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p Comrades,

p The delegation of the Polish United Workers’ Party conveys warm greetings to all fraternal Parties from the Polish Communists and the Polish working class.

p The period which has elapsed since the previous International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties has been of extremely great importance. The principal strategic concepts of the struggle for socialism, for the liberation of nations and peace, mapped out by the world communist movement at its previous Meetings, have in the past nine years stood the test of social practice and been verified in the fire of class conflicts. At the same time social development has given birth to new political phenomena of world-wide significance and put on the agenda new international problems. We must determine our attitude towards them. This fully confirms the advisability and urgency of the present Meeting.

p The Polish United Workers’ Party regards the present third International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties as a momentous event in the history of our movement. It is deeply convinced that its work and decisions will be a new, important factor helping to unite the forces of the world communist movement, the international working cla§s and the national liberation movements in the struggle against imperialism.

p The delegation of the Polish United Workers’ Party expresses its full support for the draft documents worked out collectively by the Preparatory Committee and submitted for the approval of our Meeting.

p Comrades, the historical period in which we work is an epoch of profound revolutionary transformations. Marx analysed the revolutionary periods in the history of mankind and pointed out that they are characterised by an acceleration of the development of the productive forces, a qualitative transformation of the mode of production, an aggravation of the contradictions between the productive forces and the existing relations of production, and by the existence of a revolutionary movement fighting to resolve these contradictions. All these factors are typical of the contemporary world and increasingly influence the course of events. The scientific and technological revolution qualitatively changes the techniques and methods of production. The contradiction between 94 capitalist production relations and the development of productive forces is growing increasingly deeper; the rule of monopolistic capital makes it impossible to utilise the achievements of human genius for the benefit of the people and’of entire nations still harassed by poverty, hunger and an uncertain future. The international communist movement and the socialist world system represent a powerful force fighting to remove these contradictions and translate the great revolutionary possibilities of our times into reality.

p Never in history have the great processes of social transformation run evenly. This is all the more true of the greatest of all revolutionary transformations, namely, mankind’s transition from the capitalist to the socialist social formation. This transition is taking place in the process of an acute social struggle. In the course of this process, by the very nature of things, periods of rapid progress alternate with periods of relative stagnation, while the great achievements of the new system alternate with temporary setbacks in one or another sector of the struggle against capitalism.

p The years that have elapsed since the last Meeting have been distinguished first and foremost by a steady growth of the forces of socialism. Parallel with this there have been centrifugal and splitting tendencies weakening socialism. But these negative phenomena have been unable to change the principal direction of the evolution of the balance of forces. The main trend of world social development during the past decade has confirmed the correctness of the Marxist-Leninist prognosis formulated by our Parties in 1960. The socialist world system, the forces fighting imperialism for socialism, for the freedom of nations and peace, have determined and continue to determine the real content, the basic direction and the fundamental features of historical development.

p The growth of the potential of the states of the socialist system and the highly dynamic development of our countries, which are following new roads of social development, have been fully demonstrated by the achievements of recent years. Realistic prospects exist now for considerably accelerating the rate of the economic development of the socialist states in the years to come, particularly in the most modern fields of production determining its progress. The production potential built up in the preceding period of socialist industrialisation opens up possibilities for applying more intensive forms and methods of management.

p There is every indication that the 1970s will be a period in which socialist countries will enter a qualitatively new stage of development of modern production. The systematic deepening of co-operation between our countries on the basis of division of labour, specialisation and co-ordination in accordance with the important decisions passed in April last by the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance should become a lever of this process, leading to the integration of socialism with the contemporary scientific and technological revolution. Essentially this is a most important task facing the states of the socialist community today.

p An extremely important result of the growth of the economic, scientific and technological potential of the socialist system, achieved mainly through the dedicated work of Soviet scientists, engineers and workers, is that on a world scale the balance of military potentials is in favour of socialism, not imperialism.

