever the difficulties and no matter how negative any past, present or future reactions may be. In this connection we have proposed an amendment to the Document, which would state our support for the restoration to the People’s Republic of China of its territory of Taiwan, illegally occupied by US imperialism by force. And we propose here a statement condemning US imperialist policies against China and in this area of Asia and the Pacific. These proposals are made in the interests of the fight against imperialism, with the aim of taking some initiative for moving towards a common stand by all components of our movement.

p These are the views we submit for consideration by this important gathering. 131 We conclude by restating our determination to exert every effort to strengthen our Party’s work for peace, freedom and socialism. We reaffirm our desire for closer relations with all Communist and Workers’ Parties, our wish for a continuation of the dialogue on the issues we differ on, while placing at the forefront our unity in action.

We wish to thank all responsible for the preparation of this Meeting—the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, and in particular the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, for the hospitality and good conditions provided for our work. And through the CPSU we thank the Soviet people, whose socialist labours make this possible.