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p Disintegration which deepened the crisis of the old society, of the capitalist world, ran parallel to the growth of the forces of the socialist system.

p More than 2,000 million people are still living in the sphere dominated by capitalist relations of production. That part of the world is being torn apart by ever deeper economic, social and political contradictions. The widening gulf between the rich metropolitan countries and the new states liberated from colonial oppression deprives the capitalist system of social stability.

p The imperialist powers pursue a policy of neo-colonialism and exploitation of developing countries, plunging the world into one conflict after another.

p On the borderline between the 1950s and 1960s the colonial peoples witnessed the great spring of their national freedom. The solidarity of the newly formed national states emerged on the ruins of colonialism. It was inevitable that internal conflicts and the polarisation of political forces should grow acute in the new states when their peoples had to choose the road of their further development and surmount backwardness, when they had to combat not traditional and completely discredited forms of colonial rule, but more sophisticated though no less dangerous forms of colonial dependence. This does not mean, however, that the emancipation tendencies among the nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America have weakened. On the contrary, as the inability of capitalism to solve the social, economic,and demographic problems of the developing countries is becoming ever more obvious, and the state independence of those countries is coming into conflict with neo-colonialist exploitation, the emancipation tendencies grow in strength and find expression in the anti-imperialist policy of the governments of many of the new states. The socialist world system is becoming the only natural mainstay of the countries that have won liberation from colonial oppression.

p As a result of the profound changes in the international alignment of forces, imperialism has irretrievably lost the possibility of deciding the destiny of nations at will, of imposing its domination on them. It has failed to achieve any of its strategic aims, even though the aggressive policy of the United States has whipped up world tension. Neither by armed aggression nor by economic blockade did the United States succeed in crushing heroic Cuba, the first bastion of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The Israeli aggression against the Arab states suffered a political fiasco. The anti-imperialist policy of the Arab states is consolidating and the political consciousness of the Arab nations is growing. The barbarous intervention of the United States in Vietnam has roused world public opinion against the imperialist aggressors. Today even the ruling circles in the United States realise that they cannot secure an advantageous military settlement of that war. By its unprecedented heroism, the thirty-million strong Vietnamese nation has proved that the cause of the freedom of peoples is invincible in our times.

p The Polish people are heart and soul at one with the liberation struggle of the Vietnamese nation. Historical right and justice are on its side. It will emerge victorious. The 10-point programme of the National Liberation Front provides an appropriate platform for the restoration of peace in Vietnam.

p The aggravation of the contradictions between the imperialist metropolises and the rest of the world as well as within the imperialist states themselves is 96 accompanied by deep processes connected with the crisis of capitalism’s structure, processes which are, in many respects, new both in content and in form. The relative stabilisation of the developed capitalist states has been thrown out of gear, contradictions have deepened and the class struggle has acquired new strength and dynamics.

p The rapidly growing concentration of capital widens the abyss between the interests of labour and capital and puts paid to the illusions of neo-capitalism. The consequences of the offensive of the monopolies turn to an ever greater extent against the interests of the proletariat, the intelligentsia and other strata of hired labour, against the most vital interests of the peasants and farmers, craftsmen, and small and medium businessmen. The heavy burden of armaments, militarisation, and uncertainty of the morrow, to which capitalism dooms the masses of manual and white-collar workers, as well as the ideological and intellectual vacuity of the so-called consumer society are giving rise to a huge wave of social protest which is embracing ever broader masses of working people, particularly the younger generation.

p Uneven economic development changes also the balance of forces and gives birth to new contradictions between the imperialist states. The rapid economic expansion of Japan and West Germany, the economic stagnation of Britain and, above all, the striving of the US monopolies for economic and technological domination over the entire capitalist world sharpen the competition in the world capitalist market and engender currency crises. These economic contradictions create and intensify conflicts between political interests.

p The entire course of social processes and events in the international arena confirms the correctness of the evaluation contained in the draft Main Document of our Meeting, namely, that "imperialism can neither regain its lost historical initiative nor reverse world development. The main direction of mankind’s development is determined by the world socialist system, the international working class, by all revolutionary forces”.

p The present balance of forces between socialism and imperialism creates favourable conditions for implementing the basic tasks of the world communist movement, for the struggle to preserve and consolidate world peace, for new victories of the national liberation movements, for a further limitation of the zone of influence of imperialism and neo-colonialism, for an expansion of the influence of socialism. The translation of these potential possibilities into reality depends first and foremost on the policy of the world communist movement and the policy of socialist states, on unity of action of Communist and Workers’ Parties in the struggle against imperialism.

p Comrades, the problem of war and peace remains the most important issue of our epoch. All the basic conflicts of our times are concentrated round the struggle to resolve this question. No one can predict the final result of this struggle, for no one can foresee the future. History, the struggle of the popular masses will decide whether the forces of socialism and peace will be able to block the road to a world war or whether the striving for aggression, which springs from the very nature of imperialism, will lead to a final test of strength between socialism and the capitalist system in the flames of war.

p In their policies the socialist states have to consider both possibilities. In 97 face of the arms race imposed by imperialism, they are taking all measures to strengthen the defence capability of the socialist world. At the same time, they pursue a consistent policy upholding peace and peaceful relations with all countries irrespective of their social systems.

p The thesis that another world war is inevitable is theoretically false and politically sterile. Acceptance of this thesis would mean abandoning the struggle for the most advantageous conditions, from the standpoint of the working masses, of all nations, for settling the basic conflict of this epoch—the conflict between socialism and capitalism. Reconciliation with the prospect of a world war under contemporary conditions would, in fact, be an expression of disbelief in the forces of the socialist system, the international working class and the national liberation movement; it would testify to an underestimation of our forces and an overestimation of the potentialities of imperialism. A policy based on the thesis that a world war is inevitable would fundamentally depart from the most cherished aspirations and strivings of the broadest masses in all countries. Such a policy is, .therefore, unacceptable to the communist movement.

p • The alternative to passive reconciliation with the prospect of a world war is struggle for peaceful coexistence.

p The Polish United Workers’ Party consistently adheres to the Leninist principles of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems. These principles were formulated in the documents of the 1957 and 1960 International Meetings and approved at the time by.all Communist and Workers’ Parties without exception. These principles retain their importance for the struggle of the communist movement and have been fully reaffirmed in the draft Main Document of this Meeting.

p Peaceful coexistence is vital in our day. For half a century the contemporary world has been divided into two systems and no one can foretell how much time is required for socialism to win the final victory or what will be the stages of the struggle for overthrowing capitalism in individual regions of the world in subsequent periods of history.

p “ ’ •

p The social and political experience of the past decade has fully confirmed the general line of the international communist movement, which considers that its historical mission is, already now, to safeguard the world against the infinite devastation and suffering of a nuclear catastrophe, before the final triumph of socialism removes the possibility of war from the life of mankind.

p By implementing this line, charted in the Statement of 81 Communist and Workers’ Parties adopted at the previous International Meeting, the international communist and working-class movement has scored tremendous successes. The bogey of so-called communist aggression is no longer effective. In the eyes of the peoples the socialist system and the world communist movement today constitute the force that consistently upholds peace and acts as the main obstacle to the imperialist policy of war, conquest and pillage. In the minds of hundreds of millions of people the very concept of socialism has today become a synorym of peace.

p To oppose to the prospect of peaceful coexistence the thesis that there are only two possibilities in the question of a world war—"either war will lead to 98 revolution or revolution will prevent war"—means to shy away from the actual problems of our times. It is an obvious truth for Communists that the victory of the socialist revolution will avert war. The problem is that struggle for the victory of the socialist revolution on a world scale will most probably be a long one; it may even take entire decades. Throughout this time mankind will face the cardinal problem of war and peace. Throughout this period the revolutionary movement of the working class, which represents the most vital interests of peoples, will be confronted with the necessity of finding a concrete answer to this problem. An evasion of this question turns the calls for the socialist revolution into empty cliches because the thesis that a world war will lead to the socialist revolution is no answer. From the viewpoint of the interests of the working masses and the whole of mankind this would be the costliest, and even a catastrophic, way of putting an end to capitalism.

p War is not a fatal inevitability, in the same way as peace is not a gift from the heavens. As long as imperialism exists the danger of war can only be eliminated through resolute resistance by the peoples to the aggressive policy of imperialism, through a consistent joint policy of the socialist forces.

p Only a lack of understanding of the problems of modern times and of the essence of peaceful coexistence can lead to the conclusion that peaceful coexistence implies upholding the social status quo in the world and abandoning the struggle for the victory of socialism and national liberation.

p The policy of peaceful coexistence is aimed first and foremost at securing the renunciation of war as a method of settling conflicts between states. Implementation of its principles would signify a relaxation of international tension, the creation of a system of collective security, respect for the sovereignty of states and nations, a halt to the arms race, and establishment of the principle of settling inter-state conflicts peacefully. The triumph of the principles of peaceful coexistence would, furthermore, create a solid barrier to imperialist wars of intervention aimed at establishing neo-colonialist regimes and exporting counterrevolution.

p The policy of peaceful coexistence of states with different social systems cannot change the nature of either socialism or capitalism. These diametrically opposed socio-political systems, while coexisting and even promoting a certain economic, scientific and cultural co-operation, cannot become similar in their social aspects, let alone mutually penetrate or grow into one another. The revisionist interpretation of peaceful coexistence, according to which it allegedly leads to a cessation of the ideological struggle and to a gradual “convergence” of these systems, is, therefore, profoundly erroneous and dangerous.

p Under peaceful coexistence, the class struggle is and will continue to be waged both on an international scale and within individual capitalist and socialist countries. The struggle of the working class for power and the struggle of the peoples of former colonies for full independence will develop within the framework of peaceful coexistence. This struggle may assume various forms: it may be relatively peaceful, or take the shape of massive movements and actionwithin the framework of democratic institutions, or it may be an armed struggl against foreign intervention or home reaction and counter-revolution. Peaceful coexistence of countries with different social systems is in no way contradictory 99 to the revolutionary or national liberation struggle of the peoples, regardless of the forms in which it is waged. The socialist countries neither have been nor ever will be neutral in relation to this struggle. They will support it with political and moral solidarity and with material assistance.

p We must not delude ourselves, either, that imperialism will renounce its struggle against socialism under any conditions. In the present period, when the world balance of forces has upset imperialism’s hopes of overthrowing socialism in individual countries through a classic armed counter-revolution supported by intervention from without, imperialist strategists will, in their efforts to undermine socialism, put the main emphasis on ideological and political subversion adapted to the actual situation in individual socialist countries.

p The aim of the struggle for peaceful coexistence is to create the best possible conditions in the world for resolving the basic class conflicts of modem times and securing mankind’s further development without another world war.

p Comrades, in Europe the communist movement is confronted with particularly important tasks. They were denned two years ago in the joint Statement of the conference of European Communist and Workers’ Parties in Karlovy Vary. .

p In Europe, which is inhabited by more than 600 million people, the socialist system at present holds the strongest position and the Communist and Workers’ Parties play an active part in the political life of a number of capitalist countries.

p The European continent remains one of the most important theatres of social, ideological and political struggle between socialism and capitalism and also of the economic competition between the two systems. Everything indicates that any war in Europe would become the fuse of another world war. This objective situation makes the struggle for the realisation of the principles of peaceful coexistence in Europe of exceptional importance and, at the same time, offers the most realistic chances for it.

p There is a growing consciousness among West European peoples that only a new policy can provide a way out of the vicious circle of cold war contradictions. Europe needs a programme that would be based on peaceful coexistence and peaceful co-operation of all its states and peoples. Precisely such a programme is advanced by our Marxist-Leninist Communist and Workers’ Parties, both those in power in socialist countries and those that lead the struggle of the working masses in capitalist countries. Our movement has en6ugh strength and influence to give such a programme political weight and authority and to rally broad sections of the people around it.

p For Europe the main point of such a programme should be the creation of an all-European system of collective security.

p Of all the negative effects of imperialist policy in Europe, the revival of West German imperialism and militarism is the most dangerous one. The Federal Republic of Germany has become the leading advocate of tension in this continent. Juggling with the slogan that the Federal Republic is "an economic giant and a political midget", the protagonists of West German imperialism strive for domination over Western Europe. The leading spokesmen for the Bonn government openly demand the "unification of Western Europe" under the aegis of the FRG, and proclaim the "Europeanisation of German 100 policy", i. e., the subordination of the whole of Western Europe to Bonn’s programme for a revision of the territorial status quo in Europe.

p In spite of the fact that almost a quarter of a century has elapsed since the end of the Second World War, the government of the FRG refuses to recognise the existing frontiers established by the Potsdam agreement. Although almost twenty years have passed since the formation of the two German states, the FRG government refuses to recognise the German Democratic Republic and lays claim to sole representation of the whole German people.

p The forces determining the policy of the FRG and forming the governments of that country are guided by bellicose anti-communism and revanchist chauvinism. They seek to cancel the results of the Second World War despite the real situation and the requirements of security in Europe. This policy has come up against an impasse. In West Germany the ruling circles are faced with the choice either of continuing their unrealistic, anachronistic course or seeking a new road.

p We should like to see reason and realism triumph in West Germany and the policy of that country embark on a course conforming to the interests of peace and security in Europe and to the interests of the German people themselves.

p We closely follow the political trends, particularly in the Social-Democratic Party of Germany, which represent a step forward as compared with the present stand of the FRG government. Recently we have declared that the Polish People’s Republic is prepared, at any time, to sign a treaty with the FRG recognising the existing western frontiers of People’s Poland as final and inviolable. But lack of political realism continues to predominate in the attitude of government circles in the FRG.

p The main criterion of the real intentions of FRG policy is whether the FRG is prepared to recognise the territorial status quo in Europe, i. e., the existing frontiers, especially the frontier along the Oder and the Neisse, as inviolable and final, and whether it is prepared to recognise the GDR as a sovereign and equal German state, subscribe to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and renounce all attempts to gain possession of weapons of mass annihilation. As emphasised in the appeal issued by the Warsaw Treaty countries in Budapest last March, this would promote the development of normal inter-state relations and help ensure peace and security in Europe.

p Comrades, the Communists of the whole world, the international working class, the national liberation movement, and the peoples of the socialist states place great hope in our Meeting, because they are convinced that it will map out the ways for cementing the unity of the world communist movement.

p Communist and Workers’ Parties—the main force of the anti-imperialist movement—are now active in nearly all countries of the world. More than ten govern the state and guide the building of the new system. The others are working for the overthrow of capitalism in their countries. Some Communist Parties act in highly developed countries entering the age of automation and electronic technology, others deal with the difficult social problems typical of backward countries with archaic modes of production and a low national income. Some Parties in the capitalist world are legal, others—and there are not a few—are compelled to work underground in conditions of police terror.

p By virtue of the political experience of individual Parties acting in different 101 conditions, a differentiation of political views and attitudes is occurring in the communist movement on many vital problems of the revolutionary struggle, methods of building socialism and the course of action in the international arena. This differentiation of attitudes is, in a way, a by-product of the growth of our movement, the growth of its influence and strength. "One of the most profound causes that periodically give rise to differences over tactics", Lenin wrote, "is the very growth of the labour movement. If this movement is not measured by the criterion of some fantastic ideal, but is regarded as the practical movement of ordinary people, it will be clear that the enlistment of larger and larger numbers of new ‘recruits’, the attraction of new sections of the working people must inevitably be accompanied by waverings in the sphere of theory and tactics, by repetitions of old mistakes, by a temporary reversion to antiquated views and antiquated methods, and so forth" (Collected Works, Vol. 16, pp. 347-348).

p The striving for progress, liberation and revolution is assuming more diverse forms than ever before. In this respect, the unprecedented acceleration of economic and social development in the contemporary world exercises a two-fold influence: in the long run it will inevitably lead to a universalisation of the socialist perspective, that is, the convergence of the problems faced by Communist Parties in all countries; today it accentuates and will continue to accentuate the different conditions in which our Parties operate. It is hard to foresee many of the forms of struggle: they may transcend our usual ideas, for life is richer than theoretical conceptions.

p The variety of views and conceptions on individual questions, a result of specific national conditions and experiences, does not by itself impair the international unity of our movement. It may as much be a source of strength as of weakness. It will be asourceof strength if itreflects the wealthofthe national experience of the various Parties in implementing the common MarxistLeninist general line. It will be a source of weakness if it breeds centrifugal and divisive tendencies. If differences arise in the ideological and political attitudes of individual Parties going beyond those objectively determined by the different conditions in which they work, leading to violations of international solidarity and undermining the united front of the anti-imperialist struggle, the source of this should be sought in a departure from the principles of proletarian internationalism.

p The idea of proletarian internationalism has accompanied the working-class movement since its birth. Proletarian internationalism has been the source of the ideological and political strength of the revolutionary working-class movement in all stages of its history. Thanks to internationalist solidarity our movement has won historic victories against superior forces of the class enemy.

p The idea of proletarian internationalism is closely linked with the essence of the class struggle. It springs from the needs of the class struggle and expresses the profoundly humanitarian and universal significance of the historic liberative mission of the proletariat.

p As capitalism developed and the forces of the working-class movement grew, the process of the class struggle became more international in character, with 102 proletarian internationalism gaining in importance as the ideological precondition for the unification of the working class on an international scale.

p The conditions of the struggle for socialism in the world changed radically when, as a result of the victory of the Great October Revolution, the Russian proletariat broke the international chain of imperialism and founded the first socialist state in history. A new epoch began. The class struggle was fought not only within individual nations, but also between the two opposite social and political systems—the socialist and the capitalist. Guided by their class instinct, workers in all countries understood that safeguarding the Soviet Union was the common cause of the international working class, coming forward under the leadership of Communist Parties in defence of the Land of Soviets, which they rightly described as the fatherland of the proletarians of the world. At that time, this was the basic sense of proletarian internationalism. Those years of struggle have become an enduring part of the glorious traditions of our movement and we are legitimately proud of them.

p The next turn in the internationalisation of the class struggle came after the . Second World War with the emergence of the world socialist system in large areas of Europe and Asia. Though antagonistic class conflicts in each capitalist country continue and are becoming more acute, the main theatre of the class struggle has shifted to the world arena, the arena of struggle between the imperialist system and the system of socialist states, the whole international communist and anti-imperialist movement. The process of the class struggle is now completely international and universal.

p Despite the contradictions that divide them, the policy of the imperialist states is subordinated increasingly to the demands of global strategy against socialism. Hegemony in this struggle is held by US imperialism. Anti- communism is the main content of the ideology of present-day capitalism.

p In our time, the struggle waged by each Party on a national scale is part and parcel of the decisive front of struggle against imperialism on an international scale. We must oppose the global strategy of imperialism with a united internationalist front of the world communist and working-class movement, the vanguard of all the anti-imperialist forces. That is a categorical political imperative of our time. For this reason the attitude to the principles of internationalism is at present the basic criterion of the political line of every Communist Party and the international working-class movement.

p These principles—and I say this on behalf of and on instructions from our Party’s Central Committee—have been betrayed by the present leaders of the Communist Party of China, who have, from the positions of anti-Soviet nationalism and great-power chauvinism, violated the solidarity of the international communist movement, introducing division into the world system of socialist states and mounting a political struggle and slanderous propaganda campaign against other fraternal Parties and socialist countries. In many countries they organise Maoist splinter groups and fictions which attack the Communist Parties.

p The Chinese leaders have advanced territorial claims against the Sovie’ Union and in recent months went to the length of provoking armed incidents on the Chinese-Soviet frontier.

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p Our Party considers it impermissible that territorial claims should arise between socialist countries. By making such claims the Chinese leaders violate the principles of relations that should link the socialist countries. Territorial claims are fraught with the potential danger of war. The vital interests of socialism and peace require observance of the territorial status quo and the immunity of the existing frontiers in relation to all states. Any other position fosters chauvinism and hatred among nations and may involve many countries in endless insoluble border conflicts. This would do irreparable damage to the class and national liberation struggle, making it much easier for the imperialist bourgeoisie to pursue its aggressive policy.

p The anti-Soviet line imposed by the Mao Tse-tung group on the Chinese People’s Republic denudes the anti-imperialist, declarations of Chinese leaders of all content. For one cannot fight against US imperialism and simultaneously direct blows against the Soviet Union, the main bastion of the anti-imperialist front. The most high-sounding anti-American slogans are empty words if accompanied by a hate campaign against the Soviet Union.

p Nothing and nobody can declare void the decisive role of the Soviet Union in the world anti-imperialist front. This role of the Soviet Union, the world’s first socialist state that opened up a new epoch, was predetermined by history. It was consolidated by the Soviet peoples, who built a new social system at the price of tremendous sacrifice and effort and won a historic victory over fascist tyranny in the Second World War. Thanks to this victory, which changed the balance of world forces, the way was opened up for socialist revolutions in Central European countries, in China, Korea and Vietnam.

p The Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Party of Lenin, was the first to pave the way to socialism for mankind, furnishing priceless experience to those who took this road later. Nor are these historical achievements depreciated by the fact that errors could not be avoided on this pioneer road, a road beset by tremendous difficulties. These errors were overcome by the CPSU on its own and rectified in the historic resolutions of its 20th Congress.

p The USSR is at present the main barrier to imperialist aggression, defending mankind against imperialist atomic blackmail and rendering support and aid to national liberation movements. It is the bulwark of all the peoples fighting for freedom and independence.

p Whether he likes it or not, everyone who opposes the USSR grinds the axe of the US imperialists. One cannot fight against imperialism and socialism, against the United States and the Soviet Union at one and the same time any more than one can reconcile fire with water. And that cannot be obscured by the abstract pseudo-theoretical propositions of the 9th Congress of the CPC about "contradictions between the oppressed nations, on the one hand, and imperialism and social-imperialism, on the other hand, between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the capitalist and revisionist countries", etc.

p The social contradictions that determine the essence of the class struggle cannot be conceived arbitrarily. Regardless of what the CPC leaders may say to the contrary, the Soviet Union reoiains the main centre of the socialist forces and imperialism’s main adversary in the modern world. The future of humanity, the security of all the socialist states, including the People’s Republic of China, 104 depends on the strength and power of the Soviet Union, its ability to paralyse the aggressive designs of US imperialism.

p Social practice is the best teacher of every political party, every nation. The political practice of the Mao group has yielded nothing good to China. It only isolated her from the socialist world, retarded her economic development and benefited solely imperialism, facilitating its aggressive actions. This is eloquently testified to by facts. They may be ignored by the present Chinese leaders, but in the long run the Chinese Communists and the great Chinese nation are bound to draw relevant conclusions. We believe that they will know how to safeguard their revolutionary gains and preserve the socialist character of their state. On this we base our hopes and our conviction that, the Chinese Communists will sooner or later reject the disastrous policy of the Mao group and bring China back into the fraternal family of socialist countries, ending the split in the world communist movement.

p The best way in which our Parties can help to alleviate the negative consequences of the split and overcome it is to strengthen our internationalist unity and solidarity in the fight against imperialism.

p At present, nationalism, undeniably the common denominator of all centrifugal tendencies of both the dogmatic and revisionist types, is the chief ideological threat to the unity of the world communist movement and the unity of the socialist system. Both Leftist dogmatism and revisionism rooted in socialdemocratic soil direct their anti-Leninist edge against the unity of the communist movement. Nationalism breeds on the counterposing of a parochial viewpoint and the narrowly conceived immediate interests of a Party to the general internationalist position expressive of the basic interests of the movement as a whole, the interests of socialism and peace. Nationalism has nothing in common with respect for the independence and national specifics of individual socialist countries and Communist Parties. To oppose the principle of independence to the principle of international solidarity contradicts the interests of the movement as a whole and the interests of each separate Party.

p Every Communist Party works out its political line independently on the basis of concrete appraisal of the reality in its country, on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism, on the basis of the experience of our entire movement, whose component it is. Each Party bears a historical responsibility for its policy both to its own people and to the international working class.

p If in working out the principles of the struggle for socialism in their own countries, individual Parties arrive at conclusions different from those of other Parties, this is not necessarily an infringement of the principles of internationalism. The danger to the internationalist unity of our movement arises when a certain Party elevates its specific viewpoint to an absolute, turning it into a dogma and trying to impose it on other Parties as the only line consistent with Marxism-Leninism.

p No Marxist has ever questioned the proposition that individual countries will come to socialism in different ways, depending to a considerable degree on the specific character of the historical period, the specifics of the country and the balance of forces in the international arena.

p In some countries a heroic guerrilla movement overthrew imperialist 105 domination. And it may be safely assumed that in many countries in the future, too, guerrilla struggle will be appropriate and necessary in fighting against imperialism. However, it would be wrong to elevate this form of struggle to an absolute and see it as the universal guideline for all Communist Parties.

p Many fraternal Parties in the developed capitalist countries place.definite hope on the possibility of a peaceful structural socio-economic reconstruction of their countries in the direction of socialism by using the parliamentary political mechanism, setting up coalitions of different political groupings, etc. Furthermore, in case this conception of socialist reconstruction is successful, some Parties envisage preserving within the framework of the socialist system some of the political institutions of the liberal-bourgeois parliamentary system, in particular, the existence of opposition parties. And it stands to reason that fraternal Parties are entitled to develop this perspective in their programme conceptions, although it has not been applied yet in historical practice. However, it would also be a mistake for these Parties to consider this viewpoint as an absolute, and, particularly, to expect the Parties in power in socialist countries to adapt their political practice to it. This would contradict the concrete historical conditions in our countries, signifying retreat from the progress in socialist democracy achieved in our countries.

p The system of socialist states is the main bastion of the anti-imperialist front and any weakening of the positions of socialism in any of these countries would contain the danger of a change in the international balance of strength to our disadvantage. For this reason, safeguarding the socialist positions already gained and working for their consolidation must be an internationalist duty of the world communist movement.

p Our Party is deeply convinced that by upholding proletarian internationalism, the international communist movement will gradually overcome its present difficulties. The historical aims of the international working-class struggle are identical. That which unites the Communists is incontestably stronger than what divides them.

p Comrades, the unity of the world communist movement, the unity of all the socialist forces is of decisive importance for cementing all the anti-imperialist forces.

p The invincible power of the anti-imperialist front fighting for peace, freedom and social progress derives from the united community of the socialist states and the international communist and working-class movement, the antiimperialist newly independent countries and the national liberation movement, all the peace-loving socio-political forces fighting against the forces of imperialism, reaction and war. The Communists are the main force and vanguard of this anti-imperialist front.

p The struggle of the international working class for social liberation, for socialism, gives birth to and strengthens the motive forces of the anti-colonial struggle of the peoples for national liberation, accompanying this struggle and merging with it in a single anti-imperialist torrent. But both these torrents—the class and national, social liberation and national liberation—develop independently. And only the class struggle, the torrent of social liberation, simultaneously has a national liberation content.

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p This class torrent in the struggle of the international working-class movement for social and national liberation, for socialism, merges with the struggle of mankind to prevent a new world war. Holding its own class stand in the worldwide struggle for peace, this torrent is at once the guiding force of that struggle, the only force capable of rallying and extending the struggle for peace to proportions that the imperialist forces of war cannot overcome.

p Thus the essence of the international class struggle consists in the fact that it is a struggle for social emancipation, for building socialism and communism; a struggle for national liberation, for casting off the imperialist yoke of colonialism and neo-colonialism; a struggle for the deliverance of mankind from the danger of a new world war, for putting all peoples on the road of brotherhood, co-operation and peace.

p Therefore, it is the historical task of the communist movement to provide guidance to all the anti-imperialist forces and concentrate them in a single powerful revolutionary stream of social struggle.

p This historic mission of the communist movement is not prompted by any ambitious intents, but by the objective requirements of the social struggle of our time. No other social movement can undertake our mission, because no other social movement covers the whole complex of social problems in its programme or has so broad an international social basis as the working class.

p The Communist and Workers’ Parties of the world are the most powerful political movement of our time. It draws all peoples into the orbit of its activity. History knows of no other political movement of such magnitude. Our possibilities are immense, and so is our responsibility. Mankind’s finest hopes and noblest aspirations for freedom, progress and peace are centred on our movement, and are most profoundly expressed in its socialist ideals.

p We are convinced that we shall depart from this Meeting with a clearer understanding of our tasks and problems of the future, better prepared to fulfil each in his own country and internationally our common historical mission in the struggle for peace and the freedom of the peoples, for progress and the welfare of humanity.

In conclusion I should like to thank the CC CPSU for providing excellent facilities for our work and for the hospitality accorded to us